Charles R. Shrader
- Published in print:
- 2015
- Published Online:
- May 2016
- ISBN:
- 9780813165752
- eISBN:
- 9780813165950
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University Press of Kentucky
- DOI:
- 10.5810/kentucky/9780813165752.003.0007
- Subject:
- History, Military History
In Chapter 7, the author describes the various sources of supply available to the French forces, including local production and procurement, purchases on the world market, and the delivery of ...
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In Chapter 7, the author describes the various sources of supply available to the French forces, including local production and procurement, purchases on the world market, and the delivery of supplies from France and the French Union. Special attention is devoted to the military aid to the French in Indochina provided by the United States.Less
In Chapter 7, the author describes the various sources of supply available to the French forces, including local production and procurement, purchases on the world market, and the delivery of supplies from France and the French Union. Special attention is devoted to the military aid to the French in Indochina provided by the United States.
Thomas G. Paterson
- Published in print:
- 1995
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780195101201
- eISBN:
- 9780199854189
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195101201.003.0006
- Subject:
- History, American History: 20th Century
In order to bind the worlds of Cubans and North Americans, the U.S. Military and intelligence links together with Batista's administration to try to join political, economic, and cultural ties. U.S. ...
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In order to bind the worlds of Cubans and North Americans, the U.S. Military and intelligence links together with Batista's administration to try to join political, economic, and cultural ties. U.S. officials worked to make hemispheric military establishments dependent upon U.S. equipment, weapons, and training. The United States signed agreements with Cuba to install U.S. Army, Navy, and Air Force missions and to grant military equipment under the Mutual Defense Assistance Act on March 7, 1952, just before Batista's coup. The Batista government soon ordered weapons and military goods. The U.S. Military Assistance Advisory Group (MAAG) officers had orders not to accompany Cuban units into combats although Batista's armed forces received U.S. training and weapons. The Central Intelligence Agency (CIA) also helped Batista start the Buro Repression de las Actividades Communistas (BRAC). Moreover, FBI agents also spied on Cuban rebels.Less
In order to bind the worlds of Cubans and North Americans, the U.S. Military and intelligence links together with Batista's administration to try to join political, economic, and cultural ties. U.S. officials worked to make hemispheric military establishments dependent upon U.S. equipment, weapons, and training. The United States signed agreements with Cuba to install U.S. Army, Navy, and Air Force missions and to grant military equipment under the Mutual Defense Assistance Act on March 7, 1952, just before Batista's coup. The Batista government soon ordered weapons and military goods. The U.S. Military Assistance Advisory Group (MAAG) officers had orders not to accompany Cuban units into combats although Batista's armed forces received U.S. training and weapons. The Central Intelligence Agency (CIA) also helped Batista start the Buro Repression de las Actividades Communistas (BRAC). Moreover, FBI agents also spied on Cuban rebels.
Austin Carson
- Published in print:
- 2018
- Published Online:
- May 2019
- ISBN:
- 9780691181769
- eISBN:
- 9780691184241
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Princeton University Press
- DOI:
- 10.23943/princeton/9780691181769.003.0006
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
This chapter focuses on the covert side of the Vietnam War. Secrecy famously helped Richard Nixon cope with dovish domestic opposition toward the end of the war. In contrast, the chapter highlights ...
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This chapter focuses on the covert side of the Vietnam War. Secrecy famously helped Richard Nixon cope with dovish domestic opposition toward the end of the war. In contrast, the chapter highlights the role of covert intervention in helping both sides compete in Vietnam while keeping the war limited during the earlier Johnson years (1964–1968). Even as he greatly expanded U.S. military activity in Vietnam, President Lyndon Johnson acted to avoid provoking a larger war with China or the Soviet Union. Covert U.S. military operations in places like Laos, though an open secret, were a way to prosecute a counterinsurgency while keeping a lid on hostilities. China and the Soviet Union similarly sought to control escalation dangers through covertness. Both communist patrons provided military personnel covertly to improve air defense in North Vietnam. The chapter suggests that all three outside powers worked hard to avoid public and acknowledged clashes up through 1968.Less
This chapter focuses on the covert side of the Vietnam War. Secrecy famously helped Richard Nixon cope with dovish domestic opposition toward the end of the war. In contrast, the chapter highlights the role of covert intervention in helping both sides compete in Vietnam while keeping the war limited during the earlier Johnson years (1964–1968). Even as he greatly expanded U.S. military activity in Vietnam, President Lyndon Johnson acted to avoid provoking a larger war with China or the Soviet Union. Covert U.S. military operations in places like Laos, though an open secret, were a way to prosecute a counterinsurgency while keeping a lid on hostilities. China and the Soviet Union similarly sought to control escalation dangers through covertness. Both communist patrons provided military personnel covertly to improve air defense in North Vietnam. The chapter suggests that all three outside powers worked hard to avoid public and acknowledged clashes up through 1968.
