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Imperial Excess

Richard W. Miller

in Globalizing Justice: The Ethics of Poverty and Power

Continuing moral inquiry into the American empire, this chapter argues that the violent initiatives in developing countries characteristic of U.S. foreign policy have been pervasively unjust and that ... More

Continuing moral inquiry into the American empire, this chapter argues that the violent initiatives in developing countries characteristic of U.S. foreign policy have been pervasively unjust and that the normal interactions of American elites and the American electorate are bound to give rise to vast and morally unjustified harms in those countries. The tendency of an overriding interest in American power to produce these unjust harms is described through historical narratives, including narratives of high‐level decisionmaking, explained as due to interests, powers and attitudes shaped by political, economic and educational institutions and the major media, and connected with a current crisis of empire. Acknowledging that American hegemony provides important benefits of stability, as well, the chapter concludes that hemming in destructive imperial tendencies is currently the right response, without a wish for the immediate disappearance of the empire.Less

Guarding the Guardians through Oversight

Linda L. Fowler

in Watchdogs on the Hill: The Decline of Congressional Oversight of U.S. Foreign Relations

This chapter reviews previous scholarship about congressional scrutiny of the executive branch and about general patterns of legislative influence on foreign policy decisions. In the spring of 2004, ... More

This chapter reviews previous scholarship about congressional scrutiny of the executive branch and about general patterns of legislative influence on foreign policy decisions. In the spring of 2004, the chair of the Senate Foreign Relations Committee proposed public hearings regarding the conduct and objectives of the Iraq War. A month later, Senator John Warner, chair of the Senate Armed Services Committee, scheduled two days of hearings to investigate abuse of detainees at Baghdad's Abu Ghraib Prison. The chapter examines the hearing activity of the Senate Armed Services and Foreign Relations committees from 1947 to 2008 to assess the overall trends in oversight and identify similarities and differences in their behavior. It also considers what scholars know about congressional involvement in U.S. foreign policy, what they have concluded about oversight of national security more generally, and why these perspectives do not appear to fit together.Less

US Decision Makers’ Perceptions of Soviet Intentions: The Collapse of Détente

Keren Yarhi-Milo

in Knowing the Adversary: Leaders, Intelligence, and Assessment of Intentions in International Relations

This chapter examines the indicators used by U.S. President Jimmy Carter and two key decision makers in his administration, National Security Advisor Zbigniew Brzezinski and Secretary of State Cyrus ... More

This chapter examines the indicators used by U.S. President Jimmy Carter and two key decision makers in his administration, National Security Advisor Zbigniew Brzezinski and Secretary of State Cyrus Vance, to assess the intentions of the Soviet Union during the period 1977–1980. Using evidence from U.S. archives and interviews with former U.S. decision makers, it compares the predictions of the selective attention thesis, capabilities thesis, strategic military doctrine thesis, and behavior thesis. After discussing the U.S. decision makers' stated beliefs about Soviet intentions, the chapter considers the reasoning they employed to justify their intentions assessments. It then describes the policies that individual decision makers advocated and those that the administration collectively adopted. It also explores whether decision makers advocated policies that were congruent with their stated beliefs about intentions and evaluate sthe impact of beliefs about intentions on U.S. foreign policy at the time.Less

US Decision Makers’ Perceptions of Soviet Intentions: The End of the Cold War

Keren Yarhi-Milo

in Knowing the Adversary: Leaders, Intelligence, and Assessment of Intentions in International Relations

This chapter examines the indicators used by U.S. President Jimmy Carter and two key decision makers in his administration, National Security Advisor Zbigniew Brzezinski and Secretary of State Cyrus ... More

This chapter examines the indicators used by U.S. President Jimmy Carter and two key decision makers in his administration, National Security Advisor Zbigniew Brzezinski and Secretary of State Cyrus Vance, to assess the intentions of the Soviet Union during the period 1977–1980. Using evidence from U.S. archives and interviews with former U.S. decision makers, it compares the predictions of the selective attention thesis, capabilities thesis, strategic military doctrine thesis, and behavior thesis. After discussing the U.S. decision makers’ stated beliefs about Soviet intentions, the chapter considers the reasoning they employed to justify their intentions assessments. It then describes the policies that individual decision makers advocated and those that the administration collectively adopted. It also explores whether decision makers advocated policies that were congruent with their stated beliefs about intentions and evaluate sthe impact of beliefs about intentions on U.S. foreign policy at the time.Less

