Richard W. Miller
- Published in print:
- 2010
- Published Online:
- May 2010
- ISBN:
- 9780199581986
- eISBN:
- 9780191723247
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199581986.003.0008
- Subject:
- Philosophy, Moral Philosophy, Philosophy of Mind
Continuing moral inquiry into the American empire, this chapter argues that the violent initiatives in developing countries characteristic of U.S. foreign policy have been pervasively unjust and that ...
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Continuing moral inquiry into the American empire, this chapter argues that the violent initiatives in developing countries characteristic of U.S. foreign policy have been pervasively unjust and that the normal interactions of American elites and the American electorate are bound to give rise to vast and morally unjustified harms in those countries. The tendency of an overriding interest in American power to produce these unjust harms is described through historical narratives, including narratives of high‐level decisionmaking, explained as due to interests, powers and attitudes shaped by political, economic and educational institutions and the major media, and connected with a current crisis of empire. Acknowledging that American hegemony provides important benefits of stability, as well, the chapter concludes that hemming in destructive imperial tendencies is currently the right response, without a wish for the immediate disappearance of the empire.Less
Continuing moral inquiry into the American empire, this chapter argues that the violent initiatives in developing countries characteristic of U.S. foreign policy have been pervasively unjust and that the normal interactions of American elites and the American electorate are bound to give rise to vast and morally unjustified harms in those countries. The tendency of an overriding interest in American power to produce these unjust harms is described through historical narratives, including narratives of high‐level decisionmaking, explained as due to interests, powers and attitudes shaped by political, economic and educational institutions and the major media, and connected with a current crisis of empire. Acknowledging that American hegemony provides important benefits of stability, as well, the chapter concludes that hemming in destructive imperial tendencies is currently the right response, without a wish for the immediate disappearance of the empire.
Linda L. Fowler
- Published in print:
- 2015
- Published Online:
- October 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780691151618
- eISBN:
- 9781400866465
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Princeton University Press
- DOI:
- 10.23943/princeton/9780691151618.003.0002
- Subject:
- Political Science, American Politics
This chapter reviews previous scholarship about congressional scrutiny of the executive branch and about general patterns of legislative influence on foreign policy decisions. In the spring of 2004, ...
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This chapter reviews previous scholarship about congressional scrutiny of the executive branch and about general patterns of legislative influence on foreign policy decisions. In the spring of 2004, the chair of the Senate Foreign Relations Committee proposed public hearings regarding the conduct and objectives of the Iraq War. A month later, Senator John Warner, chair of the Senate Armed Services Committee, scheduled two days of hearings to investigate abuse of detainees at Baghdad's Abu Ghraib Prison. The chapter examines the hearing activity of the Senate Armed Services and Foreign Relations committees from 1947 to 2008 to assess the overall trends in oversight and identify similarities and differences in their behavior. It also considers what scholars know about congressional involvement in U.S. foreign policy, what they have concluded about oversight of national security more generally, and why these perspectives do not appear to fit together.Less
This chapter reviews previous scholarship about congressional scrutiny of the executive branch and about general patterns of legislative influence on foreign policy decisions. In the spring of 2004, the chair of the Senate Foreign Relations Committee proposed public hearings regarding the conduct and objectives of the Iraq War. A month later, Senator John Warner, chair of the Senate Armed Services Committee, scheduled two days of hearings to investigate abuse of detainees at Baghdad's Abu Ghraib Prison. The chapter examines the hearing activity of the Senate Armed Services and Foreign Relations committees from 1947 to 2008 to assess the overall trends in oversight and identify similarities and differences in their behavior. It also considers what scholars know about congressional involvement in U.S. foreign policy, what they have concluded about oversight of national security more generally, and why these perspectives do not appear to fit together.
Keren Yarhi-Milo
- Published in print:
- 2014
- Published Online:
- October 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780691159157
- eISBN:
- 9781400850419
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Princeton University Press
- DOI:
- 10.23943/princeton/9780691159157.003.0007
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
This chapter examines the indicators used by U.S. President Jimmy Carter and two key decision makers in his administration, National Security Advisor Zbigniew Brzezinski and Secretary of State Cyrus ...