Gareth Porter
- Published in print:
- 2005
- Published Online:
- March 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780520239487
- eISBN:
- 9780520940406
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University of California Press
- DOI:
- 10.1525/california/9780520239487.003.0003
- Subject:
- History, American History: 20th Century
This chapter provides a reinterpretation of the Dwight Eisenhower administration's policy toward Vietnam before and after the Geneva Accords of 1954. It illustrates how the imbalance of power created ...
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This chapter provides a reinterpretation of the Dwight Eisenhower administration's policy toward Vietnam before and after the Geneva Accords of 1954. It illustrates how the imbalance of power created the opportunity and therefore the incentive for Secretary of State John Foster Dulles to ignore and effectively undermine the Geneva framework for a settlement through free elections. The chapter also argues that both Eisenhower and Dulles were determined from the start to avoid actual military intervention to save the French. Dulles and Eisenhower rejected both of the proposals from the national security bureaucracy. The Geneva Accords consisted of a cease-fire agreement and a “Final Declaration of the Geneva Conference.” Dulles and Eisenhower had been prepared to let South Vietnam go if Diem could not handle a domestic insurgency and both had assumed that an overt invasion by North Vietnam would be met with a swift U.S. military response under SEATO.Less
This chapter provides a reinterpretation of the Dwight Eisenhower administration's policy toward Vietnam before and after the Geneva Accords of 1954. It illustrates how the imbalance of power created the opportunity and therefore the incentive for Secretary of State John Foster Dulles to ignore and effectively undermine the Geneva framework for a settlement through free elections. The chapter also argues that both Eisenhower and Dulles were determined from the start to avoid actual military intervention to save the French. Dulles and Eisenhower rejected both of the proposals from the national security bureaucracy. The Geneva Accords consisted of a cease-fire agreement and a “Final Declaration of the Geneva Conference.” Dulles and Eisenhower had been prepared to let South Vietnam go if Diem could not handle a domestic insurgency and both had assumed that an overt invasion by North Vietnam would be met with a swift U.S. military response under SEATO.
Richard S. Kim
- Published in print:
- 2011
- Published Online:
- January 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780195369991
- eISBN:
- 9780199918263
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195369991.003.0006
- Subject:
- History, American History: 20th Century, Asian History
This chapter examines the political activities of the relatively obscure nationalist Kilsoo Haan. Through what he called “constructive Americanism,” Haan believed Koreans on the U.S. mainland and ...
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This chapter examines the political activities of the relatively obscure nationalist Kilsoo Haan. Through what he called “constructive Americanism,” Haan believed Koreans on the U.S. mainland and Hawaii could serve as valuable allies of America in combating what he claimed to be Japan’s threat at home and abroad. His rhetorical strategies and actions articulated a distinct U.S.-based ethnic identity as he sought to advance the interests of Koreans in America and abroad simultaneously. Haan not only lobbied for U.S. material aid for the nationalist cause of Korean independence, but his organizing efforts conspicuously positioned Koreans in America as a part of U.S. state structures and society. Korean nationalism thus facilitated the development of a collective identity as ethnic Americans. This identity was not solely rooted in cultural ties to the homeland or imagined notions of a Korean nation-state, but also emerged from the daily experiences of living in the United States. Ethnicity was not an intrinsic cultural identification carried over from Korea that was to be preserved or maintained. Rather, it was an ongoing process emerging from the daily interactions between immigrants and the dominant host society as immigrants adapted to specific historical realities at particular moments in time.Less
This chapter examines the political activities of the relatively obscure nationalist Kilsoo Haan. Through what he called “constructive Americanism,” Haan believed Koreans on the U.S. mainland and Hawaii could serve as valuable allies of America in combating what he claimed to be Japan’s threat at home and abroad. His rhetorical strategies and actions articulated a distinct U.S.-based ethnic identity as he sought to advance the interests of Koreans in America and abroad simultaneously. Haan not only lobbied for U.S. material aid for the nationalist cause of Korean independence, but his organizing efforts conspicuously positioned Koreans in America as a part of U.S. state structures and society. Korean nationalism thus facilitated the development of a collective identity as ethnic Americans. This identity was not solely rooted in cultural ties to the homeland or imagined notions of a Korean nation-state, but also emerged from the daily experiences of living in the United States. Ethnicity was not an intrinsic cultural identification carried over from Korea that was to be preserved or maintained. Rather, it was an ongoing process emerging from the daily interactions between immigrants and the dominant host society as immigrants adapted to specific historical realities at particular moments in time.
Gareth Porter
- Published in print:
- 2005
- Published Online:
- March 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780520239487
- eISBN:
- 9780520940406
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University of California Press
- DOI:
- 10.1525/california/9780520239487.003.0004
- Subject:
- History, American History: 20th Century
This chapter reviews the role of the global and regional balance of power in the evolution of North Vietnam's strategy in the South from 1954–1965. It illustrates how North Vietnamese concern about ...