“Worse Than in the Days of McCarthy”: Kissinger and the Marathon of 1976

Jussi Hanhimäki

in The Flawed Architect: Henry Kissinger and American Foreign Policy

Also known as the Halloween Massacre, on November 3, 1975, President Ford announced a number of changes within his cabinet which included Henry Kissinger's removal from his post as national security ... More

Also known as the Halloween Massacre, on November 3, 1975, President Ford announced a number of changes within his cabinet which included Henry Kissinger's removal from his post as national security adviser. Though he was able to retain his job as secretary of state, this apparent demotion of Kissinger is a clear indication that he had become a political liability to Ford's administration. This chapter illustrates how the demotion of Kissinger in November 1975 and Ford's loss in 1976 are intimately linked to a broad criticism of U.S. foreign policy. It demonstrates how the secretary of state became a visible target for those wishing to move into the White House due to his penchant for secrecy and unapologetic realpolitik. Despite Ford's attempt to minimize the secretary of state's visibility, Kissinger's public image remained partly to blame for the downfall of the 1976 Ford bid for the presidency.Less

“Human Rights Is Suddenly Chic”: The Rise of The Movement, 1970–1976

William Michael Schmidli

in The Fate of Freedom Elsewhere: Human Rights and U.S. Cold War Policy toward Argentina

This chapter examines the rise of the human rights movement in U.S. foreign policy. In November 1974, Olga Talamante was arrested in Argentina five days after “State of Siege” provisions had been ... More

This chapter examines the rise of the human rights movement in U.S. foreign policy. In November 1974, Olga Talamante was arrested in Argentina five days after “State of Siege” provisions had been enacted, in which suspected subversives could be held indefinitely and without charges. Soon after, Olga’s parents formed the Olga Talamante Defense Committee (OTDC) and began a grassroots campaign on her behalf. The Talamantes’ dedication to securing Olga’s release eventually transformed the OTDC into a full-fledged social movement. The immense outpouring of solidarity the OTDC generated reflected the rising support for human rights in U.S. society and politics. Rooted in the struggle for civil rights and the anti-Vietnam War movements, and gaining strength as a result of widespread disillusionment with U.S. support for repressive regimes, the effort to institutionalize human rights in U.S. foreign policy and improve the protection of human rights overseas flourished in the early 1970s.Less

Article III versus the National Security State

Martin S. Flaherty

in Restoring the Global Judiciary: Why the Supreme Court Should Rule in U.S. Foreign Affairs

This chapter brings the survey of custom to the beginning of this century. That survey shows how U.S. foreign policy has continued to pressure the judiciary to go in the direction of Curtiss-Wright, ... More

This chapter brings the survey of custom to the beginning of this century. That survey shows how U.S. foreign policy has continued to pressure the judiciary to go in the direction of Curtiss-Wright, an invitation it has still generally refused in light of the recommitment to the original constitutional framework set out in Youngstown. That the courts, and the Supreme Court in particular, maintained their position as well as they did stands as a testament to the original constitutional design and nearly a century and a half of constitutional custom. Starting roughly midcentury, the nation was placed on a type of near-permanent war footing. These developments accelerated the trend toward greater claims of executive power in particular. In this setting, arguments that the judiciary was ill suited to second-guess executive foreign policy, and to intervene in foreign affairs more generally, were sounded with greater frequency. At times the Court bowed, much to its later regret. Yet, for the most part, it has shown itself capable of maintaining its role. In the end, the survey of constitutional custom falls short of showing constitutional demotion of the judiciary's role in foreign affairs as originally envisioned and long practiced.Less

Navigating in the Fog: Improving U.S. Government Engagement with Religion

Frederick D. Barton, Shannon Hayden, and Karin von Hippel

in Rethinking Religion and World Affairs

Religion features prominently in many of the major foreign policy challenges facing the new Obama administration, notably in Afghanistan, Iran, Iraq, Nigeria, Pakistan, Somalia, and of course, the ... More

