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The book's short conclusion reminds the reader of how Manzikert is perceived, both by medieval Muslim and Byzantine chroniclers, as a pivotal event in the perennial conflict between Christianity and Islam. Manzikert is the set piece of Seljuq historiography. The capture of Romanus IV Diogenes, the Byzantine emperor himself, at the battle gave the incoming nomadic Turks enormous prestige in both East and West. His subsequent release by Alp Arslan, the Turkish sultan – a magnanimous deed recorded by both Christian and Muslim chroniclers – greatly enhanced the latter's prestige. This victory can be seen as the first step in a much wider process in which Turkish-led dynasties definitively defeated the Crusaders and eventually came to control the entire Middle East. For scholars nowadays, Manzikert can be seen as a distant but key precursor of the fall of Constantinople in 1453. And in the minds of the many millions of Turks today, it is above all the founding myth of the battle of Manzikert in 1071 that has determined their history.

During the ten years from 1978, the conflict between the Eastern and Western blocs formed the political framework within which CERD had to operate. It was argued, on the one hand, that CERD could not examine a report properly unless it could compare the information within it to information from other sources. On the other hand, it was maintained that the Convention referred only to ‘the examination of the reports and information received from the States Parties’. In 1986, at a time when the press was reporting on a campaign forcibly to assimilate the Turkish‐speaking minority in Bulgaria, the Committee was unable to confirm that the campaign was contrary to the Convention.

Beginning with the Young Turk revolution in 1908, this chapter examines the changing conceptions of East and West as they were manifested in Yishuv culture. Zionism's call for a Jewish return to “the East” was rooted in part in a broader European fascination with “the Orient.” This interest in the East coincided in time and in much of its imagery with a conceptual division of Europe itself into its “western” and “eastern” parts. The Jews were deeply implicated in these twin conceptualizations of the Orient and of Europe's own “Orient” at home, particularly with the notion that Jews constituted a semi‐Asiatic, foreign element in Europe. Competing images of Occident and Orient—resonating with a wide range of racial, social, political, and cultural overtones—would become not only central elements in efforts to create a new Hebrew language, art, and music but also defining aspects of the Yishuv's institutions, rituals, and national liturgy.

Continuing with the theme of Orient and Occident in Zionist culture, this chapter examines the ways in which competing conceptions helped determine the role of Oriental Jews and Palestinian Arabs in the emerging Hebrew nationhood. Arguing against a historiography that correlates Zionism with an oversimplified version of European Orientalism, the chapter contends that, within Zionist culture, a myth of Sephardic supremacy coexisted with a sense of Ashkenazi superiority to shape the roles envisioned for the nation's Jewish ethnic groups. Similarly, romantic images of Arabs as racial counterparts and as models for the new Hebrews clashed with a view of the Arab as primitive and responsible for the land's desolation in a time of nascent national conflict. Especially in the wake of the Young Turk revolution, these conceptual divisions informed the Yishuv's language, music, celebrations, public spaces, economic and political orientations, immigration policy, and even bodily comportment.

Belgium has three major ethnic minorities – Italians, Moroccans, and Turks – originating from guest workers who arrived in the post-war period. These groups continue to experience significant ethnic penalties in the Belgian labour market. For employment and occupational attainment alike, the Italian second generation experiences the smallest ethnic penalties and comes closest to achieving parity with native Belgians. In contrast, the Moroccan and Turkish second generation experience much larger ethnic penalties. Moreover, the Turkish second generation is clearly at the bottom end of the ethnic hierarchy, since it experiences at once the largest penalties on avoidance of unemployment and on access to the salariat. The persistence of ethnic disdvantage in the second generation suggests that at least part of the explanation is to be found in the receiving society. Possible explanations range from overt ethnic prejudice to citizenship status.

There are five major groups of classic ‘labour migrants’ in Germany: Greeks, Italians, (ex-)Yugoslavs, Turks, and Iberians, with the Turks being the largest single group. Today, there are significant numbers of second-generation men and women from these origins in the German labour market. More recently, they have been joined by a more diverse group of migrants from Western Europe, Eastern Europe, the (middle) East, and Africa. In the first generation, the labour-migrant groups had relatively low levels of education, leading to marked ethnic stratification within the labour market. This stratification continues in the second generation although on a reduced scale. While the second generation has acquired higher levels of education than the first, they still lag some way (the Turks especially so) behind native Germans in their education. Ethnic penalties in the labour market itself are also much reduced in the second generation, although significant penalties remain for Turks. However, most of the continuing ethnic stratification is due to processes that operate prior to entry into the labour market.

