Abigail C Saguy
- Published in print:
- 2013
- Published Online:
- January 2013
- ISBN:
- 9780199857081
- eISBN:
- 9780199315925
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199857081.003.0003
- Subject:
- Sociology, Culture
This chapter examines the main ways in which blame and responsibility for a perceived obesity epidemic are typically framed, including as resulting from bad individual choices, sociocultural factors, ...
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This chapter examines the main ways in which blame and responsibility for a perceived obesity epidemic are typically framed, including as resulting from bad individual choices, sociocultural factors, or genetics/biology. It provides both a detailed discussion of the internal logic of each of these frames, as well as the relative power of their advocates. Drawing on a comparison of 261 articles on overweight or obesity and 70 U.S. news articles on eating disorders—all published in The New York Times and Newsweek between 1995 and 2005—the chapter examines the extent to which there is greater tendency to evoke a personal responsibility frame when discussing obesity than when discussing other issues. It shows that U.S. news reports are more likely to blame people for being “too fat” than for having eating disorders that lead them to be “too thin.” Drawing on a comparison of these U.S. articles with 108 French news reports on obesity, the chapter further examines the extent to which an emphasis on personal responsibility is especially pronounced in the United States. It shows that, while the U.S. news media stress individual responsibility for obesity, the French news reports tend to emphasize sociocultural and individual factors more equally.Less
This chapter examines the main ways in which blame and responsibility for a perceived obesity epidemic are typically framed, including as resulting from bad individual choices, sociocultural factors, or genetics/biology. It provides both a detailed discussion of the internal logic of each of these frames, as well as the relative power of their advocates. Drawing on a comparison of 261 articles on overweight or obesity and 70 U.S. news articles on eating disorders—all published in The New York Times and Newsweek between 1995 and 2005—the chapter examines the extent to which there is greater tendency to evoke a personal responsibility frame when discussing obesity than when discussing other issues. It shows that U.S. news reports are more likely to blame people for being “too fat” than for having eating disorders that lead them to be “too thin.” Drawing on a comparison of these U.S. articles with 108 French news reports on obesity, the chapter further examines the extent to which an emphasis on personal responsibility is especially pronounced in the United States. It shows that, while the U.S. news media stress individual responsibility for obesity, the French news reports tend to emphasize sociocultural and individual factors more equally.
Juliane Hammer
- Published in print:
- 2019
- Published Online:
- May 2020
- ISBN:
- 9780691190877
- eISBN:
- 9780691194387
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Princeton University Press
- DOI:
- 10.23943/princeton/9780691190877.003.0002
- Subject:
- Sociology, Sociology of Religion
This chapter analyzes debates about Muslims and domestic violence in mainstream U.S. media outlets and other publications. It traces the attempts at self-representation by Muslims and at taking ...
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This chapter analyzes debates about Muslims and domestic violence in mainstream U.S. media outlets and other publications. It traces the attempts at self-representation by Muslims and at taking control of the narratives that surround reporting on domestic violence (DV) incidents in Muslim communities. Central to discussions of Muslims and DV are the othering of Muslim communities through insisting on honor and honor killings as the only available frame and the simultaneous construction of Muslims as foreign to the United States through notions of culture that can include racialization as well as religious othering. The chapter then explores the connection between political goals and media production as they intersect with the lives of American Muslims and with the work of Muslim advocates against domestic violence. It also looks at a particular domestic violence murder in 2009, that of Aasiya Zubair, and its aftermath.Less
This chapter analyzes debates about Muslims and domestic violence in mainstream U.S. media outlets and other publications. It traces the attempts at self-representation by Muslims and at taking control of the narratives that surround reporting on domestic violence (DV) incidents in Muslim communities. Central to discussions of Muslims and DV are the othering of Muslim communities through insisting on honor and honor killings as the only available frame and the simultaneous construction of Muslims as foreign to the United States through notions of culture that can include racialization as well as religious othering. The chapter then explores the connection between political goals and media production as they intersect with the lives of American Muslims and with the work of Muslim advocates against domestic violence. It also looks at a particular domestic violence murder in 2009, that of Aasiya Zubair, and its aftermath.
Michael G. Lacy and Kent A. Ono
- Published in print:
- 2011
- Published Online:
- March 2016
- ISBN:
- 9780814762226
- eISBN:
- 9780814765296
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- NYU Press
- DOI:
- 10.18574/nyu/9780814762226.003.0014
- Subject:
- Society and Culture, Media Studies
This introductory chapter provides an overview of the paradoxical representations of race in contemporary U.S. media culture. Racism ranges from everyday racism experienced by individuals in private ...
