Jan‐Erik Lane, David McKay, and Kenneth Newton
- Published in print:
- 1996
- Published Online:
- January 2005
- ISBN:
- 9780198280538
- eISBN:
- 9780191601934
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/019828053X.003.0028
- Subject:
- Political Science, Reference
This section provides information on the most significant features of government and politics in Turkey. These include data on state structure and offices, parties, government constitutions, ...
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This section provides information on the most significant features of government and politics in Turkey. These include data on state structure and offices, parties, government constitutions, electoral and voting systems, and basic media materials on media, education, economic interest organisations and the budget.Less
This section provides information on the most significant features of government and politics in Turkey. These include data on state structure and offices, parties, government constitutions, electoral and voting systems, and basic media materials on media, education, economic interest organisations and the budget.
Özpinar
- Published in print:
- 2020
- Published Online:
- May 2021
- ISBN:
- 9780197266748
- eISBN:
- 9780191938146
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- British Academy
- DOI:
- 10.5871/bacad/9780197266748.003.0012
- Subject:
- Art, Art History
Since the day it was inaugurated in 2004, the Istanbul Museum of Modern Art has assumed a pivotal role in re–establishing the history of modern and contemporary artistic practices in Turkey. The ...
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Since the day it was inaugurated in 2004, the Istanbul Museum of Modern Art has assumed a pivotal role in re–establishing the history of modern and contemporary artistic practices in Turkey. The major all–woman exhibition titled ‘Dream and Reality: Modern and Contemporary Women Artists from Turkey’, which was opened in late 2011 at Istanbul Modern, constitutes an important case study to prompt deeper exploration into the narrative frameworks within which the art museum reproduces differences. This chapter revisits the institutional and the curatorial discourse of ‘Dream and Reality’ by examining the statements released in the media and in catalogue essays with a view to comprehending the allegedly conflicting notions of gender and feminism on which the exhibition was premised and how differences were articulated against the politics of the state and art history writing. With this reconsideration, the chapter addresses the reverberations of these framings in the art histories of Turkey but also relocates them within the debates of art’s new transnational landscape.Less
Since the day it was inaugurated in 2004, the Istanbul Museum of Modern Art has assumed a pivotal role in re–establishing the history of modern and contemporary artistic practices in Turkey. The major all–woman exhibition titled ‘Dream and Reality: Modern and Contemporary Women Artists from Turkey’, which was opened in late 2011 at Istanbul Modern, constitutes an important case study to prompt deeper exploration into the narrative frameworks within which the art museum reproduces differences. This chapter revisits the institutional and the curatorial discourse of ‘Dream and Reality’ by examining the statements released in the media and in catalogue essays with a view to comprehending the allegedly conflicting notions of gender and feminism on which the exhibition was premised and how differences were articulated against the politics of the state and art history writing. With this reconsideration, the chapter addresses the reverberations of these framings in the art histories of Turkey but also relocates them within the debates of art’s new transnational landscape.
Umar F. Abd-Allah
- Published in print:
- 2006
- Published Online:
- September 2006
- ISBN:
- 9780195187281
- eISBN:
- 9780199784875
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0195187288.001.0001
- Subject:
- Religion, Islam
Conflicts and controversies at home and abroad have led Americans to focus on Islam more than ever before. Little is known about Islam in Victorian America. This book is a biography of Alexander ...
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Conflicts and controversies at home and abroad have led Americans to focus on Islam more than ever before. Little is known about Islam in Victorian America. This book is a biography of Alexander Russell Webb, one of the earliest American Muslims to achieve public renown. Webb was a central figure of American Islam during the late 19th and early 20th centuries. A native of the Hudson Valley, he was a journalist, editor, and civil servant. Raised a Presbyterian, Webb early on began to cultivate an interest in other religions and became particularly fascinated by Islam. While serving as US consul to the Philippines in 1887, he took a greater interest in the faith and embraced it in 1888, one of the first Americans known to have done so. Within a few years, he began corresponding with important Muslims in India. Webb became an enthusiastic propagator of the faith, founding the first Islamic institution in the United States: the American Mission. He wrote numerous books intended to introduce Islam to Americans, started the first Islamic press in the United States, published a journal entitled The Moslem World, and served as the representative of Islam at the 1893 World's Parliament of Religions in Chicago. In 1901, he was appointed Honorary Turkish Consul General in New York and was invited to Turkey, where he received two Ottoman medals of merits.Less
Conflicts and controversies at home and abroad have led Americans to focus on Islam more than ever before. Little is known about Islam in Victorian America. This book is a biography of Alexander Russell Webb, one of the earliest American Muslims to achieve public renown. Webb was a central figure of American Islam during the late 19th and early 20th centuries. A native of the Hudson Valley, he was a journalist, editor, and civil servant. Raised a Presbyterian, Webb early on began to cultivate an interest in other religions and became particularly fascinated by Islam. While serving as US consul to the Philippines in 1887, he took a greater interest in the faith and embraced it in 1888, one of the first Americans known to have done so. Within a few years, he began corresponding with important Muslims in India. Webb became an enthusiastic propagator of the faith, founding the first Islamic institution in the United States: the American Mission. He wrote numerous books intended to introduce Islam to Americans, started the first Islamic press in the United States, published a journal entitled The Moslem World, and served as the representative of Islam at the 1893 World's Parliament of Religions in Chicago. In 1901, he was appointed Honorary Turkish Consul General in New York and was invited to Turkey, where he received two Ottoman medals of merits.