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This chapter examines the indicators used by U.S. President Jimmy Carter and two key decision makers in his administration, National Security Advisor Zbigniew Brzezinski and Secretary of State Cyrus Vance, to assess the intentions of the Soviet Union during the period 1977–1980. Using evidence from U.S. archives and interviews with former U.S. decision makers, it compares the predictions of the selective attention thesis, capabilities thesis, strategic military doctrine thesis, and behavior thesis. After discussing the U.S. decision makers' stated beliefs about Soviet intentions, the chapter considers the reasoning they employed to justify their intentions assessments. It then describes the policies that individual decision makers advocated and those that the administration collectively adopted. It also explores whether decision makers advocated policies that were congruent with their stated beliefs about intentions and evaluate sthe impact of beliefs about intentions on U.S. foreign policy at the time.Less
This chapter examines the indicators used by U.S. President Jimmy Carter and two key decision makers in his administration, National Security Advisor Zbigniew Brzezinski and Secretary of State Cyrus Vance, to assess the intentions of the Soviet Union during the period 1977–1980. Using evidence from U.S. archives and interviews with former U.S. decision makers, it compares the predictions of the selective attention thesis, capabilities thesis, strategic military doctrine thesis, and behavior thesis. After discussing the U.S. decision makers' stated beliefs about Soviet intentions, the chapter considers the reasoning they employed to justify their intentions assessments. It then describes the policies that individual decision makers advocated and those that the administration collectively adopted. It also explores whether decision makers advocated policies that were congruent with their stated beliefs about intentions and evaluate sthe impact of beliefs about intentions on U.S. foreign policy at the time.
Keren Yarhi-Milo
- Published in print:
- 2014
- Published Online:
- October 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780691159157
- eISBN:
- 9781400850419
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Princeton University Press
- DOI:
- 10.23943/princeton/9780691159157.003.0010
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
This chapter examines the indicators used by U.S. President Jimmy Carter and two key decision makers in his administration, National Security Advisor Zbigniew Brzezinski and Secretary of State Cyrus ...
More
This chapter examines the indicators used by U.S. President Jimmy Carter and two key decision makers in his administration, National Security Advisor Zbigniew Brzezinski and Secretary of State Cyrus Vance, to assess the intentions of the Soviet Union during the period 1977–1980. Using evidence from U.S. archives and interviews with former U.S. decision makers, it compares the predictions of the selective attention thesis, capabilities thesis, strategic military doctrine thesis, and behavior thesis. After discussing the U.S. decision makers’ stated beliefs about Soviet intentions, the chapter considers the reasoning they employed to justify their intentions assessments. It then describes the policies that individual decision makers advocated and those that the administration collectively adopted. It also explores whether decision makers advocated policies that were congruent with their stated beliefs about intentions and evaluate sthe impact of beliefs about intentions on U.S. foreign policy at the time.Less
This chapter examines the indicators used by U.S. President Jimmy Carter and two key decision makers in his administration, National Security Advisor Zbigniew Brzezinski and Secretary of State Cyrus Vance, to assess the intentions of the Soviet Union during the period 1977–1980. Using evidence from U.S. archives and interviews with former U.S. decision makers, it compares the predictions of the selective attention thesis, capabilities thesis, strategic military doctrine thesis, and behavior thesis. After discussing the U.S. decision makers’ stated beliefs about Soviet intentions, the chapter considers the reasoning they employed to justify their intentions assessments. It then describes the policies that individual decision makers advocated and those that the administration collectively adopted. It also explores whether decision makers advocated policies that were congruent with their stated beliefs about intentions and evaluate sthe impact of beliefs about intentions on U.S. foreign policy at the time.
Jussi Hanhimäki
- Published in print:
- 2004
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780195172218
- eISBN:
- 9780199849994
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195172218.003.0019
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
Also known as the Halloween Massacre, on November 3, 1975, President Ford announced a number of changes within his cabinet which included Henry Kissinger's removal from his post as national security ...
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Also known as the Halloween Massacre, on November 3, 1975, President Ford announced a number of changes within his cabinet which included Henry Kissinger's removal from his post as national security adviser. Though he was able to retain his job as secretary of state, this apparent demotion of Kissinger is a clear indication that he had become a political liability to Ford's administration. This chapter illustrates how the demotion of Kissinger in November 1975 and Ford's loss in 1976 are intimately linked to a broad criticism of U.S. foreign policy. It demonstrates how the secretary of state became a visible target for those wishing to move into the White House due to his penchant for secrecy and unapologetic realpolitik. Despite Ford's attempt to minimize the secretary of state's visibility, Kissinger's public image remained partly to blame for the downfall of the 1976 Ford bid for the presidency.Less
Also known as the Halloween Massacre, on November 3, 1975, President Ford announced a number of changes within his cabinet which included Henry Kissinger's removal from his post as national security adviser. Though he was able to retain his job as secretary of state, this apparent demotion of Kissinger is a clear indication that he had become a political liability to Ford's administration. This chapter illustrates how the demotion of Kissinger in November 1975 and Ford's loss in 1976 are intimately linked to a broad criticism of U.S. foreign policy. It demonstrates how the secretary of state became a visible target for those wishing to move into the White House due to his penchant for secrecy and unapologetic realpolitik. Despite Ford's attempt to minimize the secretary of state's visibility, Kissinger's public image remained partly to blame for the downfall of the 1976 Ford bid for the presidency.
Lawrence Davidson
- Published in print:
- 2009
- Published Online:
- September 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780813125244
- eISBN:
- 9780813135021
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- University Press of Kentucky
- DOI:
- 10.5810/kentucky/9780813125244.001.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, American Politics
Elected officials, and especially presidential candidates, are increasingly asked to define their relationships to special interest groups. Such special, or private, interests play a disproportionate ...
