Juan Montabes Pereira
- Published in print:
- 1999
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780198296454
- eISBN:
- 9780191600036
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0198296452.003.0051
- Subject:
- Political Science, Reference
This chapter on elections and electoral systems in Tunisia follows the same format as all the other country chapters in the book. The first section is introductory and contains a historical overview, ...
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This chapter on elections and electoral systems in Tunisia follows the same format as all the other country chapters in the book. The first section is introductory and contains a historical overview, discussion of the evolution of electoral provisions, an account of the current electoral provisions, and a comment on the electoral statistics. The second section consists of ten tables. These are: 2.1 Dates of National Elections, Referendums, and Coups d’Etat (there have been no referendums or coups d’état); 2.2 Electoral Body 1956–1994 (data on population size, registered voters, and votes cast); 2.3 Abbreviations (abbreviations and full names of political parties and alliances used in tables 2.6, 2.7, and 2.9); 2.4 Electoral Participation of Parties and Alliances 1956–1994 (participation of political parties and alliances in chronological order and including the years and number of contested elections); 2.5 Referendums (none held); 2.6 Elections for Constitutional Assembly 1956 (details of registered voters and votes cast); 2.7 Parliamentary Elections 1959–1994 (details of registered voters and votes cast); 2.8 Composition of Parliament 1959–1994; 2.9 Presidential Elections 1959–1994 (details of registered voters and votes cast); and 2.10 List of Power Holders 1956–1998.Less
This chapter on elections and electoral systems in Tunisia follows the same format as all the other country chapters in the book. The first section is introductory and contains a historical overview, discussion of the evolution of electoral provisions, an account of the current electoral provisions, and a comment on the electoral statistics. The second section consists of ten tables. These are: 2.1 Dates of National Elections, Referendums, and Coups d’Etat (there have been no referendums or coups d’état); 2.2 Electoral Body 1956–1994 (data on population size, registered voters, and votes cast); 2.3 Abbreviations (abbreviations and full names of political parties and alliances used in tables 2.6, 2.7, and 2.9); 2.4 Electoral Participation of Parties and Alliances 1956–1994 (participation of political parties and alliances in chronological order and including the years and number of contested elections); 2.5 Referendums (none held); 2.6 Elections for Constitutional Assembly 1956 (details of registered voters and votes cast); 2.7 Parliamentary Elections 1959–1994 (details of registered voters and votes cast); 2.8 Composition of Parliament 1959–1994; 2.9 Presidential Elections 1959–1994 (details of registered voters and votes cast); and 2.10 List of Power Holders 1956–1998.
Azzam S. Tamimi
- Published in print:
- 2001
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780195140002
- eISBN:
- 9780199834723
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0195140001.001.0001
- Subject:
- Religion, Islam
By way of an analytical and critical study of the life and thought of Rachid Ghannouchi, leader of the proscribed Ennahda political party in Tunisia, this book seeks to address the obstacles that ...
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By way of an analytical and critical study of the life and thought of Rachid Ghannouchi, leader of the proscribed Ennahda political party in Tunisia, this book seeks to address the obstacles that hinder democratization in the Arab region.Inasmuch as democracy is seen as a set of procedures that serve collectively to empower the people to freely elect governments and make them accountable and to make sure that basic human rights and civil liberties, the rule of law and equality before the law, and the rights of minorities are protected, then democracy is fully compatible with the Islamic value of shura.Islam may have a problem with the philosophical underpinning of liberal democracy because of the notion of secularism.Despite objections to democracy from certain Islamic circles, the formidable problems facing transition to democracy in the Arab Muslim region are neither religious nor cultural.The attempt to impose secularism first by the colonial authorities of the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries and second by postcolonial governments led to undermining civil society and doing away with the minimum protection needed for individuals and groups to be politically involved.The modern Arab territorial state, which is the product of the collapse of the Ottoman Empire at the turn of the twentieth century, has by design been antidemocratic.The world order that brought about the creation of all these artificial territorial states, and that today exerts all it can to preserve the status quo has no interest in the success of democracy anywhere in the region.Less
By way of an analytical and critical study of the life and thought of Rachid Ghannouchi, leader of the proscribed Ennahda political party in Tunisia, this book seeks to address the obstacles that hinder democratization in the Arab region.
Inasmuch as democracy is seen as a set of procedures that serve collectively to empower the people to freely elect governments and make them accountable and to make sure that basic human rights and civil liberties, the rule of law and equality before the law, and the rights of minorities are protected, then democracy is fully compatible with the Islamic value of shura.
Islam may have a problem with the philosophical underpinning of liberal democracy because of the notion of secularism.
Despite objections to democracy from certain Islamic circles, the formidable problems facing transition to democracy in the Arab Muslim region are neither religious nor cultural.
The attempt to impose secularism first by the colonial authorities of the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries and second by postcolonial governments led to undermining civil society and doing away with the minimum protection needed for individuals and groups to be politically involved.
The modern Arab territorial state, which is the product of the collapse of the Ottoman Empire at the turn of the twentieth century, has by design been antidemocratic.