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This chapter reviews the role of the global and regional balance of power in the evolution of North Vietnam's strategy in the South from 1954–1965. It illustrates how North Vietnamese concern about U.S. military intervention in Vietnam compelled Hanoi to accept political–diplomatic objectives falling far short of reunification. The Political Bureau developed its own distinct assessment of the global power balance that deemphasized the importance of the military balance between the two camps and played up the role of the worldwide “national liberation movement.” The debate over the 1964–1965 period revolved around whether North Vietnamese regular troops entered the South before or after the United States began its bombing of the North. Hanoi's offers to accept a long period of non-Communist rule in the South were not mere propaganda positions but accurately reflected the North Vietnamese leadership's assessment of the power balance both within the South and at the global level.Less
This chapter reviews the role of the global and regional balance of power in the evolution of North Vietnam's strategy in the South from 1954–1965. It illustrates how North Vietnamese concern about U.S. military intervention in Vietnam compelled Hanoi to accept political–diplomatic objectives falling far short of reunification. The Political Bureau developed its own distinct assessment of the global power balance that deemphasized the importance of the military balance between the two camps and played up the role of the worldwide “national liberation movement.” The debate over the 1964–1965 period revolved around whether North Vietnamese regular troops entered the South before or after the United States began its bombing of the North. Hanoi's offers to accept a long period of non-Communist rule in the South were not mere propaganda positions but accurately reflected the North Vietnamese leadership's assessment of the power balance both within the South and at the global level.
Steve Estes
- Published in print:
- 2007
- Published Online:
- July 2014
- ISBN:
- 9780807831151
- eISBN:
- 9781469604770
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- University of North Carolina Press
- DOI:
- 10.5149/9780807889855_estes
- Subject:
- History, Military History
“Don't Ask, Don't Tell” was the directive of President Bill Clinton's 1993 military policy regarding gay and lesbian soldiers. This official silence continued a collective amnesia about the patriotic ...
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“Don't Ask, Don't Tell” was the directive of President Bill Clinton's 1993 military policy regarding gay and lesbian soldiers. This official silence continued a collective amnesia about the patriotic service and courageous sacrifices of homosexual troops. This book recovers these lost voices, offering a rich chronicle of the history of gay and lesbian service in the U.S. military from World War II to the Iraq War. Drawing on more than 50 interviews with gay and lesbian veterans, it charts the evolution of policy toward homosexuals in the military over the past 65 years, uncovering the ways in which silence about sexuality and military service has affected the identities of gay veterans. These veteran voices—harrowing, heroic, and on the record—reveal the extraordinary stories of ordinary Americans, men and women who simply did their duty and served their country in the face of homophobia, prejudice, and enemy fire. The book demonstrates that, far from undermining national security, unit cohesion, or troop morale, these veterans strengthened the U.S. military in times of war and peace. It also examines challenges to the ban on homosexual service, placing them in the context of the wider movement for gay rights and gay liberation.Less
“Don't Ask, Don't Tell” was the directive of President Bill Clinton's 1993 military policy regarding gay and lesbian soldiers. This official silence continued a collective amnesia about the patriotic service and courageous sacrifices of homosexual troops. This book recovers these lost voices, offering a rich chronicle of the history of gay and lesbian service in the U.S. military from World War II to the Iraq War. Drawing on more than 50 interviews with gay and lesbian veterans, it charts the evolution of policy toward homosexuals in the military over the past 65 years, uncovering the ways in which silence about sexuality and military service has affected the identities of gay veterans. These veteran voices—harrowing, heroic, and on the record—reveal the extraordinary stories of ordinary Americans, men and women who simply did their duty and served their country in the face of homophobia, prejudice, and enemy fire. The book demonstrates that, far from undermining national security, unit cohesion, or troop morale, these veterans strengthened the U.S. military in times of war and peace. It also examines challenges to the ban on homosexual service, placing them in the context of the wider movement for gay rights and gay liberation.
Geoffrey F. Gresh
- Published in print:
- 2015
- Published Online:
- January 2016
- ISBN:
- 9780804794206
- eISBN:
- 9780804795067
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Stanford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.11126/stanford/9780804794206.003.0007
- Subject:
- Political Science, Conflict Politics and Policy
This chapter provides a theoretical and strategic overview of the U.S. military basing presence in the Gulf from the Second World War to the present. It lays a framework for examining the history of ...