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Elected officials, and especially presidential candidates, are increasingly asked to define their relationships to special interest groups. Such special, or private, interests play a disproportionate role in politics and legislation, whether in the form of large commercial or ethnic lobbies or in the shadowy realm of backroom dealmaking. This book argues that widespread public disinterest in global affairs, a prevailing characteristic of American political culture, has given private interest groups a paramount influence over the formulation and implementation of U.S. foreign policy. These well-organized, well-funded groups affect all levels of government, disguising their own interests as vital national interests. The book draws from numerous historical examples, dating from America's founding to the present, to examine the causes and the serious consequences of Americans' apathy toward foreign policy. This unique historical analysis of our increasingly privatized system of government offers compelling evidence that the United States is a democracy not of individuals, but of competing and powerful private groups.Less
Elected officials, and especially presidential candidates, are increasingly asked to define their relationships to special interest groups. Such special, or private, interests play a disproportionate role in politics and legislation, whether in the form of large commercial or ethnic lobbies or in the shadowy realm of backroom dealmaking. This book argues that widespread public disinterest in global affairs, a prevailing characteristic of American political culture, has given private interest groups a paramount influence over the formulation and implementation of U.S. foreign policy. These well-organized, well-funded groups affect all levels of government, disguising their own interests as vital national interests. The book draws from numerous historical examples, dating from America's founding to the present, to examine the causes and the serious consequences of Americans' apathy toward foreign policy. This unique historical analysis of our increasingly privatized system of government offers compelling evidence that the United States is a democracy not of individuals, but of competing and powerful private groups.
William Michael Schmidli
- Published in print:
- 2013
- Published Online:
- August 2016
- ISBN:
- 9780801451966
- eISBN:
- 9780801469626
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Cornell University Press
- DOI:
- 10.7591/cornell/9780801451966.003.0004
- Subject:
- History, Latin American History
This chapter examines the rise of the human rights movement in U.S. foreign policy. In November 1974, Olga Talamante was arrested in Argentina five days after “State of Siege” provisions had been ...
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This chapter examines the rise of the human rights movement in U.S. foreign policy. In November 1974, Olga Talamante was arrested in Argentina five days after “State of Siege” provisions had been enacted, in which suspected subversives could be held indefinitely and without charges. Soon after, Olga’s parents formed the Olga Talamante Defense Committee (OTDC) and began a grassroots campaign on her behalf. The Talamantes’ dedication to securing Olga’s release eventually transformed the OTDC into a full-fledged social movement. The immense outpouring of solidarity the OTDC generated reflected the rising support for human rights in U.S. society and politics. Rooted in the struggle for civil rights and the anti-Vietnam War movements, and gaining strength as a result of widespread disillusionment with U.S. support for repressive regimes, the effort to institutionalize human rights in U.S. foreign policy and improve the protection of human rights overseas flourished in the early 1970s.Less
This chapter examines the rise of the human rights movement in U.S. foreign policy. In November 1974, Olga Talamante was arrested in Argentina five days after “State of Siege” provisions had been enacted, in which suspected subversives could be held indefinitely and without charges. Soon after, Olga’s parents formed the Olga Talamante Defense Committee (OTDC) and began a grassroots campaign on her behalf. The Talamantes’ dedication to securing Olga’s release eventually transformed the OTDC into a full-fledged social movement. The immense outpouring of solidarity the OTDC generated reflected the rising support for human rights in U.S. society and politics. Rooted in the struggle for civil rights and the anti-Vietnam War movements, and gaining strength as a result of widespread disillusionment with U.S. support for repressive regimes, the effort to institutionalize human rights in U.S. foreign policy and improve the protection of human rights overseas flourished in the early 1970s.
Martin S. Flaherty
- Published in print:
- 2019
- Published Online:
- May 2020
- ISBN:
- 9780691179124
- eISBN:
- 9780691186122
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Princeton University Press
- DOI:
- 10.23943/princeton/9780691179124.003.0006
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
This chapter brings the survey of custom to the beginning of this century. That survey shows how U.S. foreign policy has continued to pressure the judiciary to go in the direction of Curtiss-Wright, ...
