Andrew Crawley
- Published in print:
- 2007
- Published Online:
- January 2010
- ISBN:
- 9780199212651
- eISBN:
- 9780191707315
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199212651.001.0001
- Subject:
- History, Latin American History
Franklin Roosevelt's good neighbour policy, coming in the wake of decades of U.S. intervention in Central America, and following a lengthy U.S. military occupation of Nicaragua, marked a significant ...
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Franklin Roosevelt's good neighbour policy, coming in the wake of decades of U.S. intervention in Central America, and following a lengthy U.S. military occupation of Nicaragua, marked a significant shift in U.S. policy towards Latin America. Its basic tenets were non-intervention and non-interference. The period was exceptionally significant for Nicaragua, as it witnessed the creation and consolidation of the Somoza government — one of Latin America's most enduring authoritarian regimes, which endured from 1936 to the Sandinista revolution in 1979. Addressing the political, diplomatic, military, commercial, financial, and intelligence components of U.S. policy, this book analyses the background to the U.S. military withdrawal from Nicaragua in the early 1930s. It assesses the motivations for Washington's policy of disengagement from international affairs, and the creation of the Nicaraguan National Guard, as well as debating U.S. accountability for what the Guard became under Somoza. The book challenges the conventional theory that Somoza's regime was a creature of Washington. It was U.S. non-intervention, not interference, the book argues, that enhanced the prospects of tyranny.Less
Franklin Roosevelt's good neighbour policy, coming in the wake of decades of U.S. intervention in Central America, and following a lengthy U.S. military occupation of Nicaragua, marked a significant shift in U.S. policy towards Latin America. Its basic tenets were non-intervention and non-interference. The period was exceptionally significant for Nicaragua, as it witnessed the creation and consolidation of the Somoza government — one of Latin America's most enduring authoritarian regimes, which endured from 1936 to the Sandinista revolution in 1979. Addressing the political, diplomatic, military, commercial, financial, and intelligence components of U.S. policy, this book analyses the background to the U.S. military withdrawal from Nicaragua in the early 1930s. It assesses the motivations for Washington's policy of disengagement from international affairs, and the creation of the Nicaraguan National Guard, as well as debating U.S. accountability for what the Guard became under Somoza. The book challenges the conventional theory that Somoza's regime was a creature of Washington. It was U.S. non-intervention, not interference, the book argues, that enhanced the prospects of tyranny.
Christina L. Davis
- Published in print:
- 2012
- Published Online:
- October 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780691152752
- eISBN:
- 9781400842513
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Princeton University Press
- DOI:
- 10.23943/princeton/9780691152752.003.0004
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
This chapter examines the role of domestic political interests in the selection of U.S. cases for World Trade Organization (WTO) adjudication. It first considers how the United States has taken a ...
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This chapter examines the role of domestic political interests in the selection of U.S. cases for World Trade Organization (WTO) adjudication. It first considers how the United States has taken a lead role in the area of trade law enforcement before discussing how legislative constraints and interest group pressure operate in U.S. trade policy. The Kodak–Fuji WTO dispute between the United States and Japan is used to illustrate an example of politicized selection of a case for adjudication. The chapter also analyzes U.S. complaints about market access barriers by leading trade partners. By identifying potential trade disputes, it shows why some cases go forward to adjudication. It also explains how the WTO disputes served an important role in the executive strategy to manage domestic pressure from Congress for a more aggressive policy against China.Less
This chapter examines the role of domestic political interests in the selection of U.S. cases for World Trade Organization (WTO) adjudication. It first considers how the United States has taken a lead role in the area of trade law enforcement before discussing how legislative constraints and interest group pressure operate in U.S. trade policy. The Kodak–Fuji WTO dispute between the United States and Japan is used to illustrate an example of politicized selection of a case for adjudication. The chapter also analyzes U.S. complaints about market access barriers by leading trade partners. By identifying potential trade disputes, it shows why some cases go forward to adjudication. It also explains how the WTO disputes served an important role in the executive strategy to manage domestic pressure from Congress for a more aggressive policy against China.
Richard W. Miller
- Published in print:
- 2010
- Published Online:
- May 2010
- ISBN:
- 9780199581986
- eISBN:
- 9780191723247
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199581986.003.0008
- Subject:
- Philosophy, Moral Philosophy, Philosophy of Mind
Continuing moral inquiry into the American empire, this chapter argues that the violent initiatives in developing countries characteristic of U.S. foreign policy have been pervasively unjust and that ...