The world order that brought about the creation of all these artificial territorial states, and that today exerts all it can to preserve the status quo has no interest in the success of democracy anywhere in the region.
CHRISTOPHER DUGGAN
- Published in print:
- 2002
- Published Online:
- January 2010
- ISBN:
- 9780198206118
- eISBN:
- 9780191717178
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198206118.003.0013
- Subject:
- History, European Modern History
Francesco Crispi had hoped since 1876 to unite Italy's left; his hopes now lay largely in ruins as factional rivalry had become almost endemic in parliament. The political education of Italians had ...
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Francesco Crispi had hoped since 1876 to unite Italy's left; his hopes now lay largely in ruins as factional rivalry had become almost endemic in parliament. The political education of Italians had long been a central concern of Crispi's. His strategy for the next few years was to stand apart from the fray, keep the moral high ground, and hope that public opinion would come round to him. This chapter examines Crispi's views on political education, his opposition to France's invasion of Tunisia, his push for electoral reform and preoccupation with foreign policy, his response to the 1881 popular protest movement in Egypt, his desire to make nationalism into a religion, his efforts at reconstructing the Risorgimento, his campaign towards the nationalization of the Italian monarchy, his opposition to the politics of trasformismo, and the launch of the Pentarchy.Less
Francesco Crispi had hoped since 1876 to unite Italy's left; his hopes now lay largely in ruins as factional rivalry had become almost endemic in parliament. The political education of Italians had long been a central concern of Crispi's. His strategy for the next few years was to stand apart from the fray, keep the moral high ground, and hope that public opinion would come round to him. This chapter examines Crispi's views on political education, his opposition to France's invasion of Tunisia, his push for electoral reform and preoccupation with foreign policy, his response to the 1881 popular protest movement in Egypt, his desire to make nationalism into a religion, his efforts at reconstructing the Risorgimento, his campaign towards the nationalization of the Italian monarchy, his opposition to the politics of trasformismo, and the launch of the Pentarchy.
Julia Clancy-Smith
- Published in print:
- 2012
- Published Online:
- September 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780195396447
- eISBN:
- 9780199979318
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195396447.003.0005
- Subject:
- History, History of Religion, World Modern History
This chapter explores the history of the Soeurs de Saint Joseph de l’Apparition by situating the congregation within the larger context of nineteenth-century imperialism and transnational migrations ...
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This chapter explores the history of the Soeurs de Saint Joseph de l’Apparition by situating the congregation within the larger context of nineteenth-century imperialism and transnational migrations in Tunisia and the Mediterranean more generally. A variety of factors—from war to shifting labor markets—shaped the missionary sisters’ methods. Focusing on teaching and medical work both intersected with the needs of trans-Mediterranean migration and won the patronage of the Husaynid Dynasty (reigned 1705–1956). The order’s founder and her sisters ceaselessly importuned court officials for assistance in finding suitable residences, which, in a city such as Tunis, then experiencing massive immigration and thus housing shortages, was key to permanent settlement.Less
This chapter explores the history of the Soeurs de Saint Joseph de l’Apparition by situating the congregation within the larger context of nineteenth-century imperialism and transnational migrations in Tunisia and the Mediterranean more generally. A variety of factors—from war to shifting labor markets—shaped the missionary sisters’ methods. Focusing on teaching and medical work both intersected with the needs of trans-Mediterranean migration and won the patronage of the Husaynid Dynasty (reigned 1705–1956). The order’s founder and her sisters ceaselessly importuned court officials for assistance in finding suitable residences, which, in a city such as Tunis, then experiencing massive immigration and thus housing shortages, was key to permanent settlement.
Adam T. Smith
- Published in print:
- 2015
- Published Online:
- October 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780691163239
- eISBN:
- 9781400866502
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Princeton University Press
- DOI:
- 10.23943/princeton/9780691163239.003.0007
- Subject:
- History, Ancient History / Archaeology
This concluding chapter returns to the overarching question that opened the Introduction—how do objects shape our political lives?—by drawing insights gained from the Bronze Age Caucasus into a wider ...
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This concluding chapter returns to the overarching question that opened the Introduction—how do objects shape our political lives?—by drawing insights gained from the Bronze Age Caucasus into a wider reflection on the political work of things in contemporary moments of revolution and reproduction. It discusses the events leading up to Tunisia's Jasmine Revolution and its aftermath; the Soviet Union's commemoration in 1968 of the founding of the Urartian fortress at Erebuni, on the outskirts of Yerevan, Armenia, which inaugurated a new archaeologically derived assemblage that transformed the material fabric of Yerevan; and a fairy tale written by Armenian poet Hovannes Toumanyan about Brother Axe.Less
This concluding chapter returns to the overarching question that opened the Introduction—how do objects shape our political lives?—by drawing insights gained from the Bronze Age Caucasus into a wider reflection on the political work of things in contemporary moments of revolution and reproduction. It discusses the events leading up to Tunisia's Jasmine Revolution and its aftermath; the Soviet Union's commemoration in 1968 of the founding of the Urartian fortress at Erebuni, on the outskirts of Yerevan, Armenia, which inaugurated a new archaeologically derived assemblage that transformed the material fabric of Yerevan; and a fairy tale written by Armenian poet Hovannes Toumanyan about Brother Axe.