Religion features prominently in many of the major foreign policy challenges facing the new Obama administration, notably in Afghanistan, Iran, Iraq, Nigeria, Pakistan, Somalia, and of course, the Middle East as a whole. Yet beyond the experts, most government officials and implementing partners still do not have the requisite tools nor necessary understanding of the issues to factor religion into policy and practice in an appropriate manner. This chapter discusses U.S. engagement with religion in two parts. The first outlines the difficulties and challenges in conflict zones, and discusses the legal issues that arise. The second proposes concrete recommendations, which are intended to help clarify guidance and harmonize practice. Because conflict zones are complex and fluid environments, and religion can be interpreted very differently in each situation, it is not possible to develop a generic framework that can be applied in all contexts. Aid workers, soldiers, diplomats, and other practitioners need new tools, but they must also be prepared to work with ambiguity and to rely on their own judgment.Less

Highs and Lows

Jussi Hanhimäki

in The Flawed Architect: Henry Kissinger and American Foreign Policy

After the conclusion of the Paris Agreements, Nixon became increasingly dependent on Kissinger for setting the overall direction of U.S foreign policy. Despite the dark shadow that Watergate laid ... More

After the conclusion of the Paris Agreements, Nixon became increasingly dependent on Kissinger for setting the overall direction of U.S foreign policy. Despite the dark shadow that Watergate laid over Nixon's presidency, the broad outlines of Nixon-Kissinger foreign policy appeared intact, with the exception of Vietnam. After four years of endless bargains mixed with emotional highs and lows, Kissinger snubbed Saigon when he toured Southeast Asia. This chapter focuses on Kissinger's visit to Hanoi for negotiation deals and why they ended unsuccessfully. In contrast, his visit to Beijing brought flourishing results. He was able to engage in broad discussions with Zhou about the state of the world and this is explored in detail in this chapter.Less

How Sex Came to Matter in U.S. Foreign Policy

Valerie M. Hudson and Patricia Leidl

in The Hillary Doctrine: Sex and American Foreign Policy

This chapter offers a timeline of how sex became an isue in U.S. foreign policy. When Americans think of U.S. foreign policy and its many challenges, they tend to consider it relative to strategic ... More

This chapter offers a timeline of how sex became an isue in U.S. foreign policy. When Americans think of U.S. foreign policy and its many challenges, they tend to consider it relative to strategic issues involving relations with China, or the byzantine politics and endless conflicts that characterize the Middle East. Although Americans may acknowledge that part of the reason for these countries' difficulties is their treatment of women, the U.S. government has been reluctant to broach the topic during dialogues with these nations. It was not until Hillary Rodham Clinton's speech at the Fourth World Conference on Women in Beijing in September 1995 that foreign affairs finally addressed the notion of the empowerment of women, both young and old. This moment in Beijing led to the inception of the eponymous Hillary Doctrine fourteen years later, which proposes that the empowerment of women and girls is a stabilizing force for peace in the world, and should thus be a cornerstone of American foreign policy.Less

Conclusion The Perils of Dominance

Gareth Porter

in Perils of Dominance: Imbalance of Power and the Road to War in Vietnam

This chapter reviews the evidence for the critical influence of unequal power relations on the four crucial Vietnam policy decisions. It evaluates the “unipolar moment” in global politics and U.S. ... More

This chapter reviews the evidence for the critical influence of unequal power relations on the four crucial Vietnam policy decisions. It evaluates the “unipolar moment” in global politics and U.S. foreign policy. It is suggested that the process of making policy toward Vietnam resulted in policy decisions which did not reflect the best judgment of the president about Vietnam. The April decision on troop deployment appears to have represented the apogee of influence of Johnson's inner circle of advisers. It is stated that the aggressiveness of the national security bureaucracy in asserting the necessity for a military approach to Vietnam in both the John Kennedy and Lyndon Johnson administrations was not a function of the specific personalities involved. It is also suggested that unipolar experience shows that the problem of inadequate domestic restraints may be exacerbated by the tendency of the national security bureaucracy to assert itself in policy making.Less

Renewal? Ford, Vladivostok, and Kissinger

Jussi Hanhimäki

in The Flawed Architect: Henry Kissinger and American Foreign Policy

Eager to demonstrate the continuance of détente, Kissinger found that the best means of renewing détente was the conclusion of the SALT II agreement. This chapter illustrates in detail the events ... More

Eager to demonstrate the continuance of détente, Kissinger found that the best means of renewing détente was the conclusion of the SALT II agreement. This chapter illustrates in detail the events that occurred in the fall of 1974 and how the apparent progress on the renewal of détente in his meetings in Moscow and Vladisvostok shifted negatively. In addition, it argues that the search for renewal in U.S foreign policy was not cut down due to Kissinger's unwillingness to pursue an active agenda, but rather, détente was hampered due to the inability of the new president to lead an unruly post-Watergate legislature.Less