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Continuing moral inquiry into the American empire, this chapter argues that the violent initiatives in developing countries characteristic of U.S. foreign policy have been pervasively unjust and that the normal interactions of American elites and the American electorate are bound to give rise to vast and morally unjustified harms in those countries. The tendency of an overriding interest in American power to produce these unjust harms is described through historical narratives, including narratives of high‐level decisionmaking, explained as due to interests, powers and attitudes shaped by political, economic and educational institutions and the major media, and connected with a current crisis of empire. Acknowledging that American hegemony provides important benefits of stability, as well, the chapter concludes that hemming in destructive imperial tendencies is currently the right response, without a wish for the immediate disappearance of the empire.Less
Continuing moral inquiry into the American empire, this chapter argues that the violent initiatives in developing countries characteristic of U.S. foreign policy have been pervasively unjust and that the normal interactions of American elites and the American electorate are bound to give rise to vast and morally unjustified harms in those countries. The tendency of an overriding interest in American power to produce these unjust harms is described through historical narratives, including narratives of high‐level decisionmaking, explained as due to interests, powers and attitudes shaped by political, economic and educational institutions and the major media, and connected with a current crisis of empire. Acknowledging that American hegemony provides important benefits of stability, as well, the chapter concludes that hemming in destructive imperial tendencies is currently the right response, without a wish for the immediate disappearance of the empire.
William M. LeoGrande and Peter Kornbluh
- Published in print:
- 2015
- Published Online:
- May 2016
- ISBN:
- 9781469626604
- eISBN:
- 9781469626628
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University of North Carolina Press
- DOI:
- 10.5149/northcarolina/9781469626604.003.0011
- Subject:
- History, Latin American History
This concluding chapter shows how Obama succeeded where others have failed for over a half century to normalize relations with Cuba. Like his predecessors, Obama conducted his back-channel diplomacy ...
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This concluding chapter shows how Obama succeeded where others have failed for over a half century to normalize relations with Cuba. Like his predecessors, Obama conducted his back-channel diplomacy with Cuba in extreme secrecy and utilized third-country interlocutors. But unlike his predecessors, Obama took immediate, unilateral steps to normalize relations—without the preconditions his predecessors had demanded of the Cuban government, and without the incremental quid-pro-quo approach that had repeatedly failed in the past. Many political developments, both from within U.S. and Cuban borders, would usher in more favorable conditions for reconciliation. Of all the political elements that made a breakthrough possible, however, one factor trumped the rest: Obama’s own determination to change the policy.Less
This concluding chapter shows how Obama succeeded where others have failed for over a half century to normalize relations with Cuba. Like his predecessors, Obama conducted his back-channel diplomacy with Cuba in extreme secrecy and utilized third-country interlocutors. But unlike his predecessors, Obama took immediate, unilateral steps to normalize relations—without the preconditions his predecessors had demanded of the Cuban government, and without the incremental quid-pro-quo approach that had repeatedly failed in the past. Many political developments, both from within U.S. and Cuban borders, would usher in more favorable conditions for reconciliation. Of all the political elements that made a breakthrough possible, however, one factor trumped the rest: Obama’s own determination to change the policy.
Hal Brands
- Published in print:
- 2008
- Published Online:
- September 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780813124629
- eISBN:
- 9780813134925
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University Press of Kentucky
- DOI:
- 10.5810/kentucky/9780813124629.003.0010
- Subject:
- Political Science, American Politics
This chapter discusses the attempts of the next administration to handle U.S. policy and the unsettling precedent of the Clinton years. However, the Bush administration drew directly on the lessons ...
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This chapter discusses the attempts of the next administration to handle U.S. policy and the unsettling precedent of the Clinton years. However, the Bush administration drew directly on the lessons of the 1990s in framing an expansive response to 9/11. George H. W. Bush took care to avoid his predecessor's error of failing to articulate a persuasive, overarching conception of the international role of the United States. The nation slowly returned to a foreign policy that was no less clear or straightforward than containment, and the Americans also subscribed to Bush's worldview.Less
This chapter discusses the attempts of the next administration to handle U.S. policy and the unsettling precedent of the Clinton years. However, the Bush administration drew directly on the lessons of the 1990s in framing an expansive response to 9/11. George H. W. Bush took care to avoid his predecessor's error of failing to articulate a persuasive, overarching conception of the international role of the United States. The nation slowly returned to a foreign policy that was no less clear or straightforward than containment, and the Americans also subscribed to Bush's worldview.
Keren Yarhi-Milo
- Published in print:
- 2014
- Published Online:
- October 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780691159157
- eISBN:
- 9781400850419
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Princeton University Press
- DOI:
- 10.23943/princeton/9780691159157.003.0010
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
This chapter examines the indicators used by U.S. President Jimmy Carter and two key decision makers in his administration, National Security Advisor Zbigniew Brzezinski and Secretary of State Cyrus ...