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This chapter provides a theoretical and strategic overview of the U.S. military basing presence in the Gulf from the Second World War to the present. It lays a framework for examining the history of the U.S. military in the Gulf by placing the book within the larger base politics literature, in addition to providing a broad overview on the global evolution of U.S. military basing following the Second World War. Base politics and basing access for military forces is one of the oldest enduring features of international relations among nations and empires. The central question posed here is when and why did base politicization occur in Gulf Arab host nations. External and internal security dynamics linked to a host regime’s survival are the main drivers influencing Gulf Cooperation Council nations either to accept or expel the U.S. military from local bases.Less
This chapter provides a theoretical and strategic overview of the U.S. military basing presence in the Gulf from the Second World War to the present. It lays a framework for examining the history of the U.S. military in the Gulf by placing the book within the larger base politics literature, in addition to providing a broad overview on the global evolution of U.S. military basing following the Second World War. Base politics and basing access for military forces is one of the oldest enduring features of international relations among nations and empires. The central question posed here is when and why did base politicization occur in Gulf Arab host nations. External and internal security dynamics linked to a host regime’s survival are the main drivers influencing Gulf Cooperation Council nations either to accept or expel the U.S. military from local bases.
Adam Moore
- Published in print:
- 2019
- Published Online:
- May 2020
- ISBN:
- 9781501742170
- eISBN:
- 9781501716393
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Cornell University Press
- DOI:
- 10.7591/cornell/9781501742170.003.0005
- Subject:
- Political Science, Security Studies
This chapter begins by explaining logistics spaces and labor involved in supporting overseas operations in Iraq, Afghanistan, and Africa. It also identifies logistics spaces and labor as two ...
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This chapter begins by explaining logistics spaces and labor involved in supporting overseas operations in Iraq, Afghanistan, and Africa. It also identifies logistics spaces and labor as two foundational elements of military operations. While logistics spaces receive more attention, it is labor that animates war. Whether drone flights at remote locations in Africa or counterinsurgency campaigns in the Middle East, the U.S. military depends on the beating heart of logistical labor. Due to the increase in contracting, the composition of this labor is increasingly civilian and foreign rather than American and uniformed. This chapter concludes with an analysis of how the U.S. military is now inextricably entangled with the business of transnational labor acquisition.Less
This chapter begins by explaining logistics spaces and labor involved in supporting overseas operations in Iraq, Afghanistan, and Africa. It also identifies logistics spaces and labor as two foundational elements of military operations. While logistics spaces receive more attention, it is labor that animates war. Whether drone flights at remote locations in Africa or counterinsurgency campaigns in the Middle East, the U.S. military depends on the beating heart of logistical labor. Due to the increase in contracting, the composition of this labor is increasingly civilian and foreign rather than American and uniformed. This chapter concludes with an analysis of how the U.S. military is now inextricably entangled with the business of transnational labor acquisition.
C. Christine Fair and Sumit Ganguly (eds)
- Published in print:
- 2008
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780195342048
- eISBN:
- 9780199852017
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195342048.001.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
After America's Iraq adventure devolved into a debacle, a chorus of commentators and analysts noted that the U.S. military had no plan to fight a counterinsurgency campaign. Given the failure of ...
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After America's Iraq adventure devolved into a debacle, a chorus of commentators and analysts noted that the U.S. military had no plan to fight a counterinsurgency campaign. Given the failure of conventional tactics, America in the last two years has redoubled its efforts to develop a new strategy to fight the Iraqi insurgency, and has gone so far as to place its leading counterinsurgency expert, General David Petraeus, in charge of the Iraq theater. In sum, there seems to be a growing consensus that for better or worse, counterinsurgency will be a core tactic in future American military campaigns. Iraq, of course, presents special problems to the U.S. because of the intensity of religious belief and sectarianism. How does the U.S. fight against an insurgency that so often strategically positions itself on “hallowed ground”—mosques and shrines? Yet Iraq is not unique. As this book shows, counterinsurgency efforts on religiously contentious terrain is a widespread phenomenon in recent times, ranging from North Africa to Central and Southeast Asia. This book explores the most important counterinsurgency efforts in sacred spaces in our era: churches in Israel, mosques and shrines in Iraq, the Sikh Golden Temple in India, mosques and temples in Kashmir, the Krue Se Mosque in Thailand, and the Grand Mosque in Saudi Arabia.Less
After America's Iraq adventure devolved into a debacle, a chorus of commentators and analysts noted that the U.S. military had no plan to fight a counterinsurgency campaign. Given the failure of conventional tactics, America in the last two years has redoubled its efforts to develop a new strategy to fight the Iraqi insurgency, and has gone so far as to place its leading counterinsurgency expert, General David Petraeus, in charge of the Iraq theater. In sum, there seems to be a growing consensus that for better or worse, counterinsurgency will be a core tactic in future American military campaigns. Iraq, of course, presents special problems to the U.S. because of the intensity of religious belief and sectarianism. How does the U.S. fight against an insurgency that so often strategically positions itself on “hallowed ground”—mosques and shrines? Yet Iraq is not unique. As this book shows, counterinsurgency efforts on religiously contentious terrain is a widespread phenomenon in recent times, ranging from North Africa to Central and Southeast Asia. This book explores the most important counterinsurgency efforts in sacred spaces in our era: churches in Israel, mosques and shrines in Iraq, the Sikh Golden Temple in India, mosques and temples in Kashmir, the Krue Se Mosque in Thailand, and the Grand Mosque in Saudi Arabia.