Franz Neumann
- Published in print:
- 2013
- Published Online:
- October 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780691134130
- eISBN:
- 9781400846467
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Princeton University Press
- DOI:
- 10.23943/princeton/9780691134130.003.0008
- Subject:
- History, Military History
This chapter examines the effect of Nazi defeat in Tunisia on German morale. The United Nations received many reports across a number of weeks of a marked deterioration in German “morale.” The defeat ...
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This chapter examines the effect of Nazi defeat in Tunisia on German morale. The United Nations received many reports across a number of weeks of a marked deterioration in German “morale.” The defeat in Tunisia, according to these reports, drove home the lesson of Stalingrad and finally shattered the myth of Nazi Germany's invincibility, even for the Nazis. German propaganda was now having to concern itself seriously for the first time with the possibility of defeat. Tales of unrest, of war weariness, even of open opposition were appearing on every hand. For some observers, these items added up to a familiar pattern of impending collapse. The question became urgent whether, in fact, the United Nations had any ground for expecting Germany to repeat the debacle of 1918, from which Adolf Hitler learned a lesson.Less
This chapter examines the effect of Nazi defeat in Tunisia on German morale. The United Nations received many reports across a number of weeks of a marked deterioration in German “morale.” The defeat in Tunisia, according to these reports, drove home the lesson of Stalingrad and finally shattered the myth of Nazi Germany's invincibility, even for the Nazis. German propaganda was now having to concern itself seriously for the first time with the possibility of defeat. Tales of unrest, of war weariness, even of open opposition were appearing on every hand. For some observers, these items added up to a familiar pattern of impending collapse. The question became urgent whether, in fact, the United Nations had any ground for expecting Germany to repeat the debacle of 1918, from which Adolf Hitler learned a lesson.
Sarah A. Curtis
- Published in print:
- 2010
- Published Online:
- September 2010
- ISBN:
- 9780195394184
- eISBN:
- 9780199866595
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195394184.003.0006
- Subject:
- History, World Modern History, History of Religion
After her expulsion from Algeria, Vialar took refuge in neighboring Tunisia, where the local bey invited her and the SSJA to provide educational, health care, and charity services. This chapter ...
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After her expulsion from Algeria, Vialar took refuge in neighboring Tunisia, where the local bey invited her and the SSJA to provide educational, health care, and charity services. This chapter examines her work there and her relationship with the Abbé Bourgade, who promoted cross‐religious understanding between Catholics and Muslims. Here Vialar, as in Algeria and in missions throughout the Mediterranean basin, allowed the clandestine baptism of dying Muslim and Jewish children, while eschewing more overt forms of conversion. She also opened missions in Malta, where a devout Catholic population provided resources and personnel to expand her order.Less
After her expulsion from Algeria, Vialar took refuge in neighboring Tunisia, where the local bey invited her and the SSJA to provide educational, health care, and charity services. This chapter examines her work there and her relationship with the Abbé Bourgade, who promoted cross‐religious understanding between Catholics and Muslims. Here Vialar, as in Algeria and in missions throughout the Mediterranean basin, allowed the clandestine baptism of dying Muslim and Jewish children, while eschewing more overt forms of conversion. She also opened missions in Malta, where a devout Catholic population provided resources and personnel to expand her order.
Andrea L. Kavanauch
- Published in print:
- 1999
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780195102017
- eISBN:
- 9780199854936
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195102017.003.0002
- Subject:
- Business and Management, Information Technology
Algerian, Moroccan, and Tunisian telecommunications operating institutions were established under the colonial regime, and patterned after the PPT system of the French Ministry. Subsequent to the ...
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Algerian, Moroccan, and Tunisian telecommunications operating institutions were established under the colonial regime, and patterned after the PPT system of the French Ministry. Subsequent to the country's independence, all international calls were supervised and directed through the offices in Paris, France—the former colonizer of the aforementioned states. Internal message sending networks manifested limited information exchange as telephones were only distributed among the urban areas and domestic calls were subject to certain limiting technical perimeters. This chapter analyzes these technological shortcomings, along with the potential advantages, in the context of each of the three country's economic patterns, organizational structure, industrialization pace, national reserves, financial capability, and global relations. In addition, the chapter looks at the distribution, ownership, management, and supervision of telecommunications in order to encourage effective and efficient delivery and allocation of technological resources.Less
Algerian, Moroccan, and Tunisian telecommunications operating institutions were established under the colonial regime, and patterned after the PPT system of the French Ministry. Subsequent to the country's independence, all international calls were supervised and directed through the offices in Paris, France—the former colonizer of the aforementioned states. Internal message sending networks manifested limited information exchange as telephones were only distributed among the urban areas and domestic calls were subject to certain limiting technical perimeters. This chapter analyzes these technological shortcomings, along with the potential advantages, in the context of each of the three country's economic patterns, organizational structure, industrialization pace, national reserves, financial capability, and global relations. In addition, the chapter looks at the distribution, ownership, management, and supervision of telecommunications in order to encourage effective and efficient delivery and allocation of technological resources.