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This chapter examines the indicators used by U.S. President Jimmy Carter and two key decision makers in his administration, National Security Advisor Zbigniew Brzezinski and Secretary of State Cyrus Vance, to assess the intentions of the Soviet Union during the period 1977–1980. Using evidence from U.S. archives and interviews with former U.S. decision makers, it compares the predictions of the selective attention thesis, capabilities thesis, strategic military doctrine thesis, and behavior thesis. After discussing the U.S. decision makers’ stated beliefs about Soviet intentions, the chapter considers the reasoning they employed to justify their intentions assessments. It then describes the policies that individual decision makers advocated and those that the administration collectively adopted. It also explores whether decision makers advocated policies that were congruent with their stated beliefs about intentions and evaluate sthe impact of beliefs about intentions on U.S. foreign policy at the time.Less
This chapter examines the indicators used by U.S. President Jimmy Carter and two key decision makers in his administration, National Security Advisor Zbigniew Brzezinski and Secretary of State Cyrus Vance, to assess the intentions of the Soviet Union during the period 1977–1980. Using evidence from U.S. archives and interviews with former U.S. decision makers, it compares the predictions of the selective attention thesis, capabilities thesis, strategic military doctrine thesis, and behavior thesis. After discussing the U.S. decision makers’ stated beliefs about Soviet intentions, the chapter considers the reasoning they employed to justify their intentions assessments. It then describes the policies that individual decision makers advocated and those that the administration collectively adopted. It also explores whether decision makers advocated policies that were congruent with their stated beliefs about intentions and evaluate sthe impact of beliefs about intentions on U.S. foreign policy at the time.
Joan Petersilia
- Published in print:
- 2009
- Published Online:
- May 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780195160864
- eISBN:
- 9780199943395
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195160864.003.0010
- Subject:
- Sociology, Law, Crime and Deviance
This chapter presents concluding remarks, reflecting on the political and practical challenges, as well as the potential payoffs, of enhancing reentry strategies. For most offenders, corrections does ...
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This chapter presents concluding remarks, reflecting on the political and practical challenges, as well as the potential payoffs, of enhancing reentry strategies. For most offenders, corrections does not correct. Indeed, the conditions in the United States under which many inmates are handled are detrimental to successful reintegration, and many of the restrictions placed on returning prisoners prove deeply counterproductive. One of the most distinguishing characteristics of U.S. crime policy since the 1980s has been the gradual chipping away of individualized decision making and its replacement with one-size-fits-all laws and policies. Parole and reentry services of the future must focus on linking offenders with community institutions. This means reaching outside the criminal justice system to other units of government and the community: churches, ex-prisoner self-help groups, families, and nonprofit programs.Less
This chapter presents concluding remarks, reflecting on the political and practical challenges, as well as the potential payoffs, of enhancing reentry strategies. For most offenders, corrections does not correct. Indeed, the conditions in the United States under which many inmates are handled are detrimental to successful reintegration, and many of the restrictions placed on returning prisoners prove deeply counterproductive. One of the most distinguishing characteristics of U.S. crime policy since the 1980s has been the gradual chipping away of individualized decision making and its replacement with one-size-fits-all laws and policies. Parole and reentry services of the future must focus on linking offenders with community institutions. This means reaching outside the criminal justice system to other units of government and the community: churches, ex-prisoner self-help groups, families, and nonprofit programs.
- Published in print:
- 2007
- Published Online:
- June 2013
- ISBN:
- 9780804755528
- eISBN:
- 9780804768245
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Stanford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.11126/stanford/9780804755528.003.0003
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
This chapter investigates the evolution in China's missile nonproliferation policies. It argues that U.S. policy intervention played a key role in influencing the limited changes in Chinese policies ...
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This chapter investigates the evolution in China's missile nonproliferation policies. It argues that U.S. policy intervention played a key role in influencing the limited changes in Chinese policies and practices on missile nonproliferation. In addition, it assesses the evolution of China's policies on missile nonproliferation from 1987 to 2004. The nonproliferation pledges of China were narrow and subsequently reinterpreted to justify its noncompliance. A pervasive bias against the Missile Technology Control Regime (MTCR), strong incentives to export missiles, and systemic weaknesses in the government's ability to control missile sales affected China's missile-export policies and practices. China still provided missile-related goods to Pakistan and Iran for their missile programs and continued to assist other nations' missile programs as well. The changes in Chinese missile nonproliferation policies since 9/11 may or may not represent a new stage in China's perceptions and behavior.Less
This chapter investigates the evolution in China's missile nonproliferation policies. It argues that U.S. policy intervention played a key role in influencing the limited changes in Chinese policies and practices on missile nonproliferation. In addition, it assesses the evolution of China's policies on missile nonproliferation from 1987 to 2004. The nonproliferation pledges of China were narrow and subsequently reinterpreted to justify its noncompliance. A pervasive bias against the Missile Technology Control Regime (MTCR), strong incentives to export missiles, and systemic weaknesses in the government's ability to control missile sales affected China's missile-export policies and practices. China still provided missile-related goods to Pakistan and Iran for their missile programs and continued to assist other nations' missile programs as well. The changes in Chinese missile nonproliferation policies since 9/11 may or may not represent a new stage in China's perceptions and behavior.
