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Systematic surveys in the Tula region in southern Hidalgo has revealed a long and diverse history of settlement that included at least three different episodes of migration. Each was quite different in terms of scale and mode of execution, including what appears to have been 1) well-orchestrated mass migrations or colonization of the region by Teotihuacan, 2) small scale migrations involving the appearance of a foreign enclave of possibly mixed Teotihuacan/Zapotec whose members comprised an entire settlement, and 3) uncoordinated multiple migrations of Coyotlatelco traditional peoples, each probably involving small groups from varying areas of origin within a larger region of the same general destination. All three appear to have involved relatively short-distance migration, which we believe was a common practice in Mesoamerica, where knowledge of the destination was a likely "pull" factor that facilitated both multiple and return migration events.

This study addresses long-standing issues regarding the nature of interregional interaction between central Mexico and the Maya area through the analysis of dental variation. In total, 23 sites were included in this study, 20 Maya sites, and the Teotihuacán, Tula, and Cholula sites. The large number of sites allows for a more comprehensive picture of population structure within the Maya area and between these two regions. This study estimates biological distances between sites, and it identifies individual Maya sites that are more genetically variable than expected. This would indicate that they might have been recipients of differential interaction from external populations. The results of this study support hypotheses about widespread interaction between the Maya and Central Mexico.

Miguel Picazo's La tía Tula (Aunt Tula, 1964) is an example of the Nuevo Cine Español films that Mario Camus described as made ‘with friends’. It is a thesis on the interdependence of restraint and rebellion, describing both the subject of the film and Picazo's experience in making it. La tía Tula scrutinises the contradictions of Francoist ideology with respect to gender and sexuality, and recursively examines its own contradictory genesis as part of a government-sponsored movement, especially Picazo's equivocal experience of artistic freedom yet ideological restraint. This chapter explores repression and excess through the use of setting, off-screen space, and the negotiation of the body. After considering the mise en scène of Tula's flat as a haunted house, it looks at three key areas of contradiction in the film: the portrayals of femininity, masculinity and childhood. The chapter also accounts for the impressive mobilisation of filmic resources throughout, paying attention to script, casting, mise en scène, cinematography, editing and sound.

In this chapter, Maya Plisetskaya recounts the time she was left behind in Moscow while the Bolshoi Theater's “first team” successfully opened the London season. Maya pleaded her case to Nikita Khrushchev, Nikolai Bulganin, and Dmitri Shepilov, none of whom would talk to her. To keep herself busy and to show the world that she was in good form, Maya decided to dance Swan Lake with the troupe that remained in Moscow. It was scheduled for October 12, and the public got interested after learning that there would be a ballet instead of the opera. Maya then received a call from Ekaterina Alexeyevna Furtseva, a member of the Politburo. On October 29 she danced in Tula, the same day the Bolshoi team was doing Swan Lake in London.

This chapter illustrates how Larry Brown emerged from a troubled, working-class background, and how he rose to success through a combination of personal determination and talent, clear insight into what makes us human, and the support of the strong, ambitious women in his life. Except for his ten years in Memphis and two years in the marines, Brown lived in Tula or Yocona for virtually all of his life. The Brown family also had deep roots in Lafayette County. Even in Brown’s early years, the family’s lack of money and his father’s alcoholism posed constant problems. The family lived in Lafayette County until Brown was three years old. The family found life in Memphis a little better than life in Mississippi, although Brown’s mother Leona recalled receiving considerable help from family members.