Culture, U.S. Imperialism, and Globalization

John Carlos Rowe (ed.)

in America and the Misshaping of a New World Order

This chapters explores the various ways in which U.S. cultural production, also known as the “the culture industry,” conditioned American citizens to accept the undisguised militarism and jingoistic ... More

This chapters explores the various ways in which U.S. cultural production, also known as the “the culture industry,” conditioned American citizens to accept the undisguised militarism and jingoistic nationalism driving U.S. foreign policy. The culture industry today encompasses a wide range of nominally different political positions, so that in many respects left, liberal, and conservative cultural works often achieve complementary ends. Exposures of U.S. military propaganda during the war have continued in news coverage of the supposed “rebuilding” of the political and economic infrastructure in Iraq. Public concern, regarding the federal government's veracity, is evident in the debate regarding who was actually responsible for the disinformation regarding the “Weapons of Mass Destruction” used as the principal justification for the invasion of Iraq. The chapter follows the capitalization of “cultural exports” ranging from Hollywood entertainment and television programming to digital technologies and their protocols for communication that aims towards rapid Americanization of the world.Less

Introduction Hail to the Salesman in Chief: Domestic Politics, Foreign Policy, and the Presidency

Andrew L. Johns and Kenneth Osgood (eds)

in Selling War in a Media Age: The Presidency and Public Opinion in the American Century

The idea of selling war is not exclusive to the modern presidency. The words and deeds of the nineteenth-century presidents resonate with parallels during the “media age” and set precedents for their ... More

The idea of selling war is not exclusive to the modern presidency. The words and deeds of the nineteenth-century presidents resonate with parallels during the “media age” and set precedents for their successors. The selling of war—or any U.S. foreign policy initiative—to the American public predates the American century. Propaganda as a tool of foreign relations predates the United States by centuries. Political leaders have always intuited the importance of dealing with public opinion, both in terms of reacting to it and shaping it. The advent of technology, evolution in the role and scope of the federal government and the increasing sophistication of propaganda, and public relations techniques would fundamentally alter the relationship between the Oval Office and domestic political opinion.Less

Carter, Reagan, and the Human Rights Revolution

William Michael Schmidli

in The Fate of Freedom Elsewhere: Human Rights and U.S. Cold War Policy toward Argentina

This concluding chapter looks at human rights during the Reagan administration. In accordance with its aggressive posture in the international arena, the Reagan administration set out to dramatically ... More

This concluding chapter looks at human rights during the Reagan administration. In accordance with its aggressive posture in the international arena, the Reagan administration set out to dramatically downplay the promotion of human rights as a U.S. foreign policy goal. The Reagan administration’s repudiation of Jimmy Carter’s human rights policy was particularly evident in U.S.–Argentine relations. Indeed, Reagan’s foreign policy team made clear that human rights would be conducted through “quiet diplomacy.” Two months after entering the Oval Office, the Reagan administration announced plans to convince legislators to lift the ban on military sales to Argentina, and ended the Carter administration’s policy of voting against international financial institution loans to Argentina on human rights grounds.Less

Economic Well-Being and Economic Justice

in The Foreign Policy Disconnect: What Americans Want from Our Leaders but Don't Get

This chapter shows that contrary to much conventional wisdom, the U.S. public does not reject the idea of foreign aid. Instead, opposition to existing aid programs focuses on strategic and military ... More

This chapter shows that contrary to much conventional wisdom, the U.S. public does not reject the idea of foreign aid. Instead, opposition to existing aid programs focuses on strategic and military uses of aid and also reflects extreme overestimates of the amount of aid that is actually given. In harmony with widely shared justice-related goals, many types of humanitarian aid are favored by large majorities of Americans. These include food and medical assistance, development aid, and help to reduce population growth and to prevent and treat AIDs, especially in Africa. Some of the international economic policies favored by large majorities of the American public, however, particularly those concerning protection of Americans' jobs, restrictions on immigration, and provision of humanitarian aid abroad, do not appear to have been fully embraced by U.S. policymakers or enacted into policy. In some cases official U.S. foreign policy has conflicted with policy preferences held by large majorities of Americans.Less