Keren Yarhi-Milo
- Published in print:
- 2014
- Published Online:
- October 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780691159157
- eISBN:
- 9781400850419
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Princeton University Press
- DOI:
- 10.23943/princeton/9780691159157.003.0007
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
This chapter examines the indicators used by U.S. President Jimmy Carter and two key decision makers in his administration, National Security Advisor Zbigniew Brzezinski and Secretary of State Cyrus ...
More
This chapter examines the indicators used by U.S. President Jimmy Carter and two key decision makers in his administration, National Security Advisor Zbigniew Brzezinski and Secretary of State Cyrus Vance, to assess the intentions of the Soviet Union during the period 1977–1980. Using evidence from U.S. archives and interviews with former U.S. decision makers, it compares the predictions of the selective attention thesis, capabilities thesis, strategic military doctrine thesis, and behavior thesis. After discussing the U.S. decision makers' stated beliefs about Soviet intentions, the chapter considers the reasoning they employed to justify their intentions assessments. It then describes the policies that individual decision makers advocated and those that the administration collectively adopted. It also explores whether decision makers advocated policies that were congruent with their stated beliefs about intentions and evaluate sthe impact of beliefs about intentions on U.S. foreign policy at the time.Less
This chapter examines the indicators used by U.S. President Jimmy Carter and two key decision makers in his administration, National Security Advisor Zbigniew Brzezinski and Secretary of State Cyrus Vance, to assess the intentions of the Soviet Union during the period 1977–1980. Using evidence from U.S. archives and interviews with former U.S. decision makers, it compares the predictions of the selective attention thesis, capabilities thesis, strategic military doctrine thesis, and behavior thesis. After discussing the U.S. decision makers' stated beliefs about Soviet intentions, the chapter considers the reasoning they employed to justify their intentions assessments. It then describes the policies that individual decision makers advocated and those that the administration collectively adopted. It also explores whether decision makers advocated policies that were congruent with their stated beliefs about intentions and evaluate sthe impact of beliefs about intentions on U.S. foreign policy at the time.
Gareth Porter
- Published in print:
- 2005
- Published Online:
- March 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780520239487
- eISBN:
- 9780520940406
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University of California Press
- DOI:
- 10.1525/california/9780520239487.003.0005
- Subject:
- History, American History: 20th Century
This chapter describes the sharp conflict between Kennedy and the national security bureaucracy over U.S. policy toward Vietnam and Laos. It presents Kennedy's determination to reverse his approval ...
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This chapter describes the sharp conflict between Kennedy and the national security bureaucracy over U.S. policy toward Vietnam and Laos. It presents Kennedy's determination to reverse his approval of the U.S. counterinsurgency war role in November 1963 by opening a channel for peace negotiations and by pushing behind the scenes for a phased withdrawal of U.S. troops by the end of 1985. Kennedy secretly tried to initiate diplomatic contacts with the North Vietnamese to begin peace talks. His decision to withdraw U.S. troops was apparently prompted by new pressure from the military to deploy combat forces to South Vietnam if necessary to avoid defeat. Kennedy probably would not have attempted to perform the withdrawal plan for which he had obtained NSC approval in late 1963, but he almost certainly would have resumed the effort to establish a diplomatic channel for peace negotiations on Vietnam that he had begun in 1962.Less
This chapter describes the sharp conflict between Kennedy and the national security bureaucracy over U.S. policy toward Vietnam and Laos. It presents Kennedy's determination to reverse his approval of the U.S. counterinsurgency war role in November 1963 by opening a channel for peace negotiations and by pushing behind the scenes for a phased withdrawal of U.S. troops by the end of 1985. Kennedy secretly tried to initiate diplomatic contacts with the North Vietnamese to begin peace talks. His decision to withdraw U.S. troops was apparently prompted by new pressure from the military to deploy combat forces to South Vietnam if necessary to avoid defeat. Kennedy probably would not have attempted to perform the withdrawal plan for which he had obtained NSC approval in late 1963, but he almost certainly would have resumed the effort to establish a diplomatic channel for peace negotiations on Vietnam that he had begun in 1962.