Charles King
- Published in print:
- 2004
- Published Online:
- August 2004
- ISBN:
- 9780199241613
- eISBN:
- 9780191601439
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199241619.001.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
The Black Sea has long formed a zone of interaction—sometimes cordial, sometimes conflictual—among the peoples and states around its shores, from the Balkans to the Caucasus, from Russia to Turkey. ...
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The Black Sea has long formed a zone of interaction—sometimes cordial, sometimes conflictual—among the peoples and states around its shores, from the Balkans to the Caucasus, from Russia to Turkey. To the ancient Greeks, the sea lay at the edge of the known world. In time the growth of Greek trading colonies linked all the coasts into a web of economic relationships. In the Middle Ages the sea was tied to the great commercial cities of the Mediterranean. Later the Ottomans used the region's resources to build their own empire. In the late eighteenth century the sea was opened to foreign commerce, and the sea coasts were part of a genuinely global system of trade. After the collapse of the Russian and Ottoman empires, the coastline was carved up among a number of newly formed nation-states, with each asserting its right to a piece of the coast and a section of the coastal waters. Today, efforts to resurrect the idea of the Black Sea as a unified region are once again on the international agenda. Based on extensive research in multiple languages, this book provides a comprehensive guide to the history, cultures, and politics of the sea, and its future at the heart of Europe and Eurasia.Less
The Black Sea has long formed a zone of interaction—sometimes cordial, sometimes conflictual—among the peoples and states around its shores, from the Balkans to the Caucasus, from Russia to Turkey. To the ancient Greeks, the sea lay at the edge of the known world. In time the growth of Greek trading colonies linked all the coasts into a web of economic relationships. In the Middle Ages the sea was tied to the great commercial cities of the Mediterranean. Later the Ottomans used the region's resources to build their own empire. In the late eighteenth century the sea was opened to foreign commerce, and the sea coasts were part of a genuinely global system of trade. After the collapse of the Russian and Ottoman empires, the coastline was carved up among a number of newly formed nation-states, with each asserting its right to a piece of the coast and a section of the coastal waters. Today, efforts to resurrect the idea of the Black Sea as a unified region are once again on the international agenda. Based on extensive research in multiple languages, this book provides a comprehensive guide to the history, cultures, and politics of the sea, and its future at the heart of Europe and Eurasia.
Milada Anna Vachudova
- Published in print:
- 2005
- Published Online:
- April 2005
- ISBN:
- 9780199241194
- eISBN:
- 9780191602382
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199241198.003.0009
- Subject:
- Political Science, European Union
Ten new members, eight of them post-communist states, joined the EU on 1 May 2004. This chapter takes up three issues that will shape the future of an enlarged EU. First, the EU’s active leverage has ...
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Ten new members, eight of them post-communist states, joined the EU on 1 May 2004. This chapter takes up three issues that will shape the future of an enlarged EU. First, the EU’s active leverage has had a substantial impact on the political and economic institutions of the new members: has it promoted robust democratic institutions and a vigorous economy, as I have argued, or did it in fact undermine them? Second, the endgame of the negotiations forced unfavourable terms of accession onto the new members: will these unfavourable terms translate into a permanent second-class status? Or will the new members, bargaining hard to improve their position and importing diversity, bring European integration to a standstill? I argue that both concerns are overblown. Third, why did the EU decide to enlarge to these eight post-communist states, and how much further it is likely to go? The EU’s active leverage has been working in parts of the Western Balkans and in Turkey, and it could work elsewhere. The costs of foreclosing future membership for countries such as Turkey, Ukraine, or Belarus could be substantial, yet EU elites and publics are far from reconciled to further enlargements.Less
Ten new members, eight of them post-communist states, joined the EU on 1 May 2004. This chapter takes up three issues that will shape the future of an enlarged EU. First, the EU’s active leverage has had a substantial impact on the political and economic institutions of the new members: has it promoted robust democratic institutions and a vigorous economy, as I have argued, or did it in fact undermine them? Second, the endgame of the negotiations forced unfavourable terms of accession onto the new members: will these unfavourable terms translate into a permanent second-class status? Or will the new members, bargaining hard to improve their position and importing diversity, bring European integration to a standstill? I argue that both concerns are overblown. Third, why did the EU decide to enlarge to these eight post-communist states, and how much further it is likely to go? The EU’s active leverage has been working in parts of the Western Balkans and in Turkey, and it could work elsewhere. The costs of foreclosing future membership for countries such as Turkey, Ukraine, or Belarus could be substantial, yet EU elites and publics are far from reconciled to further enlargements.