Alexander Cooley
- Published in print:
- 2012
- Published Online:
- September 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780199929825
- eISBN:
- 9780199950485
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199929825.003.0004
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
Chapter 4 examines the strategic evolution and dilemmas of Russia, the region's former imperial power and continued privileged partner. The chapter analyzes Moscow's broad range of levers of ...
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Chapter 4 examines the strategic evolution and dilemmas of Russia, the region's former imperial power and continued privileged partner. The chapter analyzes Moscow's broad range of levers of influence, and traces its efforts to lock in its dominance by creating new regional organizations such as the Collective Security Treaty Organization (CSTO) and the Eurasian Economic Community (EurAsEC). At the same time, Moscow's regional policies and tactics have remained unstable and reactive, subject to Russia's self-image as a great power and its prevailing relations with the United States and China. An initial period of close U.S.-Russian cooperation immediately following 9/11 soon after deteriorated into a more competitive dynamic, fueled by the Western-backed Color Revolutions and Russian perceptions that U.S. military bases were becoming permanent. Despite its numerous instruments of influence, Moscow still must confront the political challenges of the region's intraregional tensions, the desire of states to pursue multidirectional foreign policies, and a rising China.Less
Chapter 4 examines the strategic evolution and dilemmas of Russia, the region's former imperial power and continued privileged partner. The chapter analyzes Moscow's broad range of levers of influence, and traces its efforts to lock in its dominance by creating new regional organizations such as the Collective Security Treaty Organization (CSTO) and the Eurasian Economic Community (EurAsEC). At the same time, Moscow's regional policies and tactics have remained unstable and reactive, subject to Russia's self-image as a great power and its prevailing relations with the United States and China. An initial period of close U.S.-Russian cooperation immediately following 9/11 soon after deteriorated into a more competitive dynamic, fueled by the Western-backed Color Revolutions and Russian perceptions that U.S. military bases were becoming permanent. Despite its numerous instruments of influence, Moscow still must confront the political challenges of the region's intraregional tensions, the desire of states to pursue multidirectional foreign policies, and a rising China.
Adam Moore
- Published in print:
- 2019
- Published Online:
- May 2020
- ISBN:
- 9781501742170
- eISBN:
- 9781501716393
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Cornell University Press
- DOI:
- 10.7591/cornell/9781501742170.003.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, Security Studies
This chapter outlines the scale and scope of privatized military work in the present day and compares this with earlier practices of contracting by the U.S. military. It explains the rise of ...
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This chapter outlines the scale and scope of privatized military work in the present day and compares this with earlier practices of contracting by the U.S. military. It explains the rise of large-scale logistics outsourcing since the end of the Cold War. The chapter also introduces U.S. military's overseas operations regarding recognized wars and clandestine campaigns. It also analyzes the labor required to sustain such operations, and the experiences of people from around the world that do it. The present-day U.S. military empire is profoundly dependent upon a global army of labor that comes from countries as diverse as Bosnia, the Philippines, Turkey, India, Kenya, the United Kingdom, Sierra Leone, and Fiji.Less
This chapter outlines the scale and scope of privatized military work in the present day and compares this with earlier practices of contracting by the U.S. military. It explains the rise of large-scale logistics outsourcing since the end of the Cold War. The chapter also introduces U.S. military's overseas operations regarding recognized wars and clandestine campaigns. It also analyzes the labor required to sustain such operations, and the experiences of people from around the world that do it. The present-day U.S. military empire is profoundly dependent upon a global army of labor that comes from countries as diverse as Bosnia, the Philippines, Turkey, India, Kenya, the United Kingdom, Sierra Leone, and Fiji.
Stefano Recchia
- Published in print:
- 2015
- Published Online:
- August 2016
- ISBN:
- 9780801452918
- eISBN:
- 9781501701559
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Cornell University Press
- DOI:
- 10.7591/cornell/9780801452918.003.0005
- Subject:
- Political Science, Security Studies
This chapter examines how the U.S. military leaders' reluctance to intervene in Bosnia between 1992 and 1995 played a crucial role in keeping American policy on a steady multilateral track. It shows ...