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This chapter brings the survey of custom to the beginning of this century. That survey shows how U.S. foreign policy has continued to pressure the judiciary to go in the direction of Curtiss-Wright, an invitation it has still generally refused in light of the recommitment to the original constitutional framework set out in Youngstown. That the courts, and the Supreme Court in particular, maintained their position as well as they did stands as a testament to the original constitutional design and nearly a century and a half of constitutional custom. Starting roughly midcentury, the nation was placed on a type of near-permanent war footing. These developments accelerated the trend toward greater claims of executive power in particular. In this setting, arguments that the judiciary was ill suited to second-guess executive foreign policy, and to intervene in foreign affairs more generally, were sounded with greater frequency. At times the Court bowed, much to its later regret. Yet, for the most part, it has shown itself capable of maintaining its role. In the end, the survey of constitutional custom falls short of showing constitutional demotion of the judiciary's role in foreign affairs as originally envisioned and long practiced.Less
This chapter brings the survey of custom to the beginning of this century. That survey shows how U.S. foreign policy has continued to pressure the judiciary to go in the direction of Curtiss-Wright, an invitation it has still generally refused in light of the recommitment to the original constitutional framework set out in Youngstown. That the courts, and the Supreme Court in particular, maintained their position as well as they did stands as a testament to the original constitutional design and nearly a century and a half of constitutional custom. Starting roughly midcentury, the nation was placed on a type of near-permanent war footing. These developments accelerated the trend toward greater claims of executive power in particular. In this setting, arguments that the judiciary was ill suited to second-guess executive foreign policy, and to intervene in foreign affairs more generally, were sounded with greater frequency. At times the Court bowed, much to its later regret. Yet, for the most part, it has shown itself capable of maintaining its role. In the end, the survey of constitutional custom falls short of showing constitutional demotion of the judiciary's role in foreign affairs as originally envisioned and long practiced.
Kathryn C. Lavelle
- Published in print:
- 2011
- Published Online:
- January 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780199765348
- eISBN:
- 9780199918959
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199765348.001.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
Conventional understandings of U.S. foreign policy see Congress as an obstacle to multilateral cooperation. Kathryn Lavelle challenges the traditional view by considering Congress within the three ...
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Conventional understandings of U.S. foreign policy see Congress as an obstacle to multilateral cooperation. Kathryn Lavelle challenges the traditional view by considering Congress within the three branches of American government, as well as within networks of global politics. Using the notion of “Congressional advocacy” to refer to the process wherein American legislators use the institutional mechanisms of Congress to influence public policy and resource allocation decisions in international organizations, Legislating International Organization shows how members of Congress attach policy prescriptions to legislation to build support for measures related to the IMF and World Bank. It demonstrates that despite delays and unwelcome demands, Congress has always provided requisite funding. Each chapter asks how this result has been possible in the face of considerable apathy and opposition? Based on direct experience, observations, interviews, and extensive archival research, the book argues that in each historical stage, exogenous changes in the international political economy combined with endogenous procedural change in the legislature to create and erode constituencies for the work of the IMF and World Bank. As a result of the Cold War, financial crises, and related developments in international lending, the efforts of members of Congress and interest groups have gradually intermingled with that of transnational groups. The relationship between Congress and the IMF and World Bank is particularly important today where the collapse of the traditional constituencies in the wake of the 2008 financial crisis poses a serious challenge to the future of multilateralism in American politics.Less
Conventional understandings of U.S. foreign policy see Congress as an obstacle to multilateral cooperation. Kathryn Lavelle challenges the traditional view by considering Congress within the three branches of American government, as well as within networks of global politics. Using the notion of “Congressional advocacy” to refer to the process wherein American legislators use the institutional mechanisms of Congress to influence public policy and resource allocation decisions in international organizations, Legislating International Organization shows how members of Congress attach policy prescriptions to legislation to build support for measures related to the IMF and World Bank. It demonstrates that despite delays and unwelcome demands, Congress has always provided requisite funding. Each chapter asks how this result has been possible in the face of considerable apathy and opposition? Based on direct experience, observations, interviews, and extensive archival research, the book argues that in each historical stage, exogenous changes in the international political economy combined with endogenous procedural change in the legislature to create and erode constituencies for the work of the IMF and World Bank. As a result of the Cold War, financial crises, and related developments in international lending, the efforts of members of Congress and interest groups have gradually intermingled with that of transnational groups. The relationship between Congress and the IMF and World Bank is particularly important today where the collapse of the traditional constituencies in the wake of the 2008 financial crisis poses a serious challenge to the future of multilateralism in American politics.
Melvyn P Leffler
- Published in print:
- 2019
- Published Online:
- May 2020
- ISBN:
- 9780691196510
- eISBN:
- 9781400888061
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Princeton University Press
- DOI:
- 10.23943/princeton/9780691196510.001.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
This book gathers together decades of writing by the author, to address important questions about U.S. national security policy from the end of World War I to the global war on terror. Why did the ...