Charles King
- Published in print:
- 2004
- Published Online:
- August 2004
- ISBN:
- 9780199241613
- eISBN:
- 9780191601439
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199241619.003.0006
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
The end of empires and the rise of nation-states meant that many of the historical connections around the sea were severed. The sea came to be an object of desire for both state-builders and ...
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The end of empires and the rise of nation-states meant that many of the historical connections around the sea were severed. The sea came to be an object of desire for both state-builders and nationalists. In the twentieth century, modernization projects in both the Soviet Union and Turkey led to the sea's environmental degradation and a genuine ecological crisis.Less
The end of empires and the rise of nation-states meant that many of the historical connections around the sea were severed. The sea came to be an object of desire for both state-builders and nationalists. In the twentieth century, modernization projects in both the Soviet Union and Turkey led to the sea's environmental degradation and a genuine ecological crisis.
Harald Schüler
- Published in print:
- 2001
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780199249589
- eISBN:
- 9780191600029
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/019924958X.003.0013
- Subject:
- Political Science, Reference
Includes all relevant information on national elections and referendums held since the proclamation of the Turkish Republic in 1923. Part I gives a comprehensive overview of Turkey's political ...
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Includes all relevant information on national elections and referendums held since the proclamation of the Turkish Republic in 1923. Part I gives a comprehensive overview of Turkey's political history, outlines the evolution of electoral provisions, and presents the current electoral legislation in a standardized manner (suffrage, elected institutions, nomination of candidates, electoral system, organizational context of elections). Part II includes exhaustive electoral statistics in systematic tables (numbers of registered voters, votes cast, the votes for candidates and/or parties in parliamentary and presidential elections and referendums at national and regional level, the electoral participation of political parties, the distribution of parliamentary seats, etc.).Less
Includes all relevant information on national elections and referendums held since the proclamation of the Turkish Republic in 1923. Part I gives a comprehensive overview of Turkey's political history, outlines the evolution of electoral provisions, and presents the current electoral legislation in a standardized manner (suffrage, elected institutions, nomination of candidates, electoral system, organizational context of elections). Part II includes exhaustive electoral statistics in systematic tables (numbers of registered voters, votes cast, the votes for candidates and/or parties in parliamentary and presidential elections and referendums at national and regional level, the electoral participation of political parties, the distribution of parliamentary seats, etc.).
Sevket Pamuk
- Published in print:
- 2018
- Published Online:
- May 2019
- ISBN:
- 9780691166377
- eISBN:
- 9780691184982
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Princeton University Press
- DOI:
- 10.23943/princeton/9780691166377.001.0001
- Subject:
- Economics and Finance, Economic History
The population and economy of the area within the present-day borders of Turkey has consistently been among the largest in the developing world, yet there has been no authoritative economic history ...