Linda L. Fowler
- Published in print:
- 2015
- Published Online:
- October 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780691151618
- eISBN:
- 9781400866465
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Princeton University Press
- DOI:
- 10.23943/princeton/9780691151618.003.0002
- Subject:
- Political Science, American Politics
This chapter reviews previous scholarship about congressional scrutiny of the executive branch and about general patterns of legislative influence on foreign policy decisions. In the spring of 2004, ...
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This chapter reviews previous scholarship about congressional scrutiny of the executive branch and about general patterns of legislative influence on foreign policy decisions. In the spring of 2004, the chair of the Senate Foreign Relations Committee proposed public hearings regarding the conduct and objectives of the Iraq War. A month later, Senator John Warner, chair of the Senate Armed Services Committee, scheduled two days of hearings to investigate abuse of detainees at Baghdad's Abu Ghraib Prison. The chapter examines the hearing activity of the Senate Armed Services and Foreign Relations committees from 1947 to 2008 to assess the overall trends in oversight and identify similarities and differences in their behavior. It also considers what scholars know about congressional involvement in U.S. foreign policy, what they have concluded about oversight of national security more generally, and why these perspectives do not appear to fit together.Less
This chapter reviews previous scholarship about congressional scrutiny of the executive branch and about general patterns of legislative influence on foreign policy decisions. In the spring of 2004, the chair of the Senate Foreign Relations Committee proposed public hearings regarding the conduct and objectives of the Iraq War. A month later, Senator John Warner, chair of the Senate Armed Services Committee, scheduled two days of hearings to investigate abuse of detainees at Baghdad's Abu Ghraib Prison. The chapter examines the hearing activity of the Senate Armed Services and Foreign Relations committees from 1947 to 2008 to assess the overall trends in oversight and identify similarities and differences in their behavior. It also considers what scholars know about congressional involvement in U.S. foreign policy, what they have concluded about oversight of national security more generally, and why these perspectives do not appear to fit together.
Melvyn P Leffler
- Published in print:
- 2019
- Published Online:
- May 2020
- ISBN:
- 9780691196510
- eISBN:
- 9781400888061
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Princeton University Press
- DOI:
- 10.23943/princeton/9780691196510.001.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
This book gathers together decades of writing by the author, to address important questions about U.S. national security policy from the end of World War I to the global war on terror. Why did the ...
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This book gathers together decades of writing by the author, to address important questions about U.S. national security policy from the end of World War I to the global war on terror. Why did the United States withdraw strategically from Europe after World War I and not after World War II? How did World War II reshape Americans' understanding of their vital interests? What caused the United States to achieve victory in the long Cold War? To what extent did 9/11 transform U.S. national security policy? Is budgetary austerity a fundamental threat to U.S. national interests? The wide-ranging chapters explain how foreign policy evolved into national security policy. The book stresses the competing priorities that forced policymakers to make agonizing trade-offs and illuminates the travails of the policymaking process itself. While assessing the course of U.S. national security policy, the author also interrogates the evolution of his own scholarship. Over time, slowly and almost unconsciously, the author's work has married elements of revisionism with realism to form a unique synthesis that uses threat perception as a lens to understand how and why policymakers reconcile the pressures emanating from external dangers and internal priorities.Less
This book gathers together decades of writing by the author, to address important questions about U.S. national security policy from the end of World War I to the global war on terror. Why did the United States withdraw strategically from Europe after World War I and not after World War II? How did World War II reshape Americans' understanding of their vital interests? What caused the United States to achieve victory in the long Cold War? To what extent did 9/11 transform U.S. national security policy? Is budgetary austerity a fundamental threat to U.S. national interests? The wide-ranging chapters explain how foreign policy evolved into national security policy. The book stresses the competing priorities that forced policymakers to make agonizing trade-offs and illuminates the travails of the policymaking process itself. While assessing the course of U.S. national security policy, the author also interrogates the evolution of his own scholarship. Over time, slowly and almost unconsciously, the author's work has married elements of revisionism with realism to form a unique synthesis that uses threat perception as a lens to understand how and why policymakers reconcile the pressures emanating from external dangers and internal priorities.
Rachel St. John
- Published in print:
- 2011
- Published Online:
- October 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780691141541
- eISBN:
- 9781400838639
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Princeton University Press
- DOI:
- 10.23943/princeton/9780691141541.003.0009
- Subject:
- History, American History: early to 18th Century
This concluding chapter argues that the power imbalance between the United States and Mexico has been reflected in the politics of border control. Although U.S. and Mexican officials continued to ...