Valentine M. Moghadam
- Published in print:
- 1996
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780198290230
- eISBN:
- 9780191684807
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198290230.003.0011
- Subject:
- Economics and Finance, Development, Growth, and Environmental
Past studies have revealed that a culturalist approach may be more appropriate in assessing the roles and status attained by women across Arab-Islamic countries since religious and cultural factors ...
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Past studies have revealed that a culturalist approach may be more appropriate in assessing the roles and status attained by women across Arab-Islamic countries since religious and cultural factors there are perceived to be more explanatory than political and economic variables. However, the Middle East and north Africa presents itself with much theoretical potential because of how these regions enable the study of the relationship between patriarchy and the various aspects of development. Through a comparative evaluation of the state policies, development strategies, and the effects of women employment in countries of the Middle East and north Africa — particularly Iran, Tunisia, and Turkey — this chapter attempts to look into how the traditional patriarchal system of gender relations has affected development, and the roles that women assume in such endeavours.Less
Past studies have revealed that a culturalist approach may be more appropriate in assessing the roles and status attained by women across Arab-Islamic countries since religious and cultural factors there are perceived to be more explanatory than political and economic variables. However, the Middle East and north Africa presents itself with much theoretical potential because of how these regions enable the study of the relationship between patriarchy and the various aspects of development. Through a comparative evaluation of the state policies, development strategies, and the effects of women employment in countries of the Middle East and north Africa — particularly Iran, Tunisia, and Turkey — this chapter attempts to look into how the traditional patriarchal system of gender relations has affected development, and the roles that women assume in such endeavours.
Naor Ben-Yehoyada
- Published in print:
- 2017
- Published Online:
- January 2018
- ISBN:
- 9780226450971
- eISBN:
- 9780226451169
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- University of Chicago Press
- DOI:
- 10.7208/chicago/9780226451169.001.0001
- Subject:
- Anthropology, European Cultural Anthropology
This book offers an historical anthropology of the re-emergence of the Mediterranean as a transnational region in modern times. It examines this region formation by showing how Sicilian poaching in ...
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This book offers an historical anthropology of the re-emergence of the Mediterranean as a transnational region in modern times. It examines this region formation by showing how Sicilian poaching in North African fishing grounds transformed transnational political action, imaginaries, and relations in the central Mediterranean: how Sicilians and Tunisians came to regard each other as related. The book is centered around the ethnography of life aboard a fishing boat from the fleet of Mazara del Vallo, a fishing town at the south-western tip of Sicily, ninety nautical miles northeast of the African shore. Beyond the trawler’s deck, the book focuses on Mazara’s recent turbulent history: from a relatively unimportant viticulture town in the 1940s to a central scene in Fish Wars, clandestine migration, the Trans-Mediterranean gas pipeline, and the rising importance of the Mediterranean in Italian politics since the 1970s. Drawing on 21 months of ethnographic research ashore and at sea and extensive archival research in Sicily and Tunisia, it makes a case for treating regions as the medium and scales of transnationalism. The book argues that the historical processes through which transnational regions form should become objects of anthropological analysis. It proposes to view such spaces as ever-changing constellations, which form and dissipate through the interaction between cross-boundary practices and official region-making projects. And it shows how we can attain this viewpoint from the moving vessels that weave these constellations together and stage their social relations and dynamics in full view.Less
This book offers an historical anthropology of the re-emergence of the Mediterranean as a transnational region in modern times. It examines this region formation by showing how Sicilian poaching in North African fishing grounds transformed transnational political action, imaginaries, and relations in the central Mediterranean: how Sicilians and Tunisians came to regard each other as related. The book is centered around the ethnography of life aboard a fishing boat from the fleet of Mazara del Vallo, a fishing town at the south-western tip of Sicily, ninety nautical miles northeast of the African shore. Beyond the trawler’s deck, the book focuses on Mazara’s recent turbulent history: from a relatively unimportant viticulture town in the 1940s to a central scene in Fish Wars, clandestine migration, the Trans-Mediterranean gas pipeline, and the rising importance of the Mediterranean in Italian politics since the 1970s. Drawing on 21 months of ethnographic research ashore and at sea and extensive archival research in Sicily and Tunisia, it makes a case for treating regions as the medium and scales of transnationalism. The book argues that the historical processes through which transnational regions form should become objects of anthropological analysis. It proposes to view such spaces as ever-changing constellations, which form and dissipate through the interaction between cross-boundary practices and official region-making projects. And it shows how we can attain this viewpoint from the moving vessels that weave these constellations together and stage their social relations and dynamics in full view.
Asaad Al-Saleh
- Published in print:
- 2015
- Published Online:
- November 2015
- ISBN:
- 9780231163187
- eISBN:
- 9780231538589
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Columbia University Press
- DOI:
- 10.7312/columbia/9780231163187.001.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
Narrated by dozens of activists and everyday individuals, this book documents the unprecedented events that led to the collapse of dictatorial regimes in Tunisia, Egypt, Libya, and Yemen. Beginning ...