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The population and economy of the area within the present-day borders of Turkey has consistently been among the largest in the developing world, yet there has been no authoritative economic history of Turkey until now. This book examines the economic growth and human development of Turkey over the past two hundred years. Taking a comparative global perspective, the book investigates Turkey's economic history through four periods: the open economy during the nineteenth-century Ottoman era, the transition from empire to nation-state that spanned the two world wars and the Great Depression, the continued protectionism and import-substituting industrialization after World War II, and the neoliberal policies and the opening of the economy after 1980. Making use of indices of GDP per capita, trade, wages, health, and education, the book argues that Turkey's long-term economic trends cannot be explained only by immediate causes such as economic policies, rates of investment, productivity growth, and structural change. The book offers a deeper analysis of the essential forces underlying Turkey's development—its institutions and their evolution—to make better sense of the country's unique history and to provide important insights into the patterns of growth in developing countries during the past two centuries.Less
The population and economy of the area within the present-day borders of Turkey has consistently been among the largest in the developing world, yet there has been no authoritative economic history of Turkey until now. This book examines the economic growth and human development of Turkey over the past two hundred years. Taking a comparative global perspective, the book investigates Turkey's economic history through four periods: the open economy during the nineteenth-century Ottoman era, the transition from empire to nation-state that spanned the two world wars and the Great Depression, the continued protectionism and import-substituting industrialization after World War II, and the neoliberal policies and the opening of the economy after 1980. Making use of indices of GDP per capita, trade, wages, health, and education, the book argues that Turkey's long-term economic trends cannot be explained only by immediate causes such as economic policies, rates of investment, productivity growth, and structural change. The book offers a deeper analysis of the essential forces underlying Turkey's development—its institutions and their evolution—to make better sense of the country's unique history and to provide important insights into the patterns of growth in developing countries during the past two centuries.
John A. Scherpereel
- Published in print:
- 2005
- Published Online:
- February 2006
- ISBN:
- 9780199283958
- eISBN:
- 9780191603297
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199283958.003.0015
- Subject:
- Political Science, European Union
The territorial expansion of the USA provides an interesting comparative vantage point for the recent and on-going enlargement of the European Union. Incumbents and prospective members on both sides ...
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The territorial expansion of the USA provides an interesting comparative vantage point for the recent and on-going enlargement of the European Union. Incumbents and prospective members on both sides of the Atlantic have faced similarly fundamental questions: Who are ‘we’? (When) should we apply for membership? (When) should we admit applicants? What are the normative, institutional, and policy implications of expansion? In light of the US experience, this chapter examines the European pathways to membership, decisions to expand, and power asymmetries.Less
The territorial expansion of the USA provides an interesting comparative vantage point for the recent and on-going enlargement of the European Union. Incumbents and prospective members on both sides of the Atlantic have faced similarly fundamental questions: Who are ‘we’? (When) should we apply for membership? (When) should we admit applicants? What are the normative, institutional, and policy implications of expansion? In light of the US experience, this chapter examines the European pathways to membership, decisions to expand, and power asymmetries.
Tozun Bahcheli
- Published in print:
- 2001
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780199242146
- eISBN:
- 9780191599651
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199242143.003.0010
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics
It is with considerable reluctance that the EU has undertaken a key role in resolving the Cyprus conflict. In offering Cyprus the prospect of membership, the EU hopes that it will provide a ...
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It is with considerable reluctance that the EU has undertaken a key role in resolving the Cyprus conflict. In offering Cyprus the prospect of membership, the EU hopes that it will provide a sufficient incentive to both the Greek Cypriot and Turkish Cypriot communities to settle their differences––in particular, to persuade the latter that the economic benefits and minority safeguards provided by EU membership are sufficient to overcome the fears of domination that drive Turkish Cypriot desire for self‐rule. This chapter analyses the limits of economic incentives for achieving this purpose, and argues that the EU will need to address the regional (Greek‐Turkish) dimension of the dispute as well as the communal differences themselves. It remains unclear whether the admission of Turkey into the EU will suffice to bring the Turkish Cypriots into line.Less
It is with considerable reluctance that the EU has undertaken a key role in resolving the Cyprus conflict. In offering Cyprus the prospect of membership, the EU hopes that it will provide a sufficient incentive to both the Greek Cypriot and Turkish Cypriot communities to settle their differences––in particular, to persuade the latter that the economic benefits and minority safeguards provided by EU membership are sufficient to overcome the fears of domination that drive Turkish Cypriot desire for self‐rule. This chapter analyses the limits of economic incentives for achieving this purpose, and argues that the EU will need to address the regional (Greek‐Turkish) dimension of the dispute as well as the communal differences themselves. It remains unclear whether the admission of Turkey into the EU will suffice to bring the Turkish Cypriots into line.
Ümit Cizre
- Published in print:
- 2001
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780199244904
- eISBN:
- 9780191600050
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199244901.003.0008
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics
Ümit Cizre rethinks the connections between the metaphor of boundaries as containers of democracy and the evolution of Turkish and Kurdish identities since the founding of the modern Turkey in ...