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This book gathers together decades of writing by the author, to address important questions about U.S. national security policy from the end of World War I to the global war on terror. Why did the United States withdraw strategically from Europe after World War I and not after World War II? How did World War II reshape Americans' understanding of their vital interests? What caused the United States to achieve victory in the long Cold War? To what extent did 9/11 transform U.S. national security policy? Is budgetary austerity a fundamental threat to U.S. national interests? The wide-ranging chapters explain how foreign policy evolved into national security policy. The book stresses the competing priorities that forced policymakers to make agonizing trade-offs and illuminates the travails of the policymaking process itself. While assessing the course of U.S. national security policy, the author also interrogates the evolution of his own scholarship. Over time, slowly and almost unconsciously, the author's work has married elements of revisionism with realism to form a unique synthesis that uses threat perception as a lens to understand how and why policymakers reconcile the pressures emanating from external dangers and internal priorities.Less
This book gathers together decades of writing by the author, to address important questions about U.S. national security policy from the end of World War I to the global war on terror. Why did the United States withdraw strategically from Europe after World War I and not after World War II? How did World War II reshape Americans' understanding of their vital interests? What caused the United States to achieve victory in the long Cold War? To what extent did 9/11 transform U.S. national security policy? Is budgetary austerity a fundamental threat to U.S. national interests? The wide-ranging chapters explain how foreign policy evolved into national security policy. The book stresses the competing priorities that forced policymakers to make agonizing trade-offs and illuminates the travails of the policymaking process itself. While assessing the course of U.S. national security policy, the author also interrogates the evolution of his own scholarship. Over time, slowly and almost unconsciously, the author's work has married elements of revisionism with realism to form a unique synthesis that uses threat perception as a lens to understand how and why policymakers reconcile the pressures emanating from external dangers and internal priorities.
Jussi Hanhimäki
- Published in print:
- 2004
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780195172218
- eISBN:
- 9780199849994
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195172218.003.0012
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
After the conclusion of the Paris Agreements, Nixon became increasingly dependent on Kissinger for setting the overall direction of U.S foreign policy. Despite the dark shadow that Watergate laid ...
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After the conclusion of the Paris Agreements, Nixon became increasingly dependent on Kissinger for setting the overall direction of U.S foreign policy. Despite the dark shadow that Watergate laid over Nixon's presidency, the broad outlines of Nixon-Kissinger foreign policy appeared intact, with the exception of Vietnam. After four years of endless bargains mixed with emotional highs and lows, Kissinger snubbed Saigon when he toured Southeast Asia. This chapter focuses on Kissinger's visit to Hanoi for negotiation deals and why they ended unsuccessfully. In contrast, his visit to Beijing brought flourishing results. He was able to engage in broad discussions with Zhou about the state of the world and this is explored in detail in this chapter.Less
After the conclusion of the Paris Agreements, Nixon became increasingly dependent on Kissinger for setting the overall direction of U.S foreign policy. Despite the dark shadow that Watergate laid over Nixon's presidency, the broad outlines of Nixon-Kissinger foreign policy appeared intact, with the exception of Vietnam. After four years of endless bargains mixed with emotional highs and lows, Kissinger snubbed Saigon when he toured Southeast Asia. This chapter focuses on Kissinger's visit to Hanoi for negotiation deals and why they ended unsuccessfully. In contrast, his visit to Beijing brought flourishing results. He was able to engage in broad discussions with Zhou about the state of the world and this is explored in detail in this chapter.
Valerie M. Hudson and Patricia Leidl
- Published in print:
- 2015
- Published Online:
- November 2015
- ISBN:
- 9780231164924
- eISBN:
- 9780231539104
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Columbia University Press
- DOI:
- 10.7312/columbia/9780231164924.003.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, American Politics
This chapter offers a timeline of how sex became an isue in U.S. foreign policy. When Americans think of U.S. foreign policy and its many challenges, they tend to consider it relative to strategic ...
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This chapter offers a timeline of how sex became an isue in U.S. foreign policy. When Americans think of U.S. foreign policy and its many challenges, they tend to consider it relative to strategic issues involving relations with China, or the byzantine politics and endless conflicts that characterize the Middle East. Although Americans may acknowledge that part of the reason for these countries' difficulties is their treatment of women, the U.S. government has been reluctant to broach the topic during dialogues with these nations. It was not until Hillary Rodham Clinton's speech at the Fourth World Conference on Women in Beijing in September 1995 that foreign affairs finally addressed the notion of the empowerment of women, both young and old. This moment in Beijing led to the inception of the eponymous Hillary Doctrine fourteen years later, which proposes that the empowerment of women and girls is a stabilizing force for peace in the world, and should thus be a cornerstone of American foreign policy.Less
This chapter offers a timeline of how sex became an isue in U.S. foreign policy. When Americans think of U.S. foreign policy and its many challenges, they tend to consider it relative to strategic issues involving relations with China, or the byzantine politics and endless conflicts that characterize the Middle East. Although Americans may acknowledge that part of the reason for these countries' difficulties is their treatment of women, the U.S. government has been reluctant to broach the topic during dialogues with these nations. It was not until Hillary Rodham Clinton's speech at the Fourth World Conference on Women in Beijing in September 1995 that foreign affairs finally addressed the notion of the empowerment of women, both young and old. This moment in Beijing led to the inception of the eponymous Hillary Doctrine fourteen years later, which proposes that the empowerment of women and girls is a stabilizing force for peace in the world, and should thus be a cornerstone of American foreign policy.