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Narrated by dozens of activists and everyday individuals, this book documents the unprecedented events that led to the collapse of dictatorial regimes in Tunisia, Egypt, Libya, and Yemen. Beginning in 2011, these stories offer unique access to the message that inspired citizens to act, their experiences during revolt, and the lessons they learned from some of the most dramatic changes and appalling events to occur in the history of the Arab world. The riveting, revealing, and sometimes heartbreaking stories in this volume also include voices from Syria. Featuring participants from a variety of social and educational backgrounds and political commitments, these personal stories of action represent the Arab Spring's united and broad social movements, collective identities, and youthful character. For years, the volume's participants lived under regimes that brutally suppressed free expression and protest. Their testimony speaks to the multifaceted emotional, psychological, and cultural factors that motivated citizens to join together to struggle against their oppressors.Less
Narrated by dozens of activists and everyday individuals, this book documents the unprecedented events that led to the collapse of dictatorial regimes in Tunisia, Egypt, Libya, and Yemen. Beginning in 2011, these stories offer unique access to the message that inspired citizens to act, their experiences during revolt, and the lessons they learned from some of the most dramatic changes and appalling events to occur in the history of the Arab world. The riveting, revealing, and sometimes heartbreaking stories in this volume also include voices from Syria. Featuring participants from a variety of social and educational backgrounds and political commitments, these personal stories of action represent the Arab Spring's united and broad social movements, collective identities, and youthful character. For years, the volume's participants lived under regimes that brutally suppressed free expression and protest. Their testimony speaks to the multifaceted emotional, psychological, and cultural factors that motivated citizens to join together to struggle against their oppressors.
Michael Wright, David Clark, and Jennifer Hunt
- Published in print:
- 2006
- Published Online:
- November 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780199206803
- eISBN:
- 9780191730474
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199206803.003.0031
- Subject:
- Palliative Care, Patient Care and End-of-Life Decision Making, Palliative Medicine Research
Tunisia (population 9.97 million people) is a country in Northern Africa, bordering the Mediterranean Sea, between Tunisia and Libya that covers an area of 163, 610 km2. Palliative care services have ...
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Tunisia (population 9.97 million people) is a country in Northern Africa, bordering the Mediterranean Sea, between Tunisia and Libya that covers an area of 163, 610 km2. Palliative care services have not been identified in Tunisia, but there is evidence of growing interest. It also has been affected by the HIV/AIDS epidemic. The WHO overall health care system performance score places Tunisia 52nd out of 191 countries. In addition, a discussion on the political economy of Tunisia is included.Less
Tunisia (population 9.97 million people) is a country in Northern Africa, bordering the Mediterranean Sea, between Tunisia and Libya that covers an area of 163, 610 km2. Palliative care services have not been identified in Tunisia, but there is evidence of growing interest. It also has been affected by the HIV/AIDS epidemic. The WHO overall health care system performance score places Tunisia 52nd out of 191 countries. In addition, a discussion on the political economy of Tunisia is included.
J.N.C. Hill
- Published in print:
- 2016
- Published Online:
- May 2017
- ISBN:
- 9781474408974
- eISBN:
- 9781474427067
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Edinburgh University Press
- DOI:
- 10.3366/edinburgh/9781474408974.001.0001
- Subject:
- Society and Culture, Middle Eastern Studies
The book offers fresh insight into the recent political development and contrasting experiences of four Maghreb countries: Tunisia, Algeria, Morocco and Mauritania. The Arab Spring affected them in ...
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The book offers fresh insight into the recent political development and contrasting experiences of four Maghreb countries: Tunisia, Algeria, Morocco and Mauritania. The Arab Spring affected them in different ways. Tunisia underwent profound change as Ben Ali was overthrown in a fortnight. Yet in Algeria, President Bouteflika won an unprecedented fourth term in office despite being too ill to campaign. What explains these variations? Why did Ben Ali’s regime fall and Bouteflika’s survive? Why has Morocco not gone the same way as Tunisia? And what of Mauritania, the often forgotten other Maghreb country? This book addresses these and other questions by using Steven Levitsky and Lucan Way’s celebrated model for examining political transitions to analyse and compare the political development of Tunisia, Algeria, Morocco and Mauritania over the last ten years.Less
The book offers fresh insight into the recent political development and contrasting experiences of four Maghreb countries: Tunisia, Algeria, Morocco and Mauritania. The Arab Spring affected them in different ways. Tunisia underwent profound change as Ben Ali was overthrown in a fortnight. Yet in Algeria, President Bouteflika won an unprecedented fourth term in office despite being too ill to campaign. What explains these variations? Why did Ben Ali’s regime fall and Bouteflika’s survive? Why has Morocco not gone the same way as Tunisia? And what of Mauritania, the often forgotten other Maghreb country? This book addresses these and other questions by using Steven Levitsky and Lucan Way’s celebrated model for examining political transitions to analyse and compare the political development of Tunisia, Algeria, Morocco and Mauritania over the last ten years.