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Ümit Cizre rethinks the connections between the metaphor of boundaries as containers of democracy and the evolution of Turkish and Kurdish identities since the founding of the modern Turkey in 1919–23. The author identifies the dual nature of Turkish nationality: equal citizenship without regard to ethnicity and ethnic singularity of Turkishness. Cizre then examines Kurdish contestation of this hegemonic discourse of nationality and its link to the state's territory. The author also places the chapter's conclusions in the context of the arrest and trial of Abdullah Öcalan, the leader of the Kurdish Workers’ Party (PKK).Less
Ümit Cizre rethinks the connections between the metaphor of boundaries as containers of democracy and the evolution of Turkish and Kurdish identities since the founding of the modern Turkey in 1919–23. The author identifies the dual nature of Turkish nationality: equal citizenship without regard to ethnicity and ethnic singularity of Turkishness. Cizre then examines Kurdish contestation of this hegemonic discourse of nationality and its link to the state's territory. The author also places the chapter's conclusions in the context of the arrest and trial of Abdullah Öcalan, the leader of the Kurdish Workers’ Party (PKK).
Kristine Kalanges
- Published in print:
- 2012
- Published Online:
- May 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780199859467
- eISBN:
- 9780199933518
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199859467.003.0005
- Subject:
- Law, Public International Law, Comparative Law
Recognizing that the construction and institutionalization of religious liberty rights is at once a political and a legal project, this chapter proceeds in two main sections. The first focuses on the ...
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Recognizing that the construction and institutionalization of religious liberty rights is at once a political and a legal project, this chapter proceeds in two main sections. The first focuses on the political and socio-cultural processes in Muslim states that have interacted over time to institutionalize Islamic law and identity at national and transnational levels. This history is essential, not least because the modern constitutions of many relevant states were adopted during the 1970s and 1980s amidst struggles marked by Arab nationalism, Islamism, and Islamic identity formation. Hence, in the second section, the constitutional consequences of these historical-political processes are explored via specific examination of religious liberty in the laws and practices of four influential countries—Iran, Turkey, Egypt, and Pakistan.Less
Recognizing that the construction and institutionalization of religious liberty rights is at once a political and a legal project, this chapter proceeds in two main sections. The first focuses on the political and socio-cultural processes in Muslim states that have interacted over time to institutionalize Islamic law and identity at national and transnational levels. This history is essential, not least because the modern constitutions of many relevant states were adopted during the 1970s and 1980s amidst struggles marked by Arab nationalism, Islamism, and Islamic identity formation. Hence, in the second section, the constitutional consequences of these historical-political processes are explored via specific examination of religious liberty in the laws and practices of four influential countries—Iran, Turkey, Egypt, and Pakistan.
Geir Lundestad
- Published in print:
- 2003
- Published Online:
- April 2004
- ISBN:
- 9780199266685
- eISBN:
- 9780191601057
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199266689.003.0007
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
In the late 1960s, the wider framework for and the basic structure of the North Atlantic alliance was being challenged on virtually all fronts at the same time, causing the need for a reappraisal of ...
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In the late 1960s, the wider framework for and the basic structure of the North Atlantic alliance was being challenged on virtually all fronts at the same time, causing the need for a reappraisal of relationships. These challenges included: the continuing Cold War with the Soviet Union and its allies, where the confrontation continued, but was now being combined with détente (i.e. cooperation on important military, political, and economic issues); the change in the American–European relationship resulting from Europe striking out more on its own; the perceived decline of the US by the Nixon administration and its resulting need to cooperate with the other economic centres of the world; outside Europe, the combination of the rise of OPEC and the volatility of the Middle East, which highlighted a growing energy problem that was to prove quite troublesome in Atlantic relations; and the effect of the rise of Japan and the Pacific rim in redefining the role and importance of Western Europe in the world. All these redefinitions imposed a strain on American–European relations in the period 1969–1977, but even though the resulting conflicts were now more structural than they had been earlier, they were still contained within the alliance framework, for both the US and Western Europe still needed a certain degree of cooperation and mutual dependence. The four main sections following the explanatory preamble to this chapter discuss various aspects of this conflict and cooperation between the US and Western Europe. They are: The US, Western Europe, and Détente; Nixon–Kissinger's Reappraisal of European Integration, 1969–1976; The Southern Flank [of Europe], Communism, and the US—a discussion of the political situations in Portugal, Spain, Greece, Cyprus, Turkey, Italy (and Iceland); and Conflict, but Still Primarily Cooperation.Less
In the late 1960s, the wider framework for and the basic structure of the North Atlantic alliance was being challenged on virtually all fronts at the same time, causing the need for a reappraisal of relationships. These challenges included: the continuing Cold War with the Soviet Union and its allies, where the confrontation continued, but was now being combined with détente (i.e. cooperation on important military, political, and economic issues); the change in the American–European relationship resulting from Europe striking out more on its own; the perceived decline of the US by the Nixon administration and its resulting need to cooperate with the other economic centres of the world; outside Europe, the combination of the rise of OPEC and the volatility of the Middle East, which highlighted a growing energy problem that was to prove quite troublesome in Atlantic relations; and the effect of the rise of Japan and the Pacific rim in redefining the role and importance of Western Europe in the world. All these redefinitions imposed a strain on American–European relations in the period 1969–1977, but even though the resulting conflicts were now more structural than they had been earlier, they were still contained within the alliance framework, for both the US and Western Europe still needed a certain degree of cooperation and mutual dependence. The four main sections following the explanatory preamble to this chapter discuss various aspects of this conflict and cooperation between the US and Western Europe. They are: The US, Western Europe, and Détente; Nixon–Kissinger's Reappraisal of European Integration, 1969–1976; The Southern Flank [of Europe], Communism, and the US—a discussion of the political situations in Portugal, Spain, Greece, Cyprus, Turkey, Italy (and Iceland); and Conflict, but Still Primarily Cooperation.
