Steve Bruce
- Published in print:
- 2007
- Published Online:
- September 2007
- ISBN:
- 9780199281022
- eISBN:
- 9780191712760
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199281022.003.0007
- Subject:
- Religion, Religion and Society
Many critics blame Paisley for the Troubles. He has been accused of serious crime, incitement, and creating a climate conducive to terrorism. This chapter considers the evidence against Paisley, ...
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Many critics blame Paisley for the Troubles. He has been accused of serious crime, incitement, and creating a climate conducive to terrorism. This chapter considers the evidence against Paisley, demonstrates that Paisley's people have overwhelmingly remained law-abiding and, by comparison with Islamic fundamentalism, considers the role of evangelicalism in discouraging Protestants from holy war.Less
Many critics blame Paisley for the Troubles. He has been accused of serious crime, incitement, and creating a climate conducive to terrorism. This chapter considers the evidence against Paisley, demonstrates that Paisley's people have overwhelmingly remained law-abiding and, by comparison with Islamic fundamentalism, considers the role of evangelicalism in discouraging Protestants from holy war.
James Loughlin
- Published in print:
- 2019
- Published Online:
- May 2020
- ISBN:
- 9781786941770
- eISBN:
- 9781789623208
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Liverpool University Press
- DOI:
- 10.3828/liverpool/9781786941770.001.0001
- Subject:
- History, British and Irish Modern History
This work makes an original and important contribution, both to the field of British fascist/extreme Right studies and to the Ulster question. British fascist studies have to date largely ignored ...
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This work makes an original and important contribution, both to the field of British fascist/extreme Right studies and to the Ulster question. British fascist studies have to date largely ignored Northern Ireland, yet it engaged the attention of all the significant fascist movements, both pro-loyalist and pro-nationalist, from the British Fascists and Sir Oswald Mosley’s British Union of Fascists in the inter-war period to Mosley’s Union Movement, the National Front and British National Party thereafter. As a recurring site of political unrest Northern Ireland should have provided a promising arena for development, however this work demonstrates the great differences between Northern Ireland and Britain that made this problematic, especially the singularity of regional concerns and outlooks and the prominence of the constitutional issue, leaving little space for external parties to develop. Nor did framing the Ulster problem in a European context, such as Mosley’s post-war concept of Europe-a-Nation prove effective. for pro-loyalist extreme Right organisations during the Troubles a common allegiance to symbols of Britishness was offset not only the distinctiveness of regional interests but by the presence of Catholics among their leaders, while their failure to develop successfully as national movements in Britain meant they had little to offer Ulster loyalists. In focussing on Northern Ireland, this study provides insights, both into the strengths and weaknesses of British fascist organisations in the UK as a whole together with how difficult the region was for British organisations to cultivate; indeed, not just the extreme Right but mainstream parties as well.Less
This work makes an original and important contribution, both to the field of British fascist/extreme Right studies and to the Ulster question. British fascist studies have to date largely ignored Northern Ireland, yet it engaged the attention of all the significant fascist movements, both pro-loyalist and pro-nationalist, from the British Fascists and Sir Oswald Mosley’s British Union of Fascists in the inter-war period to Mosley’s Union Movement, the National Front and British National Party thereafter. As a recurring site of political unrest Northern Ireland should have provided a promising arena for development, however this work demonstrates the great differences between Northern Ireland and Britain that made this problematic, especially the singularity of regional concerns and outlooks and the prominence of the constitutional issue, leaving little space for external parties to develop. Nor did framing the Ulster problem in a European context, such as Mosley’s post-war concept of Europe-a-Nation prove effective. for pro-loyalist extreme Right organisations during the Troubles a common allegiance to symbols of Britishness was offset not only the distinctiveness of regional interests but by the presence of Catholics among their leaders, while their failure to develop successfully as national movements in Britain meant they had little to offer Ulster loyalists. In focussing on Northern Ireland, this study provides insights, both into the strengths and weaknesses of British fascist organisations in the UK as a whole together with how difficult the region was for British organisations to cultivate; indeed, not just the extreme Right but mainstream parties as well.
John Mulqueen
- Published in print:
- 2019
- Published Online:
- May 2020
- ISBN:
- 9781789620641
- eISBN:
- 9781789629453
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Liverpool University Press
- DOI:
- 10.3828/liverpool/9781789620641.001.0001
- Subject:
- History, British and Irish Modern History
This book focuses on the strand of the Irish republican left which followed the ‘alien ideology’ of Soviet-inspired Marxism. Moscow-led communism had few adherents in Ireland, but Irish and British ...
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This book focuses on the strand of the Irish republican left which followed the ‘alien ideology’ of Soviet-inspired Marxism. Moscow-led communism had few adherents in Ireland, but Irish and British officials were concerned about the possibility that communists could infiltrate the republican movement, the Irish Republican Army (IRA). Another concern arose for British and American observers from 1969: would the Soviets resist the temptation to meddle during the Northern Ireland Troubles and cause trouble for Britain as a geo-political crisis unfolded? The book considers questions arising from the involvement of left-wing republicans, and what became the Official republican movement, in events before and during the early years of the Troubles. Could Ireland’s communists and left-wing republicans be viewed as strategic allies of Moscow who might create an ‘Irish Cuba’? The book examines another question: could a Marxist party with a parliamentary presence in the militarily-neutral Irish state – the Workers’ Party (WP) – be useful to the Soviets during the 1980s? This book, based on original sources rather than interviews, is significant in that it analyses the perspectives of the various governments concerned with subversion in Ireland. This is a study of perceptions. The book concludes that the Soviet Union had been happy to exploit the Troubles in its Cold War propaganda, but, excepting supplying arms to the Official IRA, it did not seek to maximise difficulties whenever it could in Ireland, north or south.Less
This book focuses on the strand of the Irish republican left which followed the ‘alien ideology’ of Soviet-inspired Marxism. Moscow-led communism had few adherents in Ireland, but Irish and British officials were concerned about the possibility that communists could infiltrate the republican movement, the Irish Republican Army (IRA). Another concern arose for British and American observers from 1969: would the Soviets resist the temptation to meddle during the Northern Ireland Troubles and cause trouble for Britain as a geo-political crisis unfolded? The book considers questions arising from the involvement of left-wing republicans, and what became the Official republican movement, in events before and during the early years of the Troubles. Could Ireland’s communists and left-wing republicans be viewed as strategic allies of Moscow who might create an ‘Irish Cuba’? The book examines another question: could a Marxist party with a parliamentary presence in the militarily-neutral Irish state – the Workers’ Party (WP) – be useful to the Soviets during the 1980s? This book, based on original sources rather than interviews, is significant in that it analyses the perspectives of the various governments concerned with subversion in Ireland. This is a study of perceptions. The book concludes that the Soviet Union had been happy to exploit the Troubles in its Cold War propaganda, but, excepting supplying arms to the Official IRA, it did not seek to maximise difficulties whenever it could in Ireland, north or south.