Frederick D. Barton, Shannon Hayden, and Karin von Hippel
- Published in print:
- 2012
- Published Online:
- May 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780199827978
- eISBN:
- 9780199933020
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199827978.003.0019
- Subject:
- Religion, Religion and Society
Religion features prominently in many of the major foreign policy challenges facing the new Obama administration, notably in Afghanistan, Iran, Iraq, Nigeria, Pakistan, Somalia, and of course, the ...
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Religion features prominently in many of the major foreign policy challenges facing the new Obama administration, notably in Afghanistan, Iran, Iraq, Nigeria, Pakistan, Somalia, and of course, the Middle East as a whole. Yet beyond the experts, most government officials and implementing partners still do not have the requisite tools nor necessary understanding of the issues to factor religion into policy and practice in an appropriate manner. This chapter discusses U.S. engagement with religion in two parts. The first outlines the difficulties and challenges in conflict zones, and discusses the legal issues that arise. The second proposes concrete recommendations, which are intended to help clarify guidance and harmonize practice. Because conflict zones are complex and fluid environments, and religion can be interpreted very differently in each situation, it is not possible to develop a generic framework that can be applied in all contexts. Aid workers, soldiers, diplomats, and other practitioners need new tools, but they must also be prepared to work with ambiguity and to rely on their own judgment.Less
Religion features prominently in many of the major foreign policy challenges facing the new Obama administration, notably in Afghanistan, Iran, Iraq, Nigeria, Pakistan, Somalia, and of course, the Middle East as a whole. Yet beyond the experts, most government officials and implementing partners still do not have the requisite tools nor necessary understanding of the issues to factor religion into policy and practice in an appropriate manner. This chapter discusses U.S. engagement with religion in two parts. The first outlines the difficulties and challenges in conflict zones, and discusses the legal issues that arise. The second proposes concrete recommendations, which are intended to help clarify guidance and harmonize practice. Because conflict zones are complex and fluid environments, and religion can be interpreted very differently in each situation, it is not possible to develop a generic framework that can be applied in all contexts. Aid workers, soldiers, diplomats, and other practitioners need new tools, but they must also be prepared to work with ambiguity and to rely on their own judgment.
Gareth Porter
- Published in print:
- 2005
- Published Online:
- March 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780520239487
- eISBN:
- 9780520940406
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University of California Press
- DOI:
- 10.1525/california/9780520239487.003.0009
- Subject:
- History, American History: 20th Century
This chapter reviews the evidence for the critical influence of unequal power relations on the four crucial Vietnam policy decisions. It evaluates the “unipolar moment” in global politics and U.S. ...
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This chapter reviews the evidence for the critical influence of unequal power relations on the four crucial Vietnam policy decisions. It evaluates the “unipolar moment” in global politics and U.S. foreign policy. It is suggested that the process of making policy toward Vietnam resulted in policy decisions which did not reflect the best judgment of the president about Vietnam. The April decision on troop deployment appears to have represented the apogee of influence of Johnson's inner circle of advisers. It is stated that the aggressiveness of the national security bureaucracy in asserting the necessity for a military approach to Vietnam in both the John Kennedy and Lyndon Johnson administrations was not a function of the specific personalities involved. It is also suggested that unipolar experience shows that the problem of inadequate domestic restraints may be exacerbated by the tendency of the national security bureaucracy to assert itself in policy making.Less
This chapter reviews the evidence for the critical influence of unequal power relations on the four crucial Vietnam policy decisions. It evaluates the “unipolar moment” in global politics and U.S. foreign policy. It is suggested that the process of making policy toward Vietnam resulted in policy decisions which did not reflect the best judgment of the president about Vietnam. The April decision on troop deployment appears to have represented the apogee of influence of Johnson's inner circle of advisers. It is stated that the aggressiveness of the national security bureaucracy in asserting the necessity for a military approach to Vietnam in both the John Kennedy and Lyndon Johnson administrations was not a function of the specific personalities involved. It is also suggested that unipolar experience shows that the problem of inadequate domestic restraints may be exacerbated by the tendency of the national security bureaucracy to assert itself in policy making.
Andrew L. Johns and Kenneth Osgood (eds)
- Published in print:
- 2010
- Published Online:
- September 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780813034669
- eISBN:
- 9780813038742
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University Press of Florida
- DOI:
- 10.5744/florida/9780813034669.003.0001
- Subject:
- Society and Culture, Media Studies
The idea of selling war is not exclusive to the modern presidency. The words and deeds of the nineteenth-century presidents resonate with parallels during the “media age” and set precedents for their ...