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This introductory chapter provides an overview of the paradoxical representations of race in contemporary U.S. media culture. Racism ranges from everyday racism experienced by individuals in private contexts to longstanding structural inequalities and conditions. Media indicates that the United States is a post-racial society, in which race and racism are passé relics of a bygone era. Yet, those same media bombard the audience daily with spectacles of racial violence and disturbing racist images that serve as evidence that race and racism are alive and well in the United States. Thus, this book shows that race and racism are very much part of contemporary daily life in the U.S. race, racism, contemporary United States, media culture, post-racial society, racial violence.Less
This introductory chapter provides an overview of the paradoxical representations of race in contemporary U.S. media culture. Racism ranges from everyday racism experienced by individuals in private contexts to longstanding structural inequalities and conditions. Media indicates that the United States is a post-racial society, in which race and racism are passé relics of a bygone era. Yet, those same media bombard the audience daily with spectacles of racial violence and disturbing racist images that serve as evidence that race and racism are alive and well in the United States. Thus, this book shows that race and racism are very much part of contemporary daily life in the U.S. race, racism, contemporary United States, media culture, post-racial society, racial violence.
Jose V. Fuentecilla
- Published in print:
- 2013
- Published Online:
- April 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780252037580
- eISBN:
- 9780252095092
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University of Illinois Press
- DOI:
- 10.5406/illinois/9780252037580.003.0009
- Subject:
- Society and Culture, Asian Studies
This chapter details the continuous lobbying and organizing efforts of political exiles as well as their efforts to draw attention to their anti-Marcos and anti-martial law rhetoric. Reflecting their ...
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This chapter details the continuous lobbying and organizing efforts of political exiles as well as their efforts to draw attention to their anti-Marcos and anti-martial law rhetoric. Reflecting their bias for a free press and scorn for the controlled press in the Philippines, the major U.S. media consistently gave the exiles favorable coverage. By and large, the exiles had won the media war in the United States against the regime. The generally critical attitude of the U.S. media acutely troubled Mrs. Marcos. She summoned the American ambassador, Michael Armacost, to express her husband's “anxieties about his upcoming [1982] visit to the USA.” The regime countered as best as it could. During the first year of martial law, it ran colorful multipage spreads in influential U.S. business magazines such as Fortune and Business Week. The message: there was a new, much better investment climate in the country, and it was a safe tourist destination.Less
This chapter details the continuous lobbying and organizing efforts of political exiles as well as their efforts to draw attention to their anti-Marcos and anti-martial law rhetoric. Reflecting their bias for a free press and scorn for the controlled press in the Philippines, the major U.S. media consistently gave the exiles favorable coverage. By and large, the exiles had won the media war in the United States against the regime. The generally critical attitude of the U.S. media acutely troubled Mrs. Marcos. She summoned the American ambassador, Michael Armacost, to express her husband's “anxieties about his upcoming [1982] visit to the USA.” The regime countered as best as it could. During the first year of martial law, it ran colorful multipage spreads in influential U.S. business magazines such as Fortune and Business Week. The message: there was a new, much better investment climate in the country, and it was a safe tourist destination.
Shawn J. Parry-Giles
- Published in print:
- 2014
- Published Online:
- April 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780252038211
- eISBN:
- 9780252096044
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- University of Illinois Press
- DOI:
- 10.5406/illinois/9780252038211.001.0001
- Subject:
- Society and Culture, Media Studies
The charge of inauthenticity has trailed Hillary Clinton from the moment she entered the national spotlight and stood in front of television cameras. This book shows how the U.S. media created their ...