Robert Tobin
- Published in print:
- 2012
- Published Online:
- May 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780199641567
- eISBN:
- 9780191738418
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199641567.003.0006
- Subject:
- History, British and Irish Modern History
This chapter addresses the conservatism that continued to dominate Irish society during the 1950s and the shift that began to take place in the course of the 1960s. It assesses Butler's efforts to ...
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This chapter addresses the conservatism that continued to dominate Irish society during the 1950s and the shift that began to take place in the course of the 1960s. It assesses Butler's efforts to balance his cherished sense of autonomy as a landowning Protestant intellectual with his sense of obligation to participate fully in Irish civic life. It documents the ostracism Butler suffered as a result of the Papal Nuncio Incident and the negative response he received from some of his fellow Protestants for his outspokenness. It records Protestant resentment over the Ne Temere Decree and recounts events surrounding the Fethard‐on‐Sea Boycott of 1957. It assesses Butler's continuing commitment to non‐sectarian nationalism as the South began to liberalize religiously and socially, while the North was overtaken by the violence of the modern Troubles.Less
This chapter addresses the conservatism that continued to dominate Irish society during the 1950s and the shift that began to take place in the course of the 1960s. It assesses Butler's efforts to balance his cherished sense of autonomy as a landowning Protestant intellectual with his sense of obligation to participate fully in Irish civic life. It documents the ostracism Butler suffered as a result of the Papal Nuncio Incident and the negative response he received from some of his fellow Protestants for his outspokenness. It records Protestant resentment over the Ne Temere Decree and recounts events surrounding the Fethard‐on‐Sea Boycott of 1957. It assesses Butler's continuing commitment to non‐sectarian nationalism as the South began to liberalize religiously and socially, while the North was overtaken by the violence of the modern Troubles.
Paul Bushkovitch
- Published in print:
- 1992
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780195069464
- eISBN:
- 9780199854615
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195069464.003.0007
- Subject:
- History, World Early Modern History
After the Time of Troubles new currents of thought began to appear in Russian religious literature. Both innovators and conservatives were open to the religious literature of the Ukraine, though in ...
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After the Time of Troubles new currents of thought began to appear in Russian religious literature. Both innovators and conservatives were open to the religious literature of the Ukraine, though in different degrees. The strongest connection comes in the work of Prince Ivan Andreevich Khvorostinin, the author of both a history of the Troubles and of innovative religious works. Khvorostinin's historical works reveal the transition, but he was a religious writer as well. As such he was one of a small number of innovative thinkers of the second quarter of the seventeenth century, most of them laymen. Besides Khvorostinin, there are the monk Ivan Nasedka, the poets of the Printing Office, and Druzhina Osorʼin, the author of the life of luliana Muromskaia, a pious noblewoman of the early seventeenth century.Less
After the Time of Troubles new currents of thought began to appear in Russian religious literature. Both innovators and conservatives were open to the religious literature of the Ukraine, though in different degrees. The strongest connection comes in the work of Prince Ivan Andreevich Khvorostinin, the author of both a history of the Troubles and of innovative religious works. Khvorostinin's historical works reveal the transition, but he was a religious writer as well. As such he was one of a small number of innovative thinkers of the second quarter of the seventeenth century, most of them laymen. Besides Khvorostinin, there are the monk Ivan Nasedka, the poets of the Printing Office, and Druzhina Osorʼin, the author of the life of luliana Muromskaia, a pious noblewoman of the early seventeenth century.
Neil Corcoran
- Published in print:
- 2004
- Published Online:
- September 2007
- ISBN:
- 9780198186908
- eISBN:
- 9780191719011
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198186908.003.0003
- Subject:
- Literature, 20th-century Literature and Modernism
This chapter offers a reading of Bowen's novel, The Last September, set during the Troubles in Ireland in the 1920s, taking stock of some historical accounts of the period, notably Peter Hart's. It ...
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This chapter offers a reading of Bowen's novel, The Last September, set during the Troubles in Ireland in the 1920s, taking stock of some historical accounts of the period, notably Peter Hart's. It understands forms of ellipsis and aporia to be characteristic of Bowen's structures and style, and interprets them as, in part, a response to a cataclysmic contemporary history. It interprets Bowen's attitude to the Anglo-Irish, defining her particular type of social comedy. It focuses on Bowen's interest in the type represented by the novel's heroine, Lois: the intelligent, bored ingénue, who figures again and again in her work. It also explores the ways in which recurrent thoughts of the dead may be read as a further mode of ‘ghostliness’ in Bowen.Less
This chapter offers a reading of Bowen's novel, The Last September, set during the Troubles in Ireland in the 1920s, taking stock of some historical accounts of the period, notably Peter Hart's. It understands forms of ellipsis and aporia to be characteristic of Bowen's structures and style, and interprets them as, in part, a response to a cataclysmic contemporary history. It interprets Bowen's attitude to the Anglo-Irish, defining her particular type of social comedy. It focuses on Bowen's interest in the type represented by the novel's heroine, Lois: the intelligent, bored ingénue, who figures again and again in her work. It also explores the ways in which recurrent thoughts of the dead may be read as a further mode of ‘ghostliness’ in Bowen.