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The idea of selling war is not exclusive to the modern presidency. The words and deeds of the nineteenth-century presidents resonate with parallels during the “media age” and set precedents for their successors. The selling of war—or any U.S. foreign policy initiative—to the American public predates the American century. Propaganda as a tool of foreign relations predates the United States by centuries. Political leaders have always intuited the importance of dealing with public opinion, both in terms of reacting to it and shaping it. The advent of technology, evolution in the role and scope of the federal government and the increasing sophistication of propaganda, and public relations techniques would fundamentally alter the relationship between the Oval Office and domestic political opinion.Less
The idea of selling war is not exclusive to the modern presidency. The words and deeds of the nineteenth-century presidents resonate with parallels during the “media age” and set precedents for their successors. The selling of war—or any U.S. foreign policy initiative—to the American public predates the American century. Propaganda as a tool of foreign relations predates the United States by centuries. Political leaders have always intuited the importance of dealing with public opinion, both in terms of reacting to it and shaping it. The advent of technology, evolution in the role and scope of the federal government and the increasing sophistication of propaganda, and public relations techniques would fundamentally alter the relationship between the Oval Office and domestic political opinion.
Jussi Hanhimäki
- Published in print:
- 2004
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780195172218
- eISBN:
- 9780199849994
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195172218.003.0016
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
Eager to demonstrate the continuance of détente, Kissinger found that the best means of renewing détente was the conclusion of the SALT II agreement. This chapter illustrates in detail the events ...
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Eager to demonstrate the continuance of détente, Kissinger found that the best means of renewing détente was the conclusion of the SALT II agreement. This chapter illustrates in detail the events that occurred in the fall of 1974 and how the apparent progress on the renewal of détente in his meetings in Moscow and Vladisvostok shifted negatively. In addition, it argues that the search for renewal in U.S foreign policy was not cut down due to Kissinger's unwillingness to pursue an active agenda, but rather, détente was hampered due to the inability of the new president to lead an unruly post-Watergate legislature.Less
Eager to demonstrate the continuance of détente, Kissinger found that the best means of renewing détente was the conclusion of the SALT II agreement. This chapter illustrates in detail the events that occurred in the fall of 1974 and how the apparent progress on the renewal of détente in his meetings in Moscow and Vladisvostok shifted negatively. In addition, it argues that the search for renewal in U.S foreign policy was not cut down due to Kissinger's unwillingness to pursue an active agenda, but rather, détente was hampered due to the inability of the new president to lead an unruly post-Watergate legislature.
William Michael Schmidli
- Published in print:
- 2013
- Published Online:
- August 2016
- ISBN:
- 9780801451966
- eISBN:
- 9780801469626
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Cornell University Press
- DOI:
- 10.7591/cornell/9780801451966.003.0008
- Subject:
- History, Latin American History
This concluding chapter looks at human rights during the Reagan administration. In accordance with its aggressive posture in the international arena, the Reagan administration set out to dramatically ...
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This concluding chapter looks at human rights during the Reagan administration. In accordance with its aggressive posture in the international arena, the Reagan administration set out to dramatically downplay the promotion of human rights as a U.S. foreign policy goal. The Reagan administration’s repudiation of Jimmy Carter’s human rights policy was particularly evident in U.S.–Argentine relations. Indeed, Reagan’s foreign policy team made clear that human rights would be conducted through “quiet diplomacy.” Two months after entering the Oval Office, the Reagan administration announced plans to convince legislators to lift the ban on military sales to Argentina, and ended the Carter administration’s policy of voting against international financial institution loans to Argentina on human rights grounds.Less
This concluding chapter looks at human rights during the Reagan administration. In accordance with its aggressive posture in the international arena, the Reagan administration set out to dramatically downplay the promotion of human rights as a U.S. foreign policy goal. The Reagan administration’s repudiation of Jimmy Carter’s human rights policy was particularly evident in U.S.–Argentine relations. Indeed, Reagan’s foreign policy team made clear that human rights would be conducted through “quiet diplomacy.” Two months after entering the Oval Office, the Reagan administration announced plans to convince legislators to lift the ban on military sales to Argentina, and ended the Carter administration’s policy of voting against international financial institution loans to Argentina on human rights grounds.
John Carlos Rowe (ed.)
- Published in print:
- 2010
- Published Online:
- May 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780520098701
- eISBN:
- 9780520943797
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University of California Press
- DOI:
- 10.1525/california/9780520098701.003.0010
- Subject:
- Anthropology, Anthropology, Global
This chapters explores the various ways in which U.S. cultural production, also known as the “the culture industry,” conditioned American citizens to accept the undisguised militarism and jingoistic ...