Diana K. Davis
- Published in print:
- 2012
- Published Online:
- January 2013
- ISBN:
- 9780199768677
- eISBN:
- 9780199979608
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199768677.003.0007
- Subject:
- History, Middle East History
As the French conquered North Africa, they fabricated a tale of environmental change that held local North African populations, especially nomads, responsible for ruining what was widely believed in ...
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As the French conquered North Africa, they fabricated a tale of environmental change that held local North African populations, especially nomads, responsible for ruining what was widely believed in Europe to have been a lush, fertile, and forested environment in the classical past, before the “Arab invasions” of the eleventh century. While far from accurate, this French colonial environmental history served—beginning in 1830s Algeria—to undermine the lifeways of indigenous populations: justifying the expropriation of their land and property, alienating tribal forests to the French state, and sedentarizing nomads in the name of environmental protection. One of the most enduring symbols of this transformation may be found in the multiple national parks and nature reserves created by the French in Algeria, Tunisia, and Morocco. Developed ostensibly to protect nature and provide areas for scientific study, in practice, parks were built primarily to generate tourism revenue while serving to further monitor and control “problematic populations.” This chapter explores the history of these national parks and the complex, frequently negative effects they had and continue to have on local populations and the environment.Less
As the French conquered North Africa, they fabricated a tale of environmental change that held local North African populations, especially nomads, responsible for ruining what was widely believed in Europe to have been a lush, fertile, and forested environment in the classical past, before the “Arab invasions” of the eleventh century. While far from accurate, this French colonial environmental history served—beginning in 1830s Algeria—to undermine the lifeways of indigenous populations: justifying the expropriation of their land and property, alienating tribal forests to the French state, and sedentarizing nomads in the name of environmental protection. One of the most enduring symbols of this transformation may be found in the multiple national parks and nature reserves created by the French in Algeria, Tunisia, and Morocco. Developed ostensibly to protect nature and provide areas for scientific study, in practice, parks were built primarily to generate tourism revenue while serving to further monitor and control “problematic populations.” This chapter explores the history of these national parks and the complex, frequently negative effects they had and continue to have on local populations and the environment.
Ibrahim Fraihat
- Published in print:
- 2016
- Published Online:
- September 2016
- ISBN:
- 9780300215632
- eISBN:
- 9780300220957
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Yale University Press
- DOI:
- 10.12987/yale/9780300215632.001.0001
- Subject:
- History, Middle East History
While toppling decades-old authoritarian regimes in Tunisia, Libya, and Yemen took only months, rebuilding these states will likely take years. This book argues that to transition to sustainable ...
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While toppling decades-old authoritarian regimes in Tunisia, Libya, and Yemen took only months, rebuilding these states will likely take years. This book argues that to transition to sustainable peace and stability, these societies must engage in an inclusive national reconciliation process. Based on over 200 interviews with key figures in Tunisia, Libya, and Yemen, this book identifies the greatest drivers of the polarization afflicting each country and the specific national reconciliation processes that can best address them. Dr. Sharqieh finds that an effective national reconciliation process must include a national dialogue, a truth seeking effort, the reparation of victims’ past injuries, dealing with the former regime, and institutional reform. Each subject country has taken different approaches thus far. Tunisia held a homegrown national dialogue driven mainly by civil society organizations and Yemen completed a ten-month, UN-assisted conference, but Libya has been unable to begin a national dialogue thus far. Party politics and limited resources have influenced the other reconciliation processes. While Libya opted to purge all those who served in Muammar Qaddafi’s regime, Yemen chose to grant President Saleh immunity from prosecution in return for his abdication. Tunisia, meanwhile, has adopted a transitional justice law that mandates the investigation and prosecution of the state’s past crimes. These processes, especially if supported by key agents of reconciliation including women, civil society, and tribes, can combine to create the momentum needed to bridge divides and help Arab Spring societies move toward peace, stability, and development.Less
While toppling decades-old authoritarian regimes in Tunisia, Libya, and Yemen took only months, rebuilding these states will likely take years. This book argues that to transition to sustainable peace and stability, these societies must engage in an inclusive national reconciliation process. Based on over 200 interviews with key figures in Tunisia, Libya, and Yemen, this book identifies the greatest drivers of the polarization afflicting each country and the specific national reconciliation processes that can best address them. Dr. Sharqieh finds that an effective national reconciliation process must include a national dialogue, a truth seeking effort, the reparation of victims’ past injuries, dealing with the former regime, and institutional reform. Each subject country has taken different approaches thus far. Tunisia held a homegrown national dialogue driven mainly by civil society organizations and Yemen completed a ten-month, UN-assisted conference, but Libya has been unable to begin a national dialogue thus far. Party politics and limited resources have influenced the other reconciliation processes. While Libya opted to purge all those who served in Muammar Qaddafi’s regime, Yemen chose to grant President Saleh immunity from prosecution in return for his abdication. Tunisia, meanwhile, has adopted a transitional justice law that mandates the investigation and prosecution of the state’s past crimes. These processes, especially if supported by key agents of reconciliation including women, civil society, and tribes, can combine to create the momentum needed to bridge divides and help Arab Spring societies move toward peace, stability, and development.