Declan Long
- Published in print:
- 2017
- Published Online:
- May 2018
- ISBN:
- 9781784991449
- eISBN:
- 9781526132291
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Manchester University Press
- DOI:
- 10.7228/manchester/9781784991449.001.0001
- Subject:
- Art, Art Theory and Criticism
Since the signing of the Good Friday Agreement in 1998 — the formal end-point of the thirty-year modern ‘Troubles’ — contemporary visual artists have offered diverse responses to post-conflict ...
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Since the signing of the Good Friday Agreement in 1998 — the formal end-point of the thirty-year modern ‘Troubles’ — contemporary visual artists have offered diverse responses to post-conflict circumstances in Northern Ireland. In Ghost-Haunted Land — the first book-length examination of post-Troubles contemporary art — Declan Long highlights artists who have reflected on the ongoing anxieties of aftermath. Conscious of the simultaneous optimism and uneasiness of the peace era, each of these artists has produced powerful, distinctive work that reflects on legacies of the Troubles years and represents the strangeness of Northern Ireland’s changing landscapes: places marked by traces of enduring division, haunted by lingering spectres of the unresolved past.This wide-ranging study of post-Troubles art addresses developments in video, photography, painting, sculpture, performance and more, offering detailed analyses of key works by artists based in Ireland and beyond — including 2014 Turner Prize winner Duncan Campbell and internationally acclaimed filmmaker and photographer Willie Doherty. The art addressed in Ghost-Haunted Land is acutely attentive to specific regional circumstances in Northern Ireland; but it has also developed in dialogue with international art during this period. ‘Post-Troubles’ contemporary art is thus discussed in the context of both local transformations and global operations — and many of the key points of reference in the book come from broader debates about the predicament of contemporary art today: about its current place and purpose in the world, and about the politics and aesthetics of its dominant forms.Less
Since the signing of the Good Friday Agreement in 1998 — the formal end-point of the thirty-year modern ‘Troubles’ — contemporary visual artists have offered diverse responses to post-conflict circumstances in Northern Ireland. In Ghost-Haunted Land — the first book-length examination of post-Troubles contemporary art — Declan Long highlights artists who have reflected on the ongoing anxieties of aftermath. Conscious of the simultaneous optimism and uneasiness of the peace era, each of these artists has produced powerful, distinctive work that reflects on legacies of the Troubles years and represents the strangeness of Northern Ireland’s changing landscapes: places marked by traces of enduring division, haunted by lingering spectres of the unresolved past.This wide-ranging study of post-Troubles art addresses developments in video, photography, painting, sculpture, performance and more, offering detailed analyses of key works by artists based in Ireland and beyond — including 2014 Turner Prize winner Duncan Campbell and internationally acclaimed filmmaker and photographer Willie Doherty. The art addressed in Ghost-Haunted Land is acutely attentive to specific regional circumstances in Northern Ireland; but it has also developed in dialogue with international art during this period. ‘Post-Troubles’ contemporary art is thus discussed in the context of both local transformations and global operations — and many of the key points of reference in the book come from broader debates about the predicament of contemporary art today: about its current place and purpose in the world, and about the politics and aesthetics of its dominant forms.
Deborah Lavin
- Published in print:
- 1995
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780198126164
- eISBN:
- 9780191671623
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198126164.001.0001
- Subject:
- History, British and Irish Modern History
Lionel Curtis C. H. once counted among the great and the good, working behind the scenes of international politics and honoured as the ‘pioneer of a great idea’ — international federation as the ...
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Lionel Curtis C. H. once counted among the great and the good, working behind the scenes of international politics and honoured as the ‘pioneer of a great idea’ — international federation as the natural successor to empire. He advocated federation as the way to create a new South Africa after the Boer War; he called for self-government in India in 1912; in 1921 he was instrumental in attempting to pacify the Irish Troubles by treating Eire as if it were a self-governing Commonwealth Dominion. He went on to preach the conversion of the Empire-Commonwealth into a multinational federation, which, in association with the United States, would serve as a model for a united Europe, and even for world government. He founded the Round Table think-tank, the Royal Institute of International Affairs at Chatham House, and the Oxford Society. He lobbied indefatigably for his vision of the Commonwealth as a new world order, to be more effective that the League of Nations in making wars obsolete. In the process, he exasperated nationalists and imperialists alike as a prophet of apparently lost causes. He deserves to be remembered not only for what he achieved but for what he was: the bore who never lost a friend; the optimist who stuck to his belief when all was lost, the third-class scholar who became a Fellow of All Souls; the visionary riding his hobby-horse into the drawing rooms of high political society and yet invited affectionately to return. The remarkable character of the man and the influence he exerted on the history of the Empire and Commonwealth are explored in this biography.Less
Lionel Curtis C. H. once counted among the great and the good, working behind the scenes of international politics and honoured as the ‘pioneer of a great idea’ — international federation as the natural successor to empire. He advocated federation as the way to create a new South Africa after the Boer War; he called for self-government in India in 1912; in 1921 he was instrumental in attempting to pacify the Irish Troubles by treating Eire as if it were a self-governing Commonwealth Dominion. He went on to preach the conversion of the Empire-Commonwealth into a multinational federation, which, in association with the United States, would serve as a model for a united Europe, and even for world government. He founded the Round Table think-tank, the Royal Institute of International Affairs at Chatham House, and the Oxford Society. He lobbied indefatigably for his vision of the Commonwealth as a new world order, to be more effective that the League of Nations in making wars obsolete. In the process, he exasperated nationalists and imperialists alike as a prophet of apparently lost causes. He deserves to be remembered not only for what he achieved but for what he was: the bore who never lost a friend; the optimist who stuck to his belief when all was lost, the third-class scholar who became a Fellow of All Souls; the visionary riding his hobby-horse into the drawing rooms of high political society and yet invited affectionately to return. The remarkable character of the man and the influence he exerted on the history of the Empire and Commonwealth are explored in this biography.