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This chapters explores the various ways in which U.S. cultural production, also known as the “the culture industry,” conditioned American citizens to accept the undisguised militarism and jingoistic nationalism driving U.S. foreign policy. The culture industry today encompasses a wide range of nominally different political positions, so that in many respects left, liberal, and conservative cultural works often achieve complementary ends. Exposures of U.S. military propaganda during the war have continued in news coverage of the supposed “rebuilding” of the political and economic infrastructure in Iraq. Public concern, regarding the federal government's veracity, is evident in the debate regarding who was actually responsible for the disinformation regarding the “Weapons of Mass Destruction” used as the principal justification for the invasion of Iraq. The chapter follows the capitalization of “cultural exports” ranging from Hollywood entertainment and television programming to digital technologies and their protocols for communication that aims towards rapid Americanization of the world.Less
This chapters explores the various ways in which U.S. cultural production, also known as the “the culture industry,” conditioned American citizens to accept the undisguised militarism and jingoistic nationalism driving U.S. foreign policy. The culture industry today encompasses a wide range of nominally different political positions, so that in many respects left, liberal, and conservative cultural works often achieve complementary ends. Exposures of U.S. military propaganda during the war have continued in news coverage of the supposed “rebuilding” of the political and economic infrastructure in Iraq. Public concern, regarding the federal government's veracity, is evident in the debate regarding who was actually responsible for the disinformation regarding the “Weapons of Mass Destruction” used as the principal justification for the invasion of Iraq. The chapter follows the capitalization of “cultural exports” ranging from Hollywood entertainment and television programming to digital technologies and their protocols for communication that aims towards rapid Americanization of the world.
Rachel M. McCleary
- Published in print:
- 2009
- Published Online:
- September 2009
- ISBN:
- 9780195371178
- eISBN:
- 9780199870592
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195371178.001.1
- Subject:
- Economics and Finance, Development, Growth, and Environmental
This book examines how American foreign policy has shaped the relationship between international private voluntary organizations and the U.S. federal government. Private voluntary organizations ...
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This book examines how American foreign policy has shaped the relationship between international private voluntary organizations and the U.S. federal government. Private voluntary organizations (PVOs)—Americares Foundation, Jewish Joint Distribution Committee, CARE, World Vision, and Catholic Relief Services, to name just a few—perform a vital function. They are the expression of human caring overseas, a compassion that was formalized during World War II and has continued to grow since. Through the dispersing of foreign aid, the U.S. government has relied on agencies to carry out humanitarian and development activities overseas. Using a new data set on revenue (private, federal, and international) from 1939 to 2005, this book analyzes the nature of PVO financial dependence of the federal government and how U.S. foreign policy influences federal funding mechanisms for PVOs.Less
This book examines how American foreign policy has shaped the relationship between international private voluntary organizations and the U.S. federal government. Private voluntary organizations (PVOs)—Americares Foundation, Jewish Joint Distribution Committee, CARE, World Vision, and Catholic Relief Services, to name just a few—perform a vital function. They are the expression of human caring overseas, a compassion that was formalized during World War II and has continued to grow since. Through the dispersing of foreign aid, the U.S. government has relied on agencies to carry out humanitarian and development activities overseas. Using a new data set on revenue (private, federal, and international) from 1939 to 2005, this book analyzes the nature of PVO financial dependence of the federal government and how U.S. foreign policy influences federal funding mechanisms for PVOs.
Martin S. Flaherty
- Published in print:
- 2019
- Published Online:
- May 2020
- ISBN:
- 9780691179124
- eISBN:
- 9780691186122
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Princeton University Press
- DOI:
- 10.23943/princeton/9780691179124.001.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
In the past several decades, there has been a growing chorus of voices contending that the Supreme Court and federal judiciary should stay out of foreign affairs and leave the field to Congress and ...
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In the past several decades, there has been a growing chorus of voices contending that the Supreme Court and federal judiciary should stay out of foreign affairs and leave the field to Congress and the president. Challenging this idea, this book argues instead for a robust judicial role in the conduct of U.S. foreign policy. The book demonstrates that the Supreme Court and federal judiciary have the power and duty to apply the law without deference to the other branches. Turning first to the founding of the nation, the book shows that the Constitution's original commitment to separation of powers was as strong in foreign as domestic matters, not least because the document shifted enormous authority to the new federal government. This initial conception eroded as the nation rose from fledgling state to superpower, fueling the growth of a dangerously formidable executive that today asserts near-plenary foreign affairs authority. The book explores how modern international relations makes the commitment to balance among the branches of government all the more critical and considers implications for modern controversies that the judiciary will continue to confront. At a time when executive and legislative actions in the name of U.S. foreign policy are only increasing, the book makes the case for a zealous judicial defense of fundamental rights involving global affairs.Less
In the past several decades, there has been a growing chorus of voices contending that the Supreme Court and federal judiciary should stay out of foreign affairs and leave the field to Congress and the president. Challenging this idea, this book argues instead for a robust judicial role in the conduct of U.S. foreign policy. The book demonstrates that the Supreme Court and federal judiciary have the power and duty to apply the law without deference to the other branches. Turning first to the founding of the nation, the book shows that the Constitution's original commitment to separation of powers was as strong in foreign as domestic matters, not least because the document shifted enormous authority to the new federal government. This initial conception eroded as the nation rose from fledgling state to superpower, fueling the growth of a dangerously formidable executive that today asserts near-plenary foreign affairs authority. The book explores how modern international relations makes the commitment to balance among the branches of government all the more critical and considers implications for modern controversies that the judiciary will continue to confront. At a time when executive and legislative actions in the name of U.S. foreign policy are only increasing, the book makes the case for a zealous judicial defense of fundamental rights involving global affairs.