This chapter looks at the ways in which articulation and phrasing were either indicated by the composer, or expected to be provided by the performer on the basis of experience and musicality. Connections between accentuation and articulation are considered. The structural and expressive aspects of musical articulation are related to rhetoric and language in general; this was a view that persisted throughout the period, although the manner in which it was realised may have changed significantly. Approaches to the structural aspect of articulation are explored through comparison of a succession of theoretical treatments of the subject in Sulzer's Allgemeine Theorie der schönen Künste (by J. A. P. Schulz), Türk's Klavierschule, Corri's A Select Collection, Baillot's L'art du violon, García's A New Treatise, Bériot's Méthode de violon, and Joachim and Moser's Violinschule.

Turks, Northerners, and the Barbarous Heretic focuses on the connections forged in Catholic texts between Protestant heretics and Turkish infidels — an analogy that reversed Protestant accusations and that demonstrated how so-called reformers were not just un-English but the quintessential enemies of the Church. Catholic polemic about Protestants-as-Turks was complexly related to other tropes of heresy and barbarism, particularly to geohumoral discourses that identified the north as the seat of heresy. Through the polemical linkages of Turk, northerner, and heretic, Catholic writers were able to explore fundamental questions about religious persecution and toleration, as well as about what it meant to be civilized and English.

This chapter retraces the shared history between the Ottoman Empire and Europe. Focusing on the Ottoman conquest in Europe, the chapter describes the events by which the history of Europe became indistinguishable from that of its relationship, whether good or bad, with the principal Muslim power of the time. It first discusses the presence of Turks and Muslims in Europe before the Ottoman expansion, before turning to the origins of the Ottomans, who had emerged from one of the many small Turkoman principalities that had formed on the Aegean, Mediterranean, and Pontic periphery of the Seljuk sultanate of Konya. The chapter then chronicles the first Ottoman ventures into Europe, which eventually culminated in a series of conquests in the continent.

This chapter chronicles the initial wave of revolutionary fervor in the Muslim world. It first looks at Persia, the first revolutionary Muslim tendencies arose. Moreover, in the early twentieth century, European political alignments changed, with tragic consequences for the Muslim world under European domination, despite theoretical independence. The new European political alignment, founded on a de facto alliance between France, Great Britain, and Russia, came about directly at the expense of the Muslim world in Morocco, Egypt, and Persia. By contrast, imperial Germany, which felt threatened by a supposed desire to encircle it, more than ever looked like the major power protecting Islam.

A second seventh‐century Armenian history, dating from soon after 682, is disinterred from the universal history of Caucasian Albania, put together by Movses Daskhurants'i in the tenth century. Like ps. Sebeos, this seventh‐century historian is shown to have refrained from introducing his own views into the material he extracted from his four principal sources. The information supplied is demonstrably of high quality and extends historical coverage to Turkish diplomatic and military activity in Transcaucasia in the 620s and forward in time to the caliphate of Mu‘awiya (660–80). Especially valuable are accounts of Arab operations in Mesopotamia and of two visits paid by the leading Albanian prince to Mu‘awiya's court at Damascus. The Khuzistan Chronicle, by contrast, presents a pared‐down version of history (from 579 to 652), enlivened with anecdotal material, of relatively little interest. However, a continuation includes a well‐articulated account of the Arab conquest of Khuzistan.

This chapter explores the fundamental characteristics of the overall plan for the “homogenization” of Anatolia. Having initially devised and implemented a plan before the First World War to free themselves of non-Turkish elements in the Aegean region, the Committee of Union and Progress (CUP) then, under the cover of war, expanded this plan to include all of Anatolia. The primary goal of this project was a conscious reshaping of the region's demographic character on the basis of its Muslim Turkish population. The two main pillars of this policy, which can be characterized as the government's population and resettlement policy, were as follows: the first entailed the “cleansing” of Anatolia's non-Muslim population; the second was the assimilation of all of Anatolia's non-Turkish Muslim communities.

The dominant reference point in religious warfare in the fifteenth and early sixteenth centuries was the Turk, and this chapter argues that ‘Turkishness’ was a multifaceted and changing identity. For many the essential enemy was the Ottoman Turks, whose aggression and brutality were widely disseminated. Their activities and plans were subjected to numerous prophetic and apocalyptic readings. Many contemporaries described their Christian opponents as Turks or ‘worse than Turks’, a practice that demonstrated both the potency of the Turkish image and the internal divisions which plagued the Christian world. For Erasmus and other moral reformers the Turk resided within each Christian, and Christian sinfulness was fully as fatal to the common defence of Europe as political rivalries. It was the achievement of Thomas More to synthesize these three images in a number of works that he wrote in the late 1520s and early 1530s.

Given that the rhetoric about Greece had been established by Byron, this chapter argues that the only real developments on the perception of the Greeks since were an expansion of that Byronic rhetoric by Gladstone and other liberals to include the Balkan Christians generally and a simultaneous narrowing of philhellenic rhetoric to cover only those pure Greeks of unmixed blood who lived on remote islands and mountains. Both of these developments had deleterious effects on the perception of the Greeks. On the one hand, when lumped with the other Christians of the East, they were viewed as Balkan or Levantine; on the other, a preserve of real Greeks was created by disenfranchising the majority of Greece's inhabitants.