Paul Bew
- Published in print:
- 2009
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780199561261
- eISBN:
- 9780191701832
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199561261.003.0011
- Subject:
- History, British and Irish Modern History, Political History
This chapter discusses the ‘Era of Troubles’ of Ireland from 1968 to 2005. The first section of this chapter examines politics after the Stormont regime from 1972 to 1974. The second section explores ...
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This chapter discusses the ‘Era of Troubles’ of Ireland from 1968 to 2005. The first section of this chapter examines politics after the Stormont regime from 1972 to 1974. The second section explores Harold Wilson and British withdrawal. The third section examines the hunger strikes and the stabilisation of policy. The fourth section looks into the Anglo–Irish Agreement of November 1985 and the Hillsborough Accord. The fifth section discusses the ongoing peace process. The sixth and seventh sections deal with the creation and the breaking of the Good Friday Agreement. The discussion notes that brutality of the IRA campaign bred another brutality by intensifying a loyalist predilection for violence already visible in 1966. The broad outline history of violent death in the Troubles has not been disputed. Yet all this horror was underpinned by the safety-net provided for by the British state.Less
This chapter discusses the ‘Era of Troubles’ of Ireland from 1968 to 2005. The first section of this chapter examines politics after the Stormont regime from 1972 to 1974. The second section explores Harold Wilson and British withdrawal. The third section examines the hunger strikes and the stabilisation of policy. The fourth section looks into the Anglo–Irish Agreement of November 1985 and the Hillsborough Accord. The fifth section discusses the ongoing peace process. The sixth and seventh sections deal with the creation and the breaking of the Good Friday Agreement. The discussion notes that brutality of the IRA campaign bred another brutality by intensifying a loyalist predilection for violence already visible in 1966. The broad outline history of violent death in the Troubles has not been disputed. Yet all this horror was underpinned by the safety-net provided for by the British state.
Stephen Howe
- Published in print:
- 2002
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780199249909
- eISBN:
- 9780191697845
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199249909.003.0009
- Subject:
- History, British and Irish Modern History
This chapter examines the employment of colonial models in the Northern Ireland conflict, presenting it as an anticolonial one. It was with the opening of the Northern Ireland ‘Troubles’ after 1968 ...
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This chapter examines the employment of colonial models in the Northern Ireland conflict, presenting it as an anticolonial one. It was with the opening of the Northern Ireland ‘Troubles’ after 1968 that the discourse of anticolonialism became truly widespread in Ireland. To link the Ulster conflict with Third World anticolonial struggle was to associate it with revolutionary glamour, with movements which commanded massive sympathy amongst the young and radical in advanced capitalist states including Britain itself, with new and imaginative models of social development, perhaps above all with success. The most egregious excesses of ‘anti-imperialist’ polemic have usually come from non-Irish sympathisers with Republicanism. Despite the vast waves of change that have swept over both Northern Ireland and the Republic in recent years, the timeworn notion of an Irish nationalist-socialist synthesis centred on militant Republicanism appears to have an inexhaustible capacity to renew itself.Less
This chapter examines the employment of colonial models in the Northern Ireland conflict, presenting it as an anticolonial one. It was with the opening of the Northern Ireland ‘Troubles’ after 1968 that the discourse of anticolonialism became truly widespread in Ireland. To link the Ulster conflict with Third World anticolonial struggle was to associate it with revolutionary glamour, with movements which commanded massive sympathy amongst the young and radical in advanced capitalist states including Britain itself, with new and imaginative models of social development, perhaps above all with success. The most egregious excesses of ‘anti-imperialist’ polemic have usually come from non-Irish sympathisers with Republicanism. Despite the vast waves of change that have swept over both Northern Ireland and the Republic in recent years, the timeworn notion of an Irish nationalist-socialist synthesis centred on militant Republicanism appears to have an inexhaustible capacity to renew itself.
Deirdre McMahon
- Published in print:
- 2005
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780199251841
- eISBN:
- 9780191698064
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199251841.003.0007
- Subject:
- History, British and Irish Modern History
This chapter offers a history of Irish politics and nationalism in an imperial context, from the Home Rule movement of the 1880s to Ireland's departure from the Commonwealth, and its subsequent ...
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This chapter offers a history of Irish politics and nationalism in an imperial context, from the Home Rule movement of the 1880s to Ireland's departure from the Commonwealth, and its subsequent reorientation toward the European Union. The Home Rule debates illuminated the anomalies of Ireland's domestic and imperial position and highlighted the differences between Ireland and England. The debates provoked profound soul-searching about ideology, race, national character, religion, the constitution, and history. During the negotiations, which started in October 1921, allegiance to the Crown, membership of the Empire, and defence guarantees were the core of the British demands. The Anglo-Irish Treaty signed on 6 December 1921 established the Irish Free State as a self-governing Dominion within the British Empire. The Northern Ireland Troubles, which surfaced in the press from time to time, received more attention immediately before and after the 1998 Belfast Agreement.Less
This chapter offers a history of Irish politics and nationalism in an imperial context, from the Home Rule movement of the 1880s to Ireland's departure from the Commonwealth, and its subsequent reorientation toward the European Union. The Home Rule debates illuminated the anomalies of Ireland's domestic and imperial position and highlighted the differences between Ireland and England. The debates provoked profound soul-searching about ideology, race, national character, religion, the constitution, and history. During the negotiations, which started in October 1921, allegiance to the Crown, membership of the Empire, and defence guarantees were the core of the British demands. The Anglo-Irish Treaty signed on 6 December 1921 established the Irish Free State as a self-governing Dominion within the British Empire. The Northern Ireland Troubles, which surfaced in the press from time to time, received more attention immediately before and after the 1998 Belfast Agreement.