Ergun Özbudun and E. Fuat Keyman
- Published in print:
- 2002
- Published Online:
- April 2004
- ISBN:
- 9780195151466
- eISBN:
- 9780199834914
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0195151461.003.0010
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
The modernization of Turkish society that has taken place in the twentieth century has produced a unique coexistence between secular and Islamic values.
The modernization of Turkish society that has taken place in the twentieth century has produced a unique coexistence between secular and Islamic values.
Christel Lane and Jocelyn Probert
- Published in print:
- 2009
- Published Online:
- May 2009
- ISBN:
- 9780199214815
- eISBN:
- 9780191721779
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199214815.003.0010
- Subject:
- Business and Management, International Business, Political Economy
This chapter starts by examining the labour standards and rights which exist in low-wage supplier countries and the role played by national institutions — particularly the state and unions, but also ...
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This chapter starts by examining the labour standards and rights which exist in low-wage supplier countries and the role played by national institutions — particularly the state and unions, but also firms — in either strengthening or, more often, undermining them. The analysis focuses on the shortcomings of existing regulatory regimes in three sourcing countries: China, Mexico, and Turkey. The chapter additionally reviews the regulatory regimes adopted under initiatives by inter-governmental organizations, firms, industry associations, unions, and NGOs, singly or in transnational advocacy networks, to improve labour rights and standards in supplier countries and firms. It shows that because western firms' sourcing practices are complicit in causing the poor labour standards suppliers adopt, implementation and monitoring of the observance of labour standards and rights are highly problematic. Finally, the chapter indicates what kind of international regulatory regime might be effective in the future.Less
This chapter starts by examining the labour standards and rights which exist in low-wage supplier countries and the role played by national institutions — particularly the state and unions, but also firms — in either strengthening or, more often, undermining them. The analysis focuses on the shortcomings of existing regulatory regimes in three sourcing countries: China, Mexico, and Turkey. The chapter additionally reviews the regulatory regimes adopted under initiatives by inter-governmental organizations, firms, industry associations, unions, and NGOs, singly or in transnational advocacy networks, to improve labour rights and standards in supplier countries and firms. It shows that because western firms' sourcing practices are complicit in causing the poor labour standards suppliers adopt, implementation and monitoring of the observance of labour standards and rights are highly problematic. Finally, the chapter indicates what kind of international regulatory regime might be effective in the future.
D. K. Fieldhouse
- Published in print:
- 2008
- Published Online:
- January 2010
- ISBN:
- 9780199540839
- eISBN:
- 9780191713507
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199540839.003.0002
- Subject:
- History, Political History, Middle East History
In November 1914, the Ottoman empire went to war against Russia, Britain, and France. On October 31, 1918, by the Armistice of Mudros, the war ended with the Ottoman armies suffering almost total ...
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In November 1914, the Ottoman empire went to war against Russia, Britain, and France. On October 31, 1918, by the Armistice of Mudros, the war ended with the Ottoman armies suffering almost total defeat. The result was the dismemberment of the empire and, after a further four years of confusion and fighting, the emergence of the state of Turkey in Anatolia and a small part of Eastern Thrace, north of Istanbul, and of five newly defined territories under British or French control called mandates. This chapter examines why the Ottomans went to war on the side of Germany and against the Entente, and how they fought their war; the aims and war strategies of the British and French, and how they fit with the aims of the Arabs, particularly the Hashemites; and how far these various aims were realized during the period of diplomacy and fighting between 1918 and 1922.Less
In November 1914, the Ottoman empire went to war against Russia, Britain, and France. On October 31, 1918, by the Armistice of Mudros, the war ended with the Ottoman armies suffering almost total defeat. The result was the dismemberment of the empire and, after a further four years of confusion and fighting, the emergence of the state of Turkey in Anatolia and a small part of Eastern Thrace, north of Istanbul, and of five newly defined territories under British or French control called mandates. This chapter examines why the Ottomans went to war on the side of Germany and against the Entente, and how they fought their war; the aims and war strategies of the British and French, and how they fit with the aims of the Arabs, particularly the Hashemites; and how far these various aims were realized during the period of diplomacy and fighting between 1918 and 1922.