Article 57 of the Tŭrnovo Constitution promised all Bulgarian citizens equality before the law, while Article 61 gave freedom to any slave the moment he or she set foot on Bulgarian territory. Ever since the Ottoman conquest of the 14th century, the largest minority group in Bulgaria has been that of the Turks. This element has declined since 1878, and the Greek minority has all but disappeared. The Jews too have largely left the country, the Roma have long been present but until the period after the fall of communism had been largely ignored, while the Bulgarian attitude to the Pomaks has generally been one of suppressed hostility. Since 1989 the population of Bulgaria has declined.

This chapter takes the Mozart-style cadenza as a case study. Just as a cadenza in the Mozart style interweaves themes from the concerto movement preceding it, the chapter interweaves the themes from all of the previous chapters. Eighteenth-century pedagogical treatises about cadenzas (e.g., that of Daniel Gottlob Türk), the model cadenzas that Mozart composed, interviews with Robert Levin on cadenza improvisation, and analyses of transcriptions of Robert Levin's own improvised performances of cadenzas in the Mozart style are presented and discussed. The cadenza from the first movement of Mozart's Piano Concerto in Eb Major, K. 271 serves as an example, since Mozart composed two different cadenzas to this movement, and since three different recorded cadenzas to this movement by Robert Levin were available for analysis. The conclusion of the chapter places the discussion in the context of previous chapters' discussions of cognition in improvisation.

In this chapter, Clark Terry describes his second encounter with Turk and his gang, following their dissociation after their commitment to the show. It was at this time that he was offered a second chance to be associated with Turk and his gang, as part of a small carnival that traveled in several trucks but was at that time stationary in Hattiesburg for a few months. This meant that he would have a place to stay, wash and eat. The money was tight and the carnival was to come to an end soon. All that Clark was left with was the option to travel back to St. Louis in Mr. Suggs' truck. Finally he made it back to St. Louis and was surrounded by businesses, a movie theater, and a church.

This chapter considers another possibility raised by return in the body: sexual congress with the dead. The first section examines the very limited corpus of ghost narratives in which divinely sanctioned apparitions are imbued with material form: these ‘resurrections’ are mainly played out in Middle Eastern contexts, their purpose the conversion of the Turk. The next section examines cases in which demons take up bodies. Set under the mythological banner of Orpheus and Eurydice, these stories frequently involve an eroticised return of a woman to her lover, with sex contact between them the prelude to a catastrophic, second loss. Having explored two examples in Le Loyer and François de Rosset, the chapter ends with a pamphlet in which the roles are reversed, and an embodied husband returns to his widow. This story, which bears certain similarities with the return of Martin Guerre, exploits to the full the titillating charge of revenant lovers.

At the Restoration, there were limited places for Cromwellian and Cavalier veterans in the standing armies of the Three Kingdoms. Consequently, there was a considerable exodus of professional soldiers and men who had grown up knowing none other than the military life. Once again, they served in the same armies they had before the civil wars, including Sweden, Denmark-Norway, Poland, Imperial Austria, France, Venice, and especially the Dutch Republic. They also served in the newly independent kingdom of Portugal and Muscovite Russia. Those who wished to pursue careers as officers continued to serve a military apprenticeship in the ranks as gentlemen volunteers, and volunteers who desired adventure were especially attracted to the campaigns and sieges of the Imperialist and Venetian forces in their struggles to drive the Ottoman Turks from Europe and the Mediterranean world. Until William of Orange’s invasion of England and conquest of Scotland and Ireland — which together with England’s involvement in the Nine Years War brought an expansion of the English/British armies — the British Isles continued to be a significant source of manpower for mainland European armies. Since the Anglo-Dutch forces drew heavily upon these manpower sources during the Nine Years War, those (including the ‘wild geese’) who continued make careers in continental European armies came largely from the Catholic populations of the British Isles.

This chapter presents two cross-national survey experiments that explore the relationship between self-monitoring characteristics, beliefs about the efficacy of force, and concerns for reputation for resolve. The first survey consists of two thousand American adults recruited through Amazon Mechanical Turk (MTurk), whereas the second survey is conducted on a nationally representative sample of Israeli Jewish adults. Obtaining almost identical results in each study, the chapter found that the interaction between self-monitoring and general predispositions toward the use of force produces systematic differences in support for the use of force. These findings carry significant implications for the ability of leaders to mobilize domestic support for the use of force: when leaders are able to frame an international conflict in reputational terms, a segment of the population that would not otherwise be convinced about the use of force is likely to become more supportive of military engagement.