Joe Cleary
- Published in print:
- 2005
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780199251841
- eISBN:
- 9780191698064
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199251841.003.0009
- Subject:
- History, British and Irish Modern History
This chapter considers postcolonial Ireland, with particular reference to politics, culture, and the construction of a new nation state. Its primary purpose is to indicate some of the ways in which ...
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This chapter considers postcolonial Ireland, with particular reference to politics, culture, and the construction of a new nation state. Its primary purpose is to indicate some of the ways in which postcolonial readings of modern Irish literary culture in the period that stretches from the Irish Literary Revival through the Counter-Revival and up to the contemporary Northern Ireland Troubles can help to reconfigure received versions of modern Irish literary and cultural history. Postcolonial readings of Irish culture have the capacity not only to critique established versions of Irish literary history, but also to extend the scope of inquiry to engage with the cultural dilemmas of subaltern groups such as women, workers, and emigrants. Irish postcolonial analysis is conceived here as the most expansive and outward-looking of the various modes of sociocultural analysis currently shaping Irish studies.Less
This chapter considers postcolonial Ireland, with particular reference to politics, culture, and the construction of a new nation state. Its primary purpose is to indicate some of the ways in which postcolonial readings of modern Irish literary culture in the period that stretches from the Irish Literary Revival through the Counter-Revival and up to the contemporary Northern Ireland Troubles can help to reconfigure received versions of modern Irish literary and cultural history. Postcolonial readings of Irish culture have the capacity not only to critique established versions of Irish literary history, but also to extend the scope of inquiry to engage with the cultural dilemmas of subaltern groups such as women, workers, and emigrants. Irish postcolonial analysis is conceived here as the most expansive and outward-looking of the various modes of sociocultural analysis currently shaping Irish studies.
Graham Dawson, Jo Dover, and Stephen Hopkins (eds)
- Published in print:
- 2016
- Published Online:
- May 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780719096310
- eISBN:
- 9781526120809
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Manchester University Press
- DOI:
- 10.7228/manchester/9780719096310.001.0001
- Subject:
- History, British and Irish Modern History
For the three decades of the Northern Ireland ‘Troubles’ (1968–98), the United Kingdom experienced within its borders a profound and polarizing conflict. Yet relatively little research has addressed ...
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For the three decades of the Northern Ireland ‘Troubles’ (1968–98), the United Kingdom experienced within its borders a profound and polarizing conflict. Yet relatively little research has addressed the complex effects, legacies and memories of this conflict in Britain. It occupies a marginal position in British social, cultural and political history, and the experiences and understandings of those in or from Britain who fought in it, were injured or harmed by it, or campaigned against it, have been neglected both in wider scholarship and in public policy. In the peace process since 1994, British initiatives towards ‘post-conflict’ remembering have been limited and fragmented.
This ground-breaking book provides the first comprehensive investigation of the history and memory of the Troubles in Britain. It examines the impacts of the conflict upon individual lives, political and social relationships, communities and culture in Britain; and explores how the people of Britain (including its Irish communities) have responded to, and engaged with the conflict, in the context of contested political narratives produced by the State and its opponents.Setting an agenda for further research and public debate, the book demonstrates that ‘unfinished business’ from the conflicted past persists unaddressed in Britain; and advocates the importance of acknowledging legacies, understanding histories, and engaging with memories in the context of peace-building and reconciliation. Contributors include scholars from a wide range of disciplines (social, political and cultural history; politics; media, film and cultural studies; law; literature; performing arts; sociology; peace studies); activists, artists, writers and peace-builders; and people with direct personal experience of the conflict.Less
For the three decades of the Northern Ireland ‘Troubles’ (1968–98), the United Kingdom experienced within its borders a profound and polarizing conflict. Yet relatively little research has addressed the complex effects, legacies and memories of this conflict in Britain. It occupies a marginal position in British social, cultural and political history, and the experiences and understandings of those in or from Britain who fought in it, were injured or harmed by it, or campaigned against it, have been neglected both in wider scholarship and in public policy. In the peace process since 1994, British initiatives towards ‘post-conflict’ remembering have been limited and fragmented.
This ground-breaking book provides the first comprehensive investigation of the history and memory of the Troubles in Britain. It examines the impacts of the conflict upon individual lives, political and social relationships, communities and culture in Britain; and explores how the people of Britain (including its Irish communities) have responded to, and engaged with the conflict, in the context of contested political narratives produced by the State and its opponents.Setting an agenda for further research and public debate, the book demonstrates that ‘unfinished business’ from the conflicted past persists unaddressed in Britain; and advocates the importance of acknowledging legacies, understanding histories, and engaging with memories in the context of peace-building and reconciliation. Contributors include scholars from a wide range of disciplines (social, political and cultural history; politics; media, film and cultural studies; law; literature; performing arts; sociology; peace studies); activists, artists, writers and peace-builders; and people with direct personal experience of the conflict.
Richard Reed
- Published in print:
- 2015
- Published Online:
- January 2016
- ISBN:
- 9780719095306
- eISBN:
- 9781781708682
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Manchester University Press
- DOI:
- 10.7228/manchester/9780719095306.001.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, Conflict Politics and Policy
Sixteen years have passed since the signing of the Good Friday Agreement closed a chapter on Northern Ireland’s tragic past. But not everyone has moved on as far as the architects of peace would have ...