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This concluding chapter argues that the power imbalance between the United States and Mexico has been reflected in the politics of border control. Although U.S. and Mexican officials continued to negotiate bilateral border agreements and cooperative enforcement measures, the twentieth-century border was most influenced by the United States' political and economic agendas as well as the persistent challenges to those goals. From the 1930s through the end of the twentieth century, U.S. border policy primarily focused on encouraging the flow of transborder trade, while regulating the movement of Mexican immigrants and stemming the stream of illegal drugs across the boundary line.Less
This concluding chapter argues that the power imbalance between the United States and Mexico has been reflected in the politics of border control. Although U.S. and Mexican officials continued to negotiate bilateral border agreements and cooperative enforcement measures, the twentieth-century border was most influenced by the United States' political and economic agendas as well as the persistent challenges to those goals. From the 1930s through the end of the twentieth century, U.S. border policy primarily focused on encouraging the flow of transborder trade, while regulating the movement of Mexican immigrants and stemming the stream of illegal drugs across the boundary line.
- Published in print:
- 2007
- Published Online:
- June 2013
- ISBN:
- 9780804755528
- eISBN:
- 9780804768245
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Stanford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.11126/stanford/9780804755528.003.0002
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
This chapter explores the evolution in China's nuclear nonproliferation policies. It argues that U.S. diplomacy has significantly played in the evolution of China's support for nuclear ...
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This chapter explores the evolution in China's nuclear nonproliferation policies. It argues that U.S. diplomacy has significantly played in the evolution of China's support for nuclear nonproliferation. China had entered the nuclear nonproliferation world in the early 1980s. U.S.-China discussions and eventual negotiations on a nuclear cooperation agreement served as the context for China's first nuclear nonproliferation pledges and as America's main policy tool. The nuclear cooperation agreement (NCA) helped the civilianization of China's military nuclear infrastructure. Its nuclear industry in the 1980s had significant financial incentives to export its goods and services. It is noted that China continued to have nuclear trade with Pakistan. The changes in China's views on nonproliferation and its institutional capacity increased the strength of U.S. policy intervention. Nuclear nonproliferation served as Chinese national security and foreign policy.Less
This chapter explores the evolution in China's nuclear nonproliferation policies. It argues that U.S. diplomacy has significantly played in the evolution of China's support for nuclear nonproliferation. China had entered the nuclear nonproliferation world in the early 1980s. U.S.-China discussions and eventual negotiations on a nuclear cooperation agreement served as the context for China's first nuclear nonproliferation pledges and as America's main policy tool. The nuclear cooperation agreement (NCA) helped the civilianization of China's military nuclear infrastructure. Its nuclear industry in the 1980s had significant financial incentives to export its goods and services. It is noted that China continued to have nuclear trade with Pakistan. The changes in China's views on nonproliferation and its institutional capacity increased the strength of U.S. policy intervention. Nuclear nonproliferation served as Chinese national security and foreign policy.
Gareth Porter
- Published in print:
- 2005
- Published Online:
- March 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780520239487
- eISBN:
- 9780520940406
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University of California Press
- DOI:
- 10.1525/california/9780520239487.003.0009
- Subject:
- History, American History: 20th Century
This chapter reviews the evidence for the critical influence of unequal power relations on the four crucial Vietnam policy decisions. It evaluates the “unipolar moment” in global politics and U.S. ...
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This chapter reviews the evidence for the critical influence of unequal power relations on the four crucial Vietnam policy decisions. It evaluates the “unipolar moment” in global politics and U.S. foreign policy. It is suggested that the process of making policy toward Vietnam resulted in policy decisions which did not reflect the best judgment of the president about Vietnam. The April decision on troop deployment appears to have represented the apogee of influence of Johnson's inner circle of advisers. It is stated that the aggressiveness of the national security bureaucracy in asserting the necessity for a military approach to Vietnam in both the John Kennedy and Lyndon Johnson administrations was not a function of the specific personalities involved. It is also suggested that unipolar experience shows that the problem of inadequate domestic restraints may be exacerbated by the tendency of the national security bureaucracy to assert itself in policy making.Less
This chapter reviews the evidence for the critical influence of unequal power relations on the four crucial Vietnam policy decisions. It evaluates the “unipolar moment” in global politics and U.S. foreign policy. It is suggested that the process of making policy toward Vietnam resulted in policy decisions which did not reflect the best judgment of the president about Vietnam. The April decision on troop deployment appears to have represented the apogee of influence of Johnson's inner circle of advisers. It is stated that the aggressiveness of the national security bureaucracy in asserting the necessity for a military approach to Vietnam in both the John Kennedy and Lyndon Johnson administrations was not a function of the specific personalities involved. It is also suggested that unipolar experience shows that the problem of inadequate domestic restraints may be exacerbated by the tendency of the national security bureaucracy to assert itself in policy making.