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The charge of inauthenticity has trailed Hillary Clinton from the moment she entered the national spotlight and stood in front of television cameras. This book shows how the U.S. media created their own news frames of Clinton's political authenticity and image-making, from her participation in Bill Clinton's 1992 presidential campaign through her own 2008 presidential bid. Using theories of nationalism, feminism, and authenticity, the book tracks the evolving ways the major networks and cable news programs framed Clinton's image as she assumed roles ranging from surrogate campaigner, legislative advocate, and financial investor to international emissary, scorned wife, and political candidate. This study magnifies how the coverage that preceded Clinton's entry into electoral politics was grounded in her earliest presence in the national spotlight, and in long-standing nationalistic beliefs about the boundaries of authentic womanhood and first lady comportment. Once Clinton dared to cross those gender boundaries and vie for office in her own right, the news exuded a rhetoric of sexual violence. These portrayals served as a warning to other women who dared to enter the political arena and violate the protocols of authentic womanhood.Less
The charge of inauthenticity has trailed Hillary Clinton from the moment she entered the national spotlight and stood in front of television cameras. This book shows how the U.S. media created their own news frames of Clinton's political authenticity and image-making, from her participation in Bill Clinton's 1992 presidential campaign through her own 2008 presidential bid. Using theories of nationalism, feminism, and authenticity, the book tracks the evolving ways the major networks and cable news programs framed Clinton's image as she assumed roles ranging from surrogate campaigner, legislative advocate, and financial investor to international emissary, scorned wife, and political candidate. This study magnifies how the coverage that preceded Clinton's entry into electoral politics was grounded in her earliest presence in the national spotlight, and in long-standing nationalistic beliefs about the boundaries of authentic womanhood and first lady comportment. Once Clinton dared to cross those gender boundaries and vie for office in her own right, the news exuded a rhetoric of sexual violence. These portrayals served as a warning to other women who dared to enter the political arena and violate the protocols of authentic womanhood.
- Published in print:
- 2008
- Published Online:
- June 2013
- ISBN:
- 9780804758079
- eISBN:
- 9780804768467
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Stanford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.11126/stanford/9780804758079.003.0010
- Subject:
- History, American History: 20th Century
This chapter describes the symbolic meanings of the Geneva summit. It is observed that the summit had created only one tangible outcome: a commitment to keep on talking. The U.S. media implored that ...
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This chapter describes the symbolic meanings of the Geneva summit. It is observed that the summit had created only one tangible outcome: a commitment to keep on talking. The U.S. media implored that the cold war still had to be waged with unabated fervor in spite of the new “spirit of Geneva.” The press reports made static balance the substance of “the spirit of Geneva.” President Dwight Eisenhower had his highest popularity rating ever in the Geneva summit. The triumph of apocalypse management may be due to the power of the news media. In addition, apocalypse management was appealing due to its innovative change and familiar continuity in public discourse. Furthermore, the public language of Eisenhower mixed reassuring words of optimism with words of anxiety.Less
This chapter describes the symbolic meanings of the Geneva summit. It is observed that the summit had created only one tangible outcome: a commitment to keep on talking. The U.S. media implored that the cold war still had to be waged with unabated fervor in spite of the new “spirit of Geneva.” The press reports made static balance the substance of “the spirit of Geneva.” President Dwight Eisenhower had his highest popularity rating ever in the Geneva summit. The triumph of apocalypse management may be due to the power of the news media. In addition, apocalypse management was appealing due to its innovative change and familiar continuity in public discourse. Furthermore, the public language of Eisenhower mixed reassuring words of optimism with words of anxiety.
Micaela di Leonardo
- Published in print:
- 2019
- Published Online:
- June 2019
- ISBN:
- 9780190870195
- eISBN:
- 9780190870225
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/oso/9780190870195.003.0008
- Subject:
- Sociology, Race and Ethnicity, Culture
This chapter lays out the shifting American political/racial mediascape and the TJMS’s place within it. The chapter further outlines the fissioned public sphere—majority outlets are at least ...
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This chapter lays out the shifting American political/racial mediascape and the TJMS’s place within it. The chapter further outlines the fissioned public sphere—majority outlets are at least minimally anti-racist/women’s rights/anti-xenophobic, but there is a consolidation of vilely racist/misogynist/xenophobic outlets across American media. It documents Tom Joyner’s announcement that the show will end in Autumn 2019, and the avalanche of horrified and hilarious crew and audience reactions. It also specifies the evolving political economy of music radio and the rise of music streaming services spelling its demise. Finally, the chapter speculates on the future of a synergistic cross-medium progressive public sphere.Less
This chapter lays out the shifting American political/racial mediascape and the TJMS’s place within it. The chapter further outlines the fissioned public sphere—majority outlets are at least minimally anti-racist/women’s rights/anti-xenophobic, but there is a consolidation of vilely racist/misogynist/xenophobic outlets across American media. It documents Tom Joyner’s announcement that the show will end in Autumn 2019, and the avalanche of horrified and hilarious crew and audience reactions. It also specifies the evolving political economy of music radio and the rise of music streaming services spelling its demise. Finally, the chapter speculates on the future of a synergistic cross-medium progressive public sphere.