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Sixteen years have passed since the signing of the Good Friday Agreement closed a chapter on Northern Ireland’s tragic past. But not everyone has moved on as far as the architects of peace would have wished. In many of the state’s Protestant communities loyalist paramilitaries remain a visible part of life, active reminders of the continuing reality of the division, fear and anger still deeply felt in the long shadows of the peace walls. Paramilitary Loyalism: Identity and Change takes a provocative second look at this enduring aspect of Northern Ireland’s post-conflict world. Based on extensive documentary and oral evidence from a range of key players, the book traces a line from the chaotic, violent birth of the modern paramilitaries to their stubborn endurance today. It considers this evolution through the lens of identity, moving beyond simplistic black and white portraits and positioning loyalism firmly in the shades of grey often obscured by the heat of conflict. Charting the powerful bonds between identity and conflict, the narrative seeks to draws out the defining humanity of the loyalist story. Never angelic, but never entirely demonic, the resulting picture is of a loyalism that is profoundly complex, contradictory and multi-dimensional.Less
Sixteen years have passed since the signing of the Good Friday Agreement closed a chapter on Northern Ireland’s tragic past. But not everyone has moved on as far as the architects of peace would have wished. In many of the state’s Protestant communities loyalist paramilitaries remain a visible part of life, active reminders of the continuing reality of the division, fear and anger still deeply felt in the long shadows of the peace walls. Paramilitary Loyalism: Identity and Change takes a provocative second look at this enduring aspect of Northern Ireland’s post-conflict world. Based on extensive documentary and oral evidence from a range of key players, the book traces a line from the chaotic, violent birth of the modern paramilitaries to their stubborn endurance today. It considers this evolution through the lens of identity, moving beyond simplistic black and white portraits and positioning loyalism firmly in the shades of grey often obscured by the heat of conflict. Charting the powerful bonds between identity and conflict, the narrative seeks to draws out the defining humanity of the loyalist story. Never angelic, but never entirely demonic, the resulting picture is of a loyalism that is profoundly complex, contradictory and multi-dimensional.
David‐Antoine Williams
- Published in print:
- 2010
- Published Online:
- May 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780199583546
- eISBN:
- 9780191595295
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199583546.003.0003
- Subject:
- Literature, Poetry, 20th-century and Contemporary Literature
Chapter 3 begins by assessing Heaney's intellectual debts to Eliot's ideas of ‘poetic integrity’ and ‘auditory imagination’, especially as they inform his prose elaboration of the idea of poetic ...
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Chapter 3 begins by assessing Heaney's intellectual debts to Eliot's ideas of ‘poetic integrity’ and ‘auditory imagination’, especially as they inform his prose elaboration of the idea of poetic ‘redress’. If Eliot valued poetry as acting simultaneously as a guarantor of local culture and as a bridge between and among cultures, Heaney can be said to enact this duality dichotomously. This chapter traces his progression from an insular to an expansive, allusive poetics, characterizing each stage, as well as the impulse towards change, as fundamentally ethical, both in practice and upon self‐reflection. Through allusion, translation, retelling, and versioning, Heaney's late incorporative poetry takes in the gamut of writing in Europe from the earliest times to the present. In doing so, Heaney understands himself to be preserving and renewing those possessions of culture that have meant something in their own time, allowing us to keep hold on to ‘ourselves as creatures of culture’.Less
Chapter 3 begins by assessing Heaney's intellectual debts to Eliot's ideas of ‘poetic integrity’ and ‘auditory imagination’, especially as they inform his prose elaboration of the idea of poetic ‘redress’. If Eliot valued poetry as acting simultaneously as a guarantor of local culture and as a bridge between and among cultures, Heaney can be said to enact this duality dichotomously. This chapter traces his progression from an insular to an expansive, allusive poetics, characterizing each stage, as well as the impulse towards change, as fundamentally ethical, both in practice and upon self‐reflection. Through allusion, translation, retelling, and versioning, Heaney's late incorporative poetry takes in the gamut of writing in Europe from the earliest times to the present. In doing so, Heaney understands himself to be preserving and renewing those possessions of culture that have meant something in their own time, allowing us to keep hold on to ‘ourselves as creatures of culture’.
Laura McAtackney
- Published in print:
- 2014
- Published Online:
- March 2015
- ISBN:
- 9780199673919
- eISBN:
- 9780191804779
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:osobl/9780199673919.001.0001
- Subject:
- History, Ancient History / Archaeology
Long Kesh/Maze prison was infamous as the major holding centre for paramilitary prisoners during the course of the Troubles in Northern Ireland. Some of the major events of the recent conflict ...
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Long Kesh/Maze prison was infamous as the major holding centre for paramilitary prisoners during the course of the Troubles in Northern Ireland. Some of the major events of the recent conflict centred on, emanated from, and were transformed by it, including the burning of the internment camp in 1974, the protests and hunger strikes of 1980–1981, the mass escape of PIRA prisoners in 1983, and the role of prisoners in facilitating and sustaining the peace process of the 1990s. Now, over a decade after the signing of the Belfast Agreement (1998), Long Kesh/Maze remains one of the most contentious remnants of the conflict and has become central to debates about what we do with such sites, what they mean, and how they relate to contemporary rememberings of the difficult recent past. The only independent archaeological investigation of Long Kesh/Maze prior to its partial demolition, this volume reveals the seminal role of material culture in understanding the prison. It moves from traditional uses of solely documentary and oral evidence to exploring the full range of material remains of the prison as they have been abandoned in situ or been dispersed and re-contextualised into wider society.Less
Long Kesh/Maze prison was infamous as the major holding centre for paramilitary prisoners during the course of the Troubles in Northern Ireland. Some of the major events of the recent conflict centred on, emanated from, and were transformed by it, including the burning of the internment camp in 1974, the protests and hunger strikes of 1980–1981, the mass escape of PIRA prisoners in 1983, and the role of prisoners in facilitating and sustaining the peace process of the 1990s. Now, over a decade after the signing of the Belfast Agreement (1998), Long Kesh/Maze remains one of the most contentious remnants of the conflict and has become central to debates about what we do with such sites, what they mean, and how they relate to contemporary rememberings of the difficult recent past. The only independent archaeological investigation of Long Kesh/Maze prior to its partial demolition, this volume reveals the seminal role of material culture in understanding the prison. It moves from traditional uses of solely documentary and oral evidence to exploring the full range of material remains of the prison as they have been abandoned in situ or been dispersed and re-contextualised into wider society.