Charles R. Shrader
- Published in print:
- 2015
- Published Online:
- May 2016
- ISBN:
- 9780813165752
- eISBN:
- 9780813165950
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University Press of Kentucky
- DOI:
- 10.5810/kentucky/9780813165752.003.0007
- Subject:
- History, Military History
In Chapter 7, the author describes the various sources of supply available to the French forces, including local production and procurement, purchases on the world market, and the delivery of ...
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In Chapter 7, the author describes the various sources of supply available to the French forces, including local production and procurement, purchases on the world market, and the delivery of supplies from France and the French Union. Special attention is devoted to the military aid to the French in Indochina provided by the United States.Less
In Chapter 7, the author describes the various sources of supply available to the French forces, including local production and procurement, purchases on the world market, and the delivery of supplies from France and the French Union. Special attention is devoted to the military aid to the French in Indochina provided by the United States.
Kathryn C. Lavelle
- Published in print:
- 2011
- Published Online:
- January 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780199765348
- eISBN:
- 9780199918959
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199765348.001.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
Conventional understandings of U.S. foreign policy see Congress as an obstacle to multilateral cooperation. Kathryn Lavelle challenges the traditional view by considering Congress within the three ...
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Conventional understandings of U.S. foreign policy see Congress as an obstacle to multilateral cooperation. Kathryn Lavelle challenges the traditional view by considering Congress within the three branches of American government, as well as within networks of global politics. Using the notion of “Congressional advocacy” to refer to the process wherein American legislators use the institutional mechanisms of Congress to influence public policy and resource allocation decisions in international organizations, Legislating International Organization shows how members of Congress attach policy prescriptions to legislation to build support for measures related to the IMF and World Bank. It demonstrates that despite delays and unwelcome demands, Congress has always provided requisite funding. Each chapter asks how this result has been possible in the face of considerable apathy and opposition? Based on direct experience, observations, interviews, and extensive archival research, the book argues that in each historical stage, exogenous changes in the international political economy combined with endogenous procedural change in the legislature to create and erode constituencies for the work of the IMF and World Bank. As a result of the Cold War, financial crises, and related developments in international lending, the efforts of members of Congress and interest groups have gradually intermingled with that of transnational groups. The relationship between Congress and the IMF and World Bank is particularly important today where the collapse of the traditional constituencies in the wake of the 2008 financial crisis poses a serious challenge to the future of multilateralism in American politics.Less
Conventional understandings of U.S. foreign policy see Congress as an obstacle to multilateral cooperation. Kathryn Lavelle challenges the traditional view by considering Congress within the three branches of American government, as well as within networks of global politics. Using the notion of “Congressional advocacy” to refer to the process wherein American legislators use the institutional mechanisms of Congress to influence public policy and resource allocation decisions in international organizations, Legislating International Organization shows how members of Congress attach policy prescriptions to legislation to build support for measures related to the IMF and World Bank. It demonstrates that despite delays and unwelcome demands, Congress has always provided requisite funding. Each chapter asks how this result has been possible in the face of considerable apathy and opposition? Based on direct experience, observations, interviews, and extensive archival research, the book argues that in each historical stage, exogenous changes in the international political economy combined with endogenous procedural change in the legislature to create and erode constituencies for the work of the IMF and World Bank. As a result of the Cold War, financial crises, and related developments in international lending, the efforts of members of Congress and interest groups have gradually intermingled with that of transnational groups. The relationship between Congress and the IMF and World Bank is particularly important today where the collapse of the traditional constituencies in the wake of the 2008 financial crisis poses a serious challenge to the future of multilateralism in American politics.
Jussi Hanhimäki
- Published in print:
- 2004
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780195172218
- eISBN:
- 9780199849994
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195172218.003.0019
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
Also known as the Halloween Massacre, on November 3, 1975, President Ford announced a number of changes within his cabinet which included Henry Kissinger's removal from his post as national security ...
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Also known as the Halloween Massacre, on November 3, 1975, President Ford announced a number of changes within his cabinet which included Henry Kissinger's removal from his post as national security adviser. Though he was able to retain his job as secretary of state, this apparent demotion of Kissinger is a clear indication that he had become a political liability to Ford's administration. This chapter illustrates how the demotion of Kissinger in November 1975 and Ford's loss in 1976 are intimately linked to a broad criticism of U.S. foreign policy. It demonstrates how the secretary of state became a visible target for those wishing to move into the White House due to his penchant for secrecy and unapologetic realpolitik. Despite Ford's attempt to minimize the secretary of state's visibility, Kissinger's public image remained partly to blame for the downfall of the 1976 Ford bid for the presidency.Less
Also known as the Halloween Massacre, on November 3, 1975, President Ford announced a number of changes within his cabinet which included Henry Kissinger's removal from his post as national security adviser. Though he was able to retain his job as secretary of state, this apparent demotion of Kissinger is a clear indication that he had become a political liability to Ford's administration. This chapter illustrates how the demotion of Kissinger in November 1975 and Ford's loss in 1976 are intimately linked to a broad criticism of U.S. foreign policy. It demonstrates how the secretary of state became a visible target for those wishing to move into the White House due to his penchant for secrecy and unapologetic realpolitik. Despite Ford's attempt to minimize the secretary of state's visibility, Kissinger's public image remained partly to blame for the downfall of the 1976 Ford bid for the presidency.