Christel Lane and Jocelyn Probert
- Published in print:
- 2009
- Published Online:
- May 2009
- ISBN:
- 9780199214815
- eISBN:
- 9780191721779
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199214815.003.0008
- Subject:
- Business and Management, International Business, Political Economy
This chapter presents a detailed analysis of two important supplier countries for mainly European buyer firms — Turkey and Romania. Turkish and Romanian firms are situated in their specific economic, ...
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This chapter presents a detailed analysis of two important supplier countries for mainly European buyer firms — Turkey and Romania. Turkish and Romanian firms are situated in their specific economic, social, and geo-political environments. The chapter enquires how national contexts have shaped firms' capabilities and their competitiveness as suppliers. It explores how supplier firms view the relationships with their buyers, with a particular focus on the distinctions they make between trading partners from different national origins.Less
This chapter presents a detailed analysis of two important supplier countries for mainly European buyer firms — Turkey and Romania. Turkish and Romanian firms are situated in their specific economic, social, and geo-political environments. The chapter enquires how national contexts have shaped firms' capabilities and their competitiveness as suppliers. It explores how supplier firms view the relationships with their buyers, with a particular focus on the distinctions they make between trading partners from different national origins.
William Gourlay
- Published in print:
- 2020
- Published Online:
- May 2021
- ISBN:
- 9781474459198
- eISBN:
- 9781474491242
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Edinburgh University Press
- DOI:
- 10.3366/edinburgh/9781474459198.001.0001
- Subject:
- Society and Culture, Middle Eastern Studies
This book examines the circumstances of the Kurds in 21st-century Turkey under the hegemony of the AKP government and presidency of Recep Tayyip Erdoǧan. Recording Kurdish voices from Istanbul and ...
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This book examines the circumstances of the Kurds in 21st-century Turkey under the hegemony of the AKP government and presidency of Recep Tayyip Erdoǧan. Recording Kurdish voices from Istanbul and Diyarbakır, it highlights the elements of Kurdish ethnic identity and the dimensions of Kurdish political aspirations in Turkey. Kurds have long occupied a troubled position in Turkey’s political landscape – where once their very existence was denied, now there is grudging acceptance of their presence and political organisations. Within the context of Turkey’s troubled trajectory towards democratisation, the book documents Kurdish narratives of oppression and resistance and enquires how Kurds reconcile their distinct ethnic identity with their citizenship in modern Turkey. Recent geopolitical changes in the Middle East have seen Kurdish political actors win global recognition and support, the effects of which have reverberated through Turkey. The book argues that although they may still mobilise and operate under pressure from state and military authorities, the Kurds form a key constituency in Turkey. It further argues that as long as political processes remain free and open then Kurds will continue to recognise and value their citizenship of Turkey.Less
This book examines the circumstances of the Kurds in 21st-century Turkey under the hegemony of the AKP government and presidency of Recep Tayyip Erdoǧan. Recording Kurdish voices from Istanbul and Diyarbakır, it highlights the elements of Kurdish ethnic identity and the dimensions of Kurdish political aspirations in Turkey. Kurds have long occupied a troubled position in Turkey’s political landscape – where once their very existence was denied, now there is grudging acceptance of their presence and political organisations. Within the context of Turkey’s troubled trajectory towards democratisation, the book documents Kurdish narratives of oppression and resistance and enquires how Kurds reconcile their distinct ethnic identity with their citizenship in modern Turkey. Recent geopolitical changes in the Middle East have seen Kurdish political actors win global recognition and support, the effects of which have reverberated through Turkey. The book argues that although they may still mobilise and operate under pressure from state and military authorities, the Kurds form a key constituency in Turkey. It further argues that as long as political processes remain free and open then Kurds will continue to recognise and value their citizenship of Turkey.
Thomas F. Farr
- Published in print:
- 2008
- Published Online:
- January 2009
- ISBN:
- 9780195179958
- eISBN:
- 9780199869749
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195179958.003.0010
- Subject:
- Religion, Religion and Society
Chapter 9 explores how U.S. IRF policy might help undermine Islamist extremism and transnational terrorism. It describes the various forms of extremism, both Sunni and Shiite, and how traditional ...