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This chapter examines how the U.S. military leaders' reluctance to intervene in Bosnia between 1992 and 1995 played a crucial role in keeping American policy on a steady multilateral track. It shows how proceeding by multilateral agreement through NATO comes at considerable cost, limiting U.S. freedom of action, encouraging local warring factions, and harming the Clinton administration's domestic and international standing. In the end, the Washington state's multilateral approach paid off, at least to the extent that it limited U.S. liability. In proceeding by consensus with the European allies and channelling the use of force through NATO, the United States was able to link the alliance's future credibility to success in Bosnia.Less
This chapter examines how the U.S. military leaders' reluctance to intervene in Bosnia between 1992 and 1995 played a crucial role in keeping American policy on a steady multilateral track. It shows how proceeding by multilateral agreement through NATO comes at considerable cost, limiting U.S. freedom of action, encouraging local warring factions, and harming the Clinton administration's domestic and international standing. In the end, the Washington state's multilateral approach paid off, at least to the extent that it limited U.S. liability. In proceeding by consensus with the European allies and channelling the use of force through NATO, the United States was able to link the alliance's future credibility to success in Bosnia.
Stefano Recchia
- Published in print:
- 2015
- Published Online:
- August 2016
- ISBN:
- 9780801452918
- eISBN:
- 9781501701559
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Cornell University Press
- DOI:
- 10.7591/cornell/9780801452918.003.0006
- Subject:
- Political Science, Security Studies
This chapter discusses the implications of the NATO member states' bombing campaign against the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia. The United States contributed the majority of the military hardware and ...
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This chapter discusses the implications of the NATO member states' bombing campaign against the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia. The United States contributed the majority of the military hardware and technological capabilities to the air campaign, which was called Operation Allied Force. However, all the most important decisions, including the ones made to threaten air strikes, initiate air strikes, and approve increasingly controversial targets, were taken by the allies collectively through an integrated NATO command structure. This led to the Kosovo air war being labelled as “the most multilateral campaign ever.” Secretary of State Madeleine Albright and her fellow interventionists acknowledged that securing the NAC's approval and channeling the use of force through NATO would be necessary to lock in support and reassure the U.S. military about postwar burden sharing.Less
This chapter discusses the implications of the NATO member states' bombing campaign against the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia. The United States contributed the majority of the military hardware and technological capabilities to the air campaign, which was called Operation Allied Force. However, all the most important decisions, including the ones made to threaten air strikes, initiate air strikes, and approve increasingly controversial targets, were taken by the allies collectively through an integrated NATO command structure. This led to the Kosovo air war being labelled as “the most multilateral campaign ever.” Secretary of State Madeleine Albright and her fellow interventionists acknowledged that securing the NAC's approval and channeling the use of force through NATO would be necessary to lock in support and reassure the U.S. military about postwar burden sharing.
Gwyn Kirk
- Published in print:
- 2008
- Published Online:
- November 2016
- ISBN:
- 9780824831592
- eISBN:
- 9780824869311
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University of Hawai'i Press
- DOI:
- 10.21313/hawaii/9780824831592.003.0016
- Subject:
- Anthropology, Social and Cultural Anthropology
This chapter contributes to a small but growing body of feminist analysis that links militarism and environmental issues. It explores the work of community organizations in the Philippines, South ...
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This chapter contributes to a small but growing body of feminist analysis that links militarism and environmental issues. It explores the work of community organizations in the Philippines, South Korea, and Okinawa (Japan) as they seek solutions to severe long-term environmental and health problems caused by U.S. military operations. Victims and advocates want meaningful investigation and research; compensation for poor health, injury, and loss of life; firm environmental guidelines; and conscientious clean-up and restoration of contaminated lands and water. Their experiences tell a great deal about military practices and militarism as a system of power, values, and culture that creates many forms of insecurity.Less
This chapter contributes to a small but growing body of feminist analysis that links militarism and environmental issues. It explores the work of community organizations in the Philippines, South Korea, and Okinawa (Japan) as they seek solutions to severe long-term environmental and health problems caused by U.S. military operations. Victims and advocates want meaningful investigation and research; compensation for poor health, injury, and loss of life; firm environmental guidelines; and conscientious clean-up and restoration of contaminated lands and water. Their experiences tell a great deal about military practices and militarism as a system of power, values, and culture that creates many forms of insecurity.
Adam Moore
- Published in print:
- 2019
- Published Online:
- May 2020
- ISBN:
- 9781501742170
- eISBN:
- 9781501716393
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Cornell University Press
- DOI:
- 10.7591/cornell/9781501742170.003.0002
- Subject:
- Political Science, Security Studies
This chapter provides an overview of colonial and client state relations between the United States and the Philippines in the twentieth century. It reviews the related history of reliance on Filipino ...