Jan Bryant
- Published in print:
- 2019
- Published Online:
- May 2020
- ISBN:
- 9781474456944
- eISBN:
- 9781474476867
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Edinburgh University Press
- DOI:
- 10.3366/edinburgh/9781474456944.003.0012
- Subject:
- Philosophy, Aesthetics
Alex Monteith’s practice falls somewhere in the interconnecting threads of performance, situation and place, and often involves working with different kinds of communities. As a woman born in ...
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Alex Monteith’s practice falls somewhere in the interconnecting threads of performance, situation and place, and often involves working with different kinds of communities. As a woman born in Northern Ireland and then as an immigrant to NZ Aotearoa, she offers an interesting perspective on colonialist subjectivity and its ongoing effects. Covered are her Irish works, Chapter and Verse (2005) and Shadow V (2017), both dealing with The Troubles, and her ongoing project Murihiku Coastal Incursions (2014–) that explores questionable archaeological practices in 1970s’ Aotearoa. Each artwork offers a different set of problems about how to present an ethically positioned political-aesthetics that deeply considers the rights of the people with whom she engages. Teased out are the implications of the British Navy’s Pacific explorations in the 18th century that preceded the displacement of first peoples in Aotearoa and Australia by waves of settlers. Other artworks included in this chapter are Sarah Munro’s series, Trade Item (2018), which are reworkings of Tupaia’s, Māori Bartering a Crayfish (1768), William Hodges, Cascade Cove: Dusky Bay (1775) and John Glover’s, The River Nile, Van Diemen’s Land from Mr Glover’s Farm (1837). [187]Less
Alex Monteith’s practice falls somewhere in the interconnecting threads of performance, situation and place, and often involves working with different kinds of communities. As a woman born in Northern Ireland and then as an immigrant to NZ Aotearoa, she offers an interesting perspective on colonialist subjectivity and its ongoing effects. Covered are her Irish works, Chapter and Verse (2005) and Shadow V (2017), both dealing with The Troubles, and her ongoing project Murihiku Coastal Incursions (2014–) that explores questionable archaeological practices in 1970s’ Aotearoa. Each artwork offers a different set of problems about how to present an ethically positioned political-aesthetics that deeply considers the rights of the people with whom she engages. Teased out are the implications of the British Navy’s Pacific explorations in the 18th century that preceded the displacement of first peoples in Aotearoa and Australia by waves of settlers. Other artworks included in this chapter are Sarah Munro’s series, Trade Item (2018), which are reworkings of Tupaia’s, Māori Bartering a Crayfish (1768), William Hodges, Cascade Cove: Dusky Bay (1775) and John Glover’s, The River Nile, Van Diemen’s Land from Mr Glover’s Farm (1837). [187]
Sinéad Moynihan
- Published in print:
- 2019
- Published Online:
- May 2020
- ISBN:
- 9781786941800
- eISBN:
- 9781789623246
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Liverpool University Press
- DOI:
- 10.3828/liverpool/9781786941800.003.0002
- Subject:
- Literature, Film, Media, and Cultural Studies
This chapter examines fictional Returned Yanks – notably in Julia O’Faolain’s No Country for Young Men (1980), Benedict Kiely’s Nothing Happens in Carmincross (1985) and Roddy Doyle’s The Dead ...
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This chapter examines fictional Returned Yanks – notably in Julia O’Faolain’s No Country for Young Men (1980), Benedict Kiely’s Nothing Happens in Carmincross (1985) and Roddy Doyle’s The Dead Republic (2010) – who become involved in and/or comment on the Northern Irish ‘Troubles.’ This conflict, through its resurgence in the late 1960s, challenged optimistic and prematurely celebratory attitudes towards Irish modernisation that claimed that nationalism and ‘atavistic’ ideological attachments would disappear through the modernisation process. However, an understanding of nationalism that sees insurgency as antithetical to modernity is fallacious for, as Benedict Anderson argued so influentially in Imagined Communities (1983), nationalism is a product of modernity. Many Troubles narratives feature Irish Americans whose parents or grandparents were involved in the nationalist struggle in the 1920s and who retain a recalcitrant commitment to the ideal of a united Ireland. In narratives of the Troubles, then, the Returned Yank is a kind of revenant or ghost from a past which the southern state – whose authority was profoundly undermined in the 1970s and 1980s by Northern republican challenges to its legitimacy – wishes to disavow.Less
This chapter examines fictional Returned Yanks – notably in Julia O’Faolain’s No Country for Young Men (1980), Benedict Kiely’s Nothing Happens in Carmincross (1985) and Roddy Doyle’s The Dead Republic (2010) – who become involved in and/or comment on the Northern Irish ‘Troubles.’ This conflict, through its resurgence in the late 1960s, challenged optimistic and prematurely celebratory attitudes towards Irish modernisation that claimed that nationalism and ‘atavistic’ ideological attachments would disappear through the modernisation process. However, an understanding of nationalism that sees insurgency as antithetical to modernity is fallacious for, as Benedict Anderson argued so influentially in Imagined Communities (1983), nationalism is a product of modernity. Many Troubles narratives feature Irish Americans whose parents or grandparents were involved in the nationalist struggle in the 1920s and who retain a recalcitrant commitment to the ideal of a united Ireland. In narratives of the Troubles, then, the Returned Yank is a kind of revenant or ghost from a past which the southern state – whose authority was profoundly undermined in the 1970s and 1980s by Northern republican challenges to its legitimacy – wishes to disavow.