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Chapter 9 explores how U.S. IRF policy might help undermine Islamist extremism and transnational terrorism. It describes the various forms of extremism, both Sunni and Shiite, and how traditional U.S. foreign policy assumptions have misunderstood the threat from both. It analyzes mistakes made by American diplomacy since the 1970s, including the assumption that political Islam is synonymous with Islamist extremism. It shows how the Kemalist model of privatized Islam in Turkey has beguiled and misled U.S. policymakers. It then engages creative arguments made by U.S. analysts from the Council on Foreign Relations and the Rand Corporation to show how even forward-looking analyses have missed the mark. The chapter concludes with a set of principles and strategies for U.S. policymakers as they attempt to advance American interests in the Muslim world, and in other nations where religion is playing an increasing role.Less
Chapter 9 explores how U.S. IRF policy might help undermine Islamist extremism and transnational terrorism. It describes the various forms of extremism, both Sunni and Shiite, and how traditional U.S. foreign policy assumptions have misunderstood the threat from both. It analyzes mistakes made by American diplomacy since the 1970s, including the assumption that political Islam is synonymous with Islamist extremism. It shows how the Kemalist model of privatized Islam in Turkey has beguiled and misled U.S. policymakers. It then engages creative arguments made by U.S. analysts from the Council on Foreign Relations and the Rand Corporation to show how even forward-looking analyses have missed the mark. The chapter concludes with a set of principles and strategies for U.S. policymakers as they attempt to advance American interests in the Muslim world, and in other nations where religion is playing an increasing role.
Taner Akçam
- Published in print:
- 2012
- Published Online:
- October 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780691153339
- eISBN:
- 9781400841844
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Princeton University Press
- DOI:
- 10.23943/princeton/9780691153339.001.0001
- Subject:
- History, Middle East History
Introducing new evidence from more than 600 secret Ottoman documents, this book demonstrates in detail that the Armenian Genocide and the expulsion of Greeks from the late Ottoman Empire resulted ...
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Introducing new evidence from more than 600 secret Ottoman documents, this book demonstrates in detail that the Armenian Genocide and the expulsion of Greeks from the late Ottoman Empire resulted from an official effort to rid the empire of its Christian subjects. This book goes deep inside the bureaucratic machinery of Ottoman Turkey to show how a dying empire embraced genocide and ethnic cleansing. Although the deportation and killing of Armenians was internationally condemned in 1915 as a “crime against humanity and civilization,” the Ottoman government initiated a policy of denial that is still maintained by the Turkish Republic. The case for Turkey's “official history” rests on documents from the Ottoman imperial archives, to which access has been heavily restricted until recently. It is this very source that the book now uses to overturn the official narrative. The documents presented here attest to a late-Ottoman policy of Turkification, the goal of which was no less than the radical demographic transformation of Anatolia. To that end, about one-third of Anatolia's 15 million people were displaced, deported, expelled, or massacred, destroying the ethno-religious diversity of an ancient cultural crossroads of East and West, and paving the way for the Turkish Republic. By uncovering the central roles played by demographic engineering and assimilation in the Armenian Genocide, this book will fundamentally change how this crime is understood and show that physical destruction is not the only aspect of the genocidal process.Less
Introducing new evidence from more than 600 secret Ottoman documents, this book demonstrates in detail that the Armenian Genocide and the expulsion of Greeks from the late Ottoman Empire resulted from an official effort to rid the empire of its Christian subjects. This book goes deep inside the bureaucratic machinery of Ottoman Turkey to show how a dying empire embraced genocide and ethnic cleansing. Although the deportation and killing of Armenians was internationally condemned in 1915 as a “crime against humanity and civilization,” the Ottoman government initiated a policy of denial that is still maintained by the Turkish Republic. The case for Turkey's “official history” rests on documents from the Ottoman imperial archives, to which access has been heavily restricted until recently. It is this very source that the book now uses to overturn the official narrative. The documents presented here attest to a late-Ottoman policy of Turkification, the goal of which was no less than the radical demographic transformation of Anatolia. To that end, about one-third of Anatolia's 15 million people were displaced, deported, expelled, or massacred, destroying the ethno-religious diversity of an ancient cultural crossroads of East and West, and paving the way for the Turkish Republic. By uncovering the central roles played by demographic engineering and assimilation in the Armenian Genocide, this book will fundamentally change how this crime is understood and show that physical destruction is not the only aspect of the genocidal process.