Frederic Wehrey and Anouar Boukhars
- Published in print:
- 2019
- Published Online:
- December 2019
- ISBN:
- 9780190942403
- eISBN:
- 9780190942441
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/oso/9780190942403.001.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics
This volume explores the growth and transformation of a particular variant of Islamism—Salafism—in the Maghreb region. Drawing on extensive fieldwork and from previous scholarship on Salafi ...
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This volume explores the growth and transformation of a particular variant of Islamism—Salafism—in the Maghreb region. Drawing on extensive fieldwork and from previous scholarship on Salafi typologies—specifically, quietist, political, and jihadist variants—it seeks to understand the socioeconomic and political drivers between the growth or diminishing of each trend. The volume pays particular attention to exploring how state-sponsored Salafists compete with more informal, nonstate, and transnational variants, particularly jihadists. It analyses how local political contexts determine the calculations and trajectories of Salafist factions that appear to share a certain doctrinal uniformity but whose actual practice on the ground, in the sphere of Arab politics, varies significantly. Specifically, it assesses state capacities and policies toward Salafis as a crucial variable that has shaped the transformation of Salafism across the Maghreb’s different countries. A key feature of the book is its attention to the blurring of the boundaries between Salafi quietism, political activism, and the imperative, in some countries, for Salafis to modulate aspects of their doctrine to gain public support. It concludes with the observation that Salafism’s growth is the product of a growing and youthful disenchantment with the existing order and especially authoritarianism, corruption, and dislocation. At a time of heightened polarization in the region and unfortunate American misapprehensions of Islamism—at both public and official levels—the book’s granular insights provide correctives for understanding a diverse religious current that has too often been synonymous with extremism.Less
This volume explores the growth and transformation of a particular variant of Islamism—Salafism—in the Maghreb region. Drawing on extensive fieldwork and from previous scholarship on Salafi typologies—specifically, quietist, political, and jihadist variants—it seeks to understand the socioeconomic and political drivers between the growth or diminishing of each trend. The volume pays particular attention to exploring how state-sponsored Salafists compete with more informal, nonstate, and transnational variants, particularly jihadists. It analyses how local political contexts determine the calculations and trajectories of Salafist factions that appear to share a certain doctrinal uniformity but whose actual practice on the ground, in the sphere of Arab politics, varies significantly. Specifically, it assesses state capacities and policies toward Salafis as a crucial variable that has shaped the transformation of Salafism across the Maghreb’s different countries. A key feature of the book is its attention to the blurring of the boundaries between Salafi quietism, political activism, and the imperative, in some countries, for Salafis to modulate aspects of their doctrine to gain public support. It concludes with the observation that Salafism’s growth is the product of a growing and youthful disenchantment with the existing order and especially authoritarianism, corruption, and dislocation. At a time of heightened polarization in the region and unfortunate American misapprehensions of Islamism—at both public and official levels—the book’s granular insights provide correctives for understanding a diverse religious current that has too often been synonymous with extremism.
Nicola Mai
- Published in print:
- 2018
- Published Online:
- May 2019
- ISBN:
- 9780226584959
- eISBN:
- 9780226585147
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University of Chicago Press
- DOI:
- 10.7208/chicago/9780226585147.003.0006
- Subject:
- Sociology, Gender and Sexuality
Chapter 5 draws on original research with young men working as “professional fiancés” in the tourist sex industry in Tunisia. Drawing on the author’s autoethnographic experience as a tourist who ...
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Chapter 5 draws on original research with young men working as “professional fiancés” in the tourist sex industry in Tunisia. Drawing on the author’s autoethnographic experience as a tourist who unexpectedly became a researcher, the chapter problematizes the presumed vulnerability and exploitability of local people within public and academic debates concerning “sex tourism.” By working as ‘professional boyfriends’ in the intimate economy emerging around the tourist industry in Sousse, local young men try to own the material, economic and social terms of their ‘mobile orientations’ - the socio-cultural alignments of models of personhood, mobilities and objects framing their subjectivities. By performing love to female tourists and by migrating as their spouses young men in Tunisia attempt to embody late modern individualised and consumerist lifestyles. They become successful adult men by forming transnational families abroad while providing for their families at home. Chapter 5 also analyzes the making of Mother Europe, the second film in the author’s Sex Work Trilogy, which is about a young Tunisian “professional fiancé” performing love to female tourists. The film explores the material and sociocultural dimensions as well as the politics of visibility that frame the encounter between tourism and intimate forms of labor in Tunisia.Less
Chapter 5 draws on original research with young men working as “professional fiancés” in the tourist sex industry in Tunisia. Drawing on the author’s autoethnographic experience as a tourist who unexpectedly became a researcher, the chapter problematizes the presumed vulnerability and exploitability of local people within public and academic debates concerning “sex tourism.” By working as ‘professional boyfriends’ in the intimate economy emerging around the tourist industry in Sousse, local young men try to own the material, economic and social terms of their ‘mobile orientations’ - the socio-cultural alignments of models of personhood, mobilities and objects framing their subjectivities. By performing love to female tourists and by migrating as their spouses young men in Tunisia attempt to embody late modern individualised and consumerist lifestyles. They become successful adult men by forming transnational families abroad while providing for their families at home. Chapter 5 also analyzes the making of Mother Europe, the second film in the author’s Sex Work Trilogy, which is about a young Tunisian “professional fiancé” performing love to female tourists. The film explores the material and sociocultural dimensions as well as the politics of visibility that frame the encounter between tourism and intimate forms of labor in Tunisia.