John Carlos Rowe (ed.)
- Published in print:
- 2010
- Published Online:
- May 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780520098701
- eISBN:
- 9780520943797
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University of California Press
- DOI:
- 10.1525/california/9780520098701.003.0010
- Subject:
- Anthropology, Anthropology, Global
This chapters explores the various ways in which U.S. cultural production, also known as the “the culture industry,” conditioned American citizens to accept the undisguised militarism and jingoistic ...
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This chapters explores the various ways in which U.S. cultural production, also known as the “the culture industry,” conditioned American citizens to accept the undisguised militarism and jingoistic nationalism driving U.S. foreign policy. The culture industry today encompasses a wide range of nominally different political positions, so that in many respects left, liberal, and conservative cultural works often achieve complementary ends. Exposures of U.S. military propaganda during the war have continued in news coverage of the supposed “rebuilding” of the political and economic infrastructure in Iraq. Public concern, regarding the federal government's veracity, is evident in the debate regarding who was actually responsible for the disinformation regarding the “Weapons of Mass Destruction” used as the principal justification for the invasion of Iraq. The chapter follows the capitalization of “cultural exports” ranging from Hollywood entertainment and television programming to digital technologies and their protocols for communication that aims towards rapid Americanization of the world.Less
This chapters explores the various ways in which U.S. cultural production, also known as the “the culture industry,” conditioned American citizens to accept the undisguised militarism and jingoistic nationalism driving U.S. foreign policy. The culture industry today encompasses a wide range of nominally different political positions, so that in many respects left, liberal, and conservative cultural works often achieve complementary ends. Exposures of U.S. military propaganda during the war have continued in news coverage of the supposed “rebuilding” of the political and economic infrastructure in Iraq. Public concern, regarding the federal government's veracity, is evident in the debate regarding who was actually responsible for the disinformation regarding the “Weapons of Mass Destruction” used as the principal justification for the invasion of Iraq. The chapter follows the capitalization of “cultural exports” ranging from Hollywood entertainment and television programming to digital technologies and their protocols for communication that aims towards rapid Americanization of the world.
Lawrence Davidson
- Published in print:
- 2009
- Published Online:
- September 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780813125244
- eISBN:
- 9780813135021
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- University Press of Kentucky
- DOI:
- 10.5810/kentucky/9780813125244.001.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, American Politics
Elected officials, and especially presidential candidates, are increasingly asked to define their relationships to special interest groups. Such special, or private, interests play a disproportionate ...
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Elected officials, and especially presidential candidates, are increasingly asked to define their relationships to special interest groups. Such special, or private, interests play a disproportionate role in politics and legislation, whether in the form of large commercial or ethnic lobbies or in the shadowy realm of backroom dealmaking. This book argues that widespread public disinterest in global affairs, a prevailing characteristic of American political culture, has given private interest groups a paramount influence over the formulation and implementation of U.S. foreign policy. These well-organized, well-funded groups affect all levels of government, disguising their own interests as vital national interests. The book draws from numerous historical examples, dating from America's founding to the present, to examine the causes and the serious consequences of Americans' apathy toward foreign policy. This unique historical analysis of our increasingly privatized system of government offers compelling evidence that the United States is a democracy not of individuals, but of competing and powerful private groups.Less
Elected officials, and especially presidential candidates, are increasingly asked to define their relationships to special interest groups. Such special, or private, interests play a disproportionate role in politics and legislation, whether in the form of large commercial or ethnic lobbies or in the shadowy realm of backroom dealmaking. This book argues that widespread public disinterest in global affairs, a prevailing characteristic of American political culture, has given private interest groups a paramount influence over the formulation and implementation of U.S. foreign policy. These well-organized, well-funded groups affect all levels of government, disguising their own interests as vital national interests. The book draws from numerous historical examples, dating from America's founding to the present, to examine the causes and the serious consequences of Americans' apathy toward foreign policy. This unique historical analysis of our increasingly privatized system of government offers compelling evidence that the United States is a democracy not of individuals, but of competing and powerful private groups.