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This chapter provides an overview of colonial and client state relations between the United States and the Philippines in the twentieth century. It reviews the related history of reliance on Filipino labor by the U.S. military that continues to shape the recruitment of Filipinos for military work. The chapter also discusses the history of logistics contracting by the U.S. military, which focuses on the scale and scope of its contracting in the present day, how it compares with earlier periods in U.S. history, and how it has happened. It starts with an overview of the logistics contracting by the U.S. military from the Revolutionary War to Vietnam, followed by a discussion of shifts in contracting priorities and practices in the 1990s. It concludes with an outline of the scale and scope of contracting in Iraq and beyond.Less
This chapter provides an overview of colonial and client state relations between the United States and the Philippines in the twentieth century. It reviews the related history of reliance on Filipino labor by the U.S. military that continues to shape the recruitment of Filipinos for military work. The chapter also discusses the history of logistics contracting by the U.S. military, which focuses on the scale and scope of its contracting in the present day, how it compares with earlier periods in U.S. history, and how it has happened. It starts with an overview of the logistics contracting by the U.S. military from the Revolutionary War to Vietnam, followed by a discussion of shifts in contracting priorities and practices in the 1990s. It concludes with an outline of the scale and scope of contracting in Iraq and beyond.
Adam Moore
- Published in print:
- 2019
- Published Online:
- May 2020
- ISBN:
- 9781501742170
- eISBN:
- 9781501716393
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Cornell University Press
- DOI:
- 10.7591/cornell/9781501742170.003.0011
- Subject:
- Political Science, Security Studies
This chapter examines the trafficking of South and Southeast Asian workers, and the “backdoor” or underground recruitment of Filipino labor following the introduction of travel bans to Iraq and ...
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This chapter examines the trafficking of South and Southeast Asian workers, and the “backdoor” or underground recruitment of Filipino labor following the introduction of travel bans to Iraq and Afghanistan. It discusses the continuing problem of labor abuses and legal rationales deployed by the U.S. military in order to disentangle itself as much as possible from oversight responsibility. This chapter describes the instances and types of trafficking and labor exploitation perpetrated by military contractors, situating them within the dynamics of offshoring and downsourcing. It examines illegal recruiting practices that flourished following the 2004 travel ban to Iraq and 2007 ban for Afghanistan imposed by the Philippines. The chapter concludes with a review of rationales by military officials to justify minimal oversight responsibility for trafficking by their contractors and draws parallels to the offshoring of labor and supply chains by U.S. corporations in recent decades.Less
This chapter examines the trafficking of South and Southeast Asian workers, and the “backdoor” or underground recruitment of Filipino labor following the introduction of travel bans to Iraq and Afghanistan. It discusses the continuing problem of labor abuses and legal rationales deployed by the U.S. military in order to disentangle itself as much as possible from oversight responsibility. This chapter describes the instances and types of trafficking and labor exploitation perpetrated by military contractors, situating them within the dynamics of offshoring and downsourcing. It examines illegal recruiting practices that flourished following the 2004 travel ban to Iraq and 2007 ban for Afghanistan imposed by the Philippines. The chapter concludes with a review of rationales by military officials to justify minimal oversight responsibility for trafficking by their contractors and draws parallels to the offshoring of labor and supply chains by U.S. corporations in recent decades.
John S. Duffield and Peter J. Dombrowski
- Published in print:
- 2009
- Published Online:
- June 2013
- ISBN:
- 9780804760133
- eISBN:
- 9780804772044
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Stanford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.11126/stanford/9780804760133.001.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, American Politics
The last six years have witnessed a virtually unending debate over U.S. policy toward Iraq, one that is likely to continue well into the new administration and perhaps the next, notwithstanding ...
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The last six years have witnessed a virtually unending debate over U.S. policy toward Iraq, one that is likely to continue well into the new administration and perhaps the next, notwithstanding recent improvements on the ground. Too often, however, the debate has been narrowly framed in terms of the situation in Iraq and what steps the United States should take there next, leaving the broader impact of the war on American interests largely overlooked. Ultimately, though, the success and failure of the war will have to be judged in terms of its overall contribution to U.S. national security, including those repercussions that extend far beyond the borders of Iraq. This book addresses this gap by providing a comprehensive evaluation of the consequences of the Iraq war for the national security of the United States. It examines both how the war has advanced or retarded the achievement of other important goals of U.S. national security policy and its impact on the ability of the United States to pursue its security interests now and in the future. Individual chapters address such issues as the war on terror, nuclear non-proliferation, stability in the Middle East, the health of the U.S. military, America's standing in the world, and U.S. public opinion. By doing justice to the full range of stakes involved, the book not only reframes the debate over the Iraq war but provides a foundation for future U.S. policymaking toward Iraq and beyond.Less
The last six years have witnessed a virtually unending debate over U.S. policy toward Iraq, one that is likely to continue well into the new administration and perhaps the next, notwithstanding recent improvements on the ground. Too often, however, the debate has been narrowly framed in terms of the situation in Iraq and what steps the United States should take there next, leaving the broader impact of the war on American interests largely overlooked. Ultimately, though, the success and failure of the war will have to be judged in terms of its overall contribution to U.S. national security, including those repercussions that extend far beyond the borders of Iraq. This book addresses this gap by providing a comprehensive evaluation of the consequences of the Iraq war for the national security of the United States. It examines both how the war has advanced or retarded the achievement of other important goals of U.S. national security policy and its impact on the ability of the United States to pursue its security interests now and in the future. Individual chapters address such issues as the war on terror, nuclear non-proliferation, stability in the Middle East, the health of the U.S. military, America's standing in the world, and U.S. public opinion. By doing justice to the full range of stakes involved, the book not only reframes the debate over the Iraq war but provides a foundation for future U.S. policymaking toward Iraq and beyond.