Ferdinand Eibl
- Published in print:
- 2020
- Published Online:
- May 2020
- ISBN:
- 9780198834274
- eISBN:
- 9780191872419
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/oso/9780198834274.001.0001
- Subject:
- Economics and Finance, Public and Welfare
Why have social spending levels and social policy trajectories diverged so drastically across labour-abundant MENA regimes? And how can we explain the persistence of social spending after divergence? ...
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Why have social spending levels and social policy trajectories diverged so drastically across labour-abundant MENA regimes? And how can we explain the persistence of social spending after divergence? This books sets out to answer both questions. Itdevelops a theory about the emergence of authoritarian welfare states, arguing that autocratic leaders need both the incentives and the abilities to distribute welfare for authoritarian welfare states to emerge. The former are shaped by coalition-building dynamics at the onset of regime formation while the latter are conditioned by the external environment. At the level of incentives, broad coalitions emerge in the presence of intra-elite conflict and the absence of salient communal cleavages and, if present jointly, provide a strong incentive for welfare provision. Conversely, a cohesive elite or salient communal divisions entail small coalitions with few incentives to distribute welfare broadly. At the level of abilities, a strong external threat to regime survival is expected to undermine the ability to provide social welfare in broad coalitions. Facing a ‘butter or guns’ trade-off, elites shiflpriority to security expenditures; only fiscal surpluses from an abundant resource endowment can provide the necessary resources to avert this trade-off. To explain the persistence of social policy trajectories, the author relies on two important mechanisms in the welfare state literature: ‘constituency politics’ where beneficiaries of social policies avert deviations from the spending path in the form of systemic reforms or large-scale spending cuts; and spill-over effects to unintended beneficiaries who can become important gatekeepers against path divergence.Less
Why have social spending levels and social policy trajectories diverged so drastically across labour-abundant MENA regimes? And how can we explain the persistence of social spending after divergence? This books sets out to answer both questions. Itdevelops a theory about the emergence of authoritarian welfare states, arguing that autocratic leaders need both the incentives and the abilities to distribute welfare for authoritarian welfare states to emerge. The former are shaped by coalition-building dynamics at the onset of regime formation while the latter are conditioned by the external environment. At the level of incentives, broad coalitions emerge in the presence of intra-elite conflict and the absence of salient communal cleavages and, if present jointly, provide a strong incentive for welfare provision. Conversely, a cohesive elite or salient communal divisions entail small coalitions with few incentives to distribute welfare broadly. At the level of abilities, a strong external threat to regime survival is expected to undermine the ability to provide social welfare in broad coalitions. Facing a ‘butter or guns’ trade-off, elites shiflpriority to security expenditures; only fiscal surpluses from an abundant resource endowment can provide the necessary resources to avert this trade-off. To explain the persistence of social policy trajectories, the author relies on two important mechanisms in the welfare state literature: ‘constituency politics’ where beneficiaries of social policies avert deviations from the spending path in the form of systemic reforms or large-scale spending cuts; and spill-over effects to unintended beneficiaries who can become important gatekeepers against path divergence.
Alfred Stepan
- Published in print:
- 2016
- Published Online:
- September 2016
- ISBN:
- 9780231170802
- eISBN:
- 9780231541015
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Columbia University Press
- DOI:
- 10.7312/columbia/9780231170802.003.0004
- Subject:
- Religion, Religious Studies
This essay discusses democratic transition in Tunisia from the perspective of secularization, addressing how secular and religious interests can act together.
This essay discusses democratic transition in Tunisia from the perspective of secularization, addressing how secular and religious interests can act together.
Rebecca Hillauer
- Published in print:
- 2006
- Published Online:
- September 2011
- ISBN:
- 9789774249433
- eISBN:
- 9781936190089
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- American University in Cairo Press
- DOI:
- 10.5743/cairo/9789774249433.003.0011
- Subject:
- Society and Culture, Middle Eastern Studies
This chapter presents a list of other woman filmmakers not included in the previous chapters. The list includes a brief description of women filmmakers from Algeria, Egypt, Iraq, Lebanon, Morocco, ...
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This chapter presents a list of other woman filmmakers not included in the previous chapters. The list includes a brief description of women filmmakers from Algeria, Egypt, Iraq, Lebanon, Morocco, Palestine, Tunisia, and Yemen. In Egypt, most of the directors listed here graduated from the Higher Film Institute in Cairo and have made documentaries or short films.Less
This chapter presents a list of other woman filmmakers not included in the previous chapters. The list includes a brief description of women filmmakers from Algeria, Egypt, Iraq, Lebanon, Morocco, Palestine, Tunisia, and Yemen. In Egypt, most of the directors listed here graduated from the Higher Film Institute in Cairo and have made documentaries or short films.