James Loughlin
- Published in print:
- 2019
- Published Online:
- May 2020
- ISBN:
- 9781786941770
- eISBN:
- 9781789623208
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Liverpool University Press
- DOI:
- 10.3828/liverpool/9781786941770.003.0006
- Subject:
- History, British and Irish Modern History
This chapter assesses comparatively the attitude to Northern Ireland of Oswald Mosley and Enoch Powell, both seen as right wing politicians, if of varying degrees of extremism. For Mosley Powell was ...
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This chapter assesses comparatively the attitude to Northern Ireland of Oswald Mosley and Enoch Powell, both seen as right wing politicians, if of varying degrees of extremism. For Mosley Powell was seen as a threat to his own position as a public figure, one whose controversial speech on immigration at Birmingham in 1968 attracted the kind of public support long unavailable to him, a pariah figure in British politics. Yet both were authoritarian figures, convinced of the certitude of their own opinions and with little time for dissentient views. On Northern Ireland, however, they exhibited significant differences. Mosley’s experience of British policy during the Irish War of Independence gave him an informed outlook on the kind of repressive and morally reprehensible measures it was necessary to avoid, and that a solution to the problem would require some kind of constitutional modification. Powell, in contrast, developed a paranoid conspiracy mindset, seeing the United Kingdom under threat from enemies within and without and with Northern Ireland just the latest site of conflict; and like the extreme Right offering a limited ‘law and order’ solution to the Troubles.Less
This chapter assesses comparatively the attitude to Northern Ireland of Oswald Mosley and Enoch Powell, both seen as right wing politicians, if of varying degrees of extremism. For Mosley Powell was seen as a threat to his own position as a public figure, one whose controversial speech on immigration at Birmingham in 1968 attracted the kind of public support long unavailable to him, a pariah figure in British politics. Yet both were authoritarian figures, convinced of the certitude of their own opinions and with little time for dissentient views. On Northern Ireland, however, they exhibited significant differences. Mosley’s experience of British policy during the Irish War of Independence gave him an informed outlook on the kind of repressive and morally reprehensible measures it was necessary to avoid, and that a solution to the problem would require some kind of constitutional modification. Powell, in contrast, developed a paranoid conspiracy mindset, seeing the United Kingdom under threat from enemies within and without and with Northern Ireland just the latest site of conflict; and like the extreme Right offering a limited ‘law and order’ solution to the Troubles.
Connal Parr
- Published in print:
- 2017
- Published Online:
- September 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780198791591
- eISBN:
- 9780191833953
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/oso/9780198791591.001.0001
- Subject:
- Literature, 20th-century and Contemporary Literature, Drama
This book approaches Ulster Protestantism through its theatrical and cultural intersection with politics, re-establishing a forgotten history and engaging with contemporary debates. Anchored by the ...
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This book approaches Ulster Protestantism through its theatrical and cultural intersection with politics, re-establishing a forgotten history and engaging with contemporary debates. Anchored by the perspectives of ten writers–some of whom have been notably active in political life—it uniquely examines tensions going on within. Through its exploration of class division and drama from the early twentieth century to the present, the book restores the progressive and Labour credentials of the community’s recent past along with its literary repercussions, both of which appear in recent decades to have diminished. Drawing on over sixty interviews, unpublished scripts, as well as rarely-consulted archival material, we can see—contrary to a good deal of clichéd polemic and safe scholarly assessment—that Ulster Protestants have historically and continually demonstrated a vigorous creative pulse as well as a tendency towards Left wing and class politics. St John Ervine, Thomas Carnduff, John Hewitt, Sam Thompson, Stewart Parker, Graham Reid, Ron Hutchinson, Marie Jones, Christina Reid, and Gary Mitchell profoundly challenge as well as reflect their communities. Illuminating a diverse and conflicted culture stretching beyond Orange Order parades, the weaving together of the lives and work of each of the writers considered highlights mutual themes and insights on the identity, as if part of some grander tapestry of alternative twentieth century Protestant culture. Ulster Protestantism’s consistent delivery of such dissenting voices counters its monolithic and reactionary reputation.Less
This book approaches Ulster Protestantism through its theatrical and cultural intersection with politics, re-establishing a forgotten history and engaging with contemporary debates. Anchored by the perspectives of ten writers–some of whom have been notably active in political life—it uniquely examines tensions going on within. Through its exploration of class division and drama from the early twentieth century to the present, the book restores the progressive and Labour credentials of the community’s recent past along with its literary repercussions, both of which appear in recent decades to have diminished. Drawing on over sixty interviews, unpublished scripts, as well as rarely-consulted archival material, we can see—contrary to a good deal of clichéd polemic and safe scholarly assessment—that Ulster Protestants have historically and continually demonstrated a vigorous creative pulse as well as a tendency towards Left wing and class politics. St John Ervine, Thomas Carnduff, John Hewitt, Sam Thompson, Stewart Parker, Graham Reid, Ron Hutchinson, Marie Jones, Christina Reid, and Gary Mitchell profoundly challenge as well as reflect their communities. Illuminating a diverse and conflicted culture stretching beyond Orange Order parades, the weaving together of the lives and work of each of the writers considered highlights mutual themes and insights on the identity, as if part of some grander tapestry of alternative twentieth century Protestant culture. Ulster Protestantism’s consistent delivery of such dissenting voices counters its monolithic and reactionary reputation.