Michael Lujan Bevacqua and Isa Ua Ceallaigh Bowman
- Published in print:
- 2018
- Published Online:
- January 2019
- ISBN:
- 9781479894567
- eISBN:
- 9781479822447
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- NYU Press
- DOI:
- 10.18574/nyu/9781479894567.003.0010
- Subject:
- Anthropology, Social and Cultural Anthropology
In 2009, the U.S. Department of Defense announced its intention to drastically increase their military presence on the island of Guam. Although this “military buildup” was predicted to cause severe ...
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In 2009, the U.S. Department of Defense announced its intention to drastically increase their military presence on the island of Guam. Although this “military buildup” was predicted to cause severe damage to the island in environmental, social and economic terms, discourse from island leaders and media reports focused primarily on this increase as being the key to future “sustainability” for the island. This chapter argues that the notion of the military build-up as being “sustainable” was tied to historical militarization and colonization of the indigenous Chamorro people of the western Pacific over centuries, during which the United States has been elevated to the stature of a liberator and socioeconomic savior. This chapter surveys the scholarly literature on the effects of U.S. military "Draft Environmental Impact Statements" on indigenous populations, with particular regard to effects on the indigenous Chamorro people. This chapter also discusses the ways in which demilitarization and decolonization activists from local indigenous Chamorro groups such as Nasion Chamoru used the public comment period for the U.S. military’s plans in order to disrupt the fantasy of the build-up’s sustainability and help the local community develop a more critical position in relation to the military's own stated environmental impacts.Less
In 2009, the U.S. Department of Defense announced its intention to drastically increase their military presence on the island of Guam. Although this “military buildup” was predicted to cause severe damage to the island in environmental, social and economic terms, discourse from island leaders and media reports focused primarily on this increase as being the key to future “sustainability” for the island. This chapter argues that the notion of the military build-up as being “sustainable” was tied to historical militarization and colonization of the indigenous Chamorro people of the western Pacific over centuries, during which the United States has been elevated to the stature of a liberator and socioeconomic savior. This chapter surveys the scholarly literature on the effects of U.S. military "Draft Environmental Impact Statements" on indigenous populations, with particular regard to effects on the indigenous Chamorro people. This chapter also discusses the ways in which demilitarization and decolonization activists from local indigenous Chamorro groups such as Nasion Chamoru used the public comment period for the U.S. military’s plans in order to disrupt the fantasy of the build-up’s sustainability and help the local community develop a more critical position in relation to the military's own stated environmental impacts.
Seungsook Moon
- Published in print:
- 2015
- Published Online:
- March 2016
- ISBN:
- 9781479871254
- eISBN:
- 9781479822843
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- NYU Press
- DOI:
- 10.18574/nyu/9781479871254.003.0005
- Subject:
- History, Imperialism and Colonialism
This chapter discusses reports about the U.S. military authorities and owners of entertainment clubs catering to American soldiers in the city of P'yŏngt'aek, as well as reports that described ...
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This chapter discusses reports about the U.S. military authorities and owners of entertainment clubs catering to American soldiers in the city of P'yŏngt'aek, as well as reports that described migrant Filipinas as “juicy girls” working in “foreigners-only” entertainment clubs. These unsettling reports—a glimpse into the dark side of the U.S. military presence—reveal the persistent nexus between men's military labor and women's (hetero)sexual labor. The U.S. empire has combined a quiet tolerance and even active supply of sex workers with the overt and covert examination of women's working bodies. This sexual labor encompasses both the paid and unpaid reproductive labor of caring and entertaining, which various groups of women and men perform to deal with sexual and ideological needs.Less
This chapter discusses reports about the U.S. military authorities and owners of entertainment clubs catering to American soldiers in the city of P'yŏngt'aek, as well as reports that described migrant Filipinas as “juicy girls” working in “foreigners-only” entertainment clubs. These unsettling reports—a glimpse into the dark side of the U.S. military presence—reveal the persistent nexus between men's military labor and women's (hetero)sexual labor. The U.S. empire has combined a quiet tolerance and even active supply of sex workers with the overt and covert examination of women's working bodies. This sexual labor encompasses both the paid and unpaid reproductive labor of caring and entertaining, which various groups of women and men perform to deal with sexual and ideological needs.
