Lawrence R. Jacobs
- Published in print:
- 2007
- Published Online:
- September 2007
- ISBN:
- 9780199217977
- eISBN:
- 9780191711541
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199217977.003.0009
- Subject:
- Political Science, American Politics
Changes in governing norms and the development of institutional capacity and routines that foster public presidential promotion generate incentives and expectations for the presidents to overestimate ...
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Changes in governing norms and the development of institutional capacity and routines that foster public presidential promotion generate incentives and expectations for the presidents to overestimate their personal power and underestimate durable institutional and political constraints. The result is a tendency — especially on major programmatic initiatives — to squander leadership opportunities and to leave presidents in weakened political positions. This chapter examines the rise of presidential promotions and its impact on White House calculations by tracing changes in the White House's institutional capacity for reaching the public, a content analysis of presidential appeals is given, and comparative case studies of institutionally strong presidents — those who enjoyed the rare and advantaged position of unified party government are studied. The chapter's conclusion weighs the implications of what may be an emerging form of institutional Toryism — one that recalibrates the constitutional balance of authority under certain conditions and legitimizes a politically astute future Democratic president to use the new norms of governance for liberal ends.Less
Changes in governing norms and the development of institutional capacity and routines that foster public presidential promotion generate incentives and expectations for the presidents to overestimate their personal power and underestimate durable institutional and political constraints. The result is a tendency — especially on major programmatic initiatives — to squander leadership opportunities and to leave presidents in weakened political positions. This chapter examines the rise of presidential promotions and its impact on White House calculations by tracing changes in the White House's institutional capacity for reaching the public, a content analysis of presidential appeals is given, and comparative case studies of institutionally strong presidents — those who enjoyed the rare and advantaged position of unified party government are studied. The chapter's conclusion weighs the implications of what may be an emerging form of institutional Toryism — one that recalibrates the constitutional balance of authority under certain conditions and legitimizes a politically astute future Democratic president to use the new norms of governance for liberal ends.
Anne Stott
- Published in print:
- 2004
- Published Online:
- January 2010
- ISBN:
- 9780199274888
- eISBN:
- 9780191714962
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199274888.003.0014
- Subject:
- History, British and Irish Modern History
This chapter deals with Hannah More's last years, a period of bereavement, increasing frailty, and reactionary politics. In response to the post-1815 radical publications, she published Cheap ...
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This chapter deals with Hannah More's last years, a period of bereavement, increasing frailty, and reactionary politics. In response to the post-1815 radical publications, she published Cheap Repository Tracts suited to the Present Times. Her Moral Sketches acquired mild notoriety because of its francophobic attack on British visitors to France. The Queen Caroline affair and Catholic emancipation reinforced her Toryism. She joined the Ultra Constitutional Association. She was suspicious of some of he new trends in Evangelicalism and came to distrust the millenarian preacher Edward Irving. Forced to leave Barley Wood because of the depredations of her servants, she died at Clifton in 1833.Less
This chapter deals with Hannah More's last years, a period of bereavement, increasing frailty, and reactionary politics. In response to the post-1815 radical publications, she published Cheap Repository Tracts suited to the Present Times. Her Moral Sketches acquired mild notoriety because of its francophobic attack on British visitors to France. The Queen Caroline affair and Catholic emancipation reinforced her Toryism. She joined the Ultra Constitutional Association. She was suspicious of some of he new trends in Evangelicalism and came to distrust the millenarian preacher Edward Irving. Forced to leave Barley Wood because of the depredations of her servants, she died at Clifton in 1833.
SUSAN J. OWEN
- Published in print:
- 1996
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780198183877
- eISBN:
- 9780191674129
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198183877.003.0003
- Subject:
- Literature, Drama, 17th-century and Restoration Literature
This chapter shows the extraordinary flexibility with which dramatists responded to the ‘local’ historical debates and shifts outlined in the previous chapter. It takes the example of Crowne, ...
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This chapter shows the extraordinary flexibility with which dramatists responded to the ‘local’ historical debates and shifts outlined in the previous chapter. It takes the example of Crowne, considering the same phenomenon in other dramatists elsewhere. It examines why the Exclusion Crisis drama engaged with the politics of its times so intensely that a single dramatist can shift from vehement Toryism to moderation or outright Whiggery and back again in a few years. It suggests a variety of possible motivations: a desire to entertain, the popular nature of dramatic culture, the poverty and dependence of dramatists, and the fact that ‘enthusiasm’ was marginalised in 1660, so that the ability to switch attitudes and allegiances seemed proper.Less
This chapter shows the extraordinary flexibility with which dramatists responded to the ‘local’ historical debates and shifts outlined in the previous chapter. It takes the example of Crowne, considering the same phenomenon in other dramatists elsewhere. It examines why the Exclusion Crisis drama engaged with the politics of its times so intensely that a single dramatist can shift from vehement Toryism to moderation or outright Whiggery and back again in a few years. It suggests a variety of possible motivations: a desire to entertain, the popular nature of dramatic culture, the poverty and dependence of dramatists, and the fact that ‘enthusiasm’ was marginalised in 1660, so that the ability to switch attitudes and allegiances seemed proper.
Miloš Ković
- Published in print:
- 2010
- Published Online:
- January 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780199574605
- eISBN:
- 9780191595134
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199574605.003.0001
- Subject:
- History, European Modern History, Political History
This chapter examines the process of the formation of Disraeli's initial understandings of the East and the Eastern Question. The social and political context within which the young Disraeli grew up ...
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This chapter examines the process of the formation of Disraeli's initial understandings of the East and the Eastern Question. The social and political context within which the young Disraeli grew up is scrutinized, as well as the influence of his Jewish origins and the personality of his father, Isaac D'Israeli. The influence of the liberal Toryism of Canning and the romanticism of Lord Byron on the shaping of Disraeli's understanding of the Eastern Question are equally stressed. Finally, the influence of Gibbon's pessimistic view of the 'slavic races' of Eastern Europe as examples of ‘barbarism’ and ‘backwardness’ is also highlighted.Less
This chapter examines the process of the formation of Disraeli's initial understandings of the East and the Eastern Question. The social and political context within which the young Disraeli grew up is scrutinized, as well as the influence of his Jewish origins and the personality of his father, Isaac D'Israeli. The influence of the liberal Toryism of Canning and the romanticism of Lord Byron on the shaping of Disraeli's understanding of the Eastern Question are equally stressed. Finally, the influence of Gibbon's pessimistic view of the 'slavic races' of Eastern Europe as examples of ‘barbarism’ and ‘backwardness’ is also highlighted.
SUSAN J. OWEN
- Published in print:
- 1996
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780198183877
- eISBN:
- 9780191674129
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198183877.003.0001
- Subject:
- Literature, Drama, 17th-century and Restoration Literature
This book is about the plays of the Exclusion Crisis, and more broadly about the relationship of Restoration theatre and potential crisis. The first part of the book considers the drama's engagement ...
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This book is about the plays of the Exclusion Crisis, and more broadly about the relationship of Restoration theatre and potential crisis. The first part of the book considers the drama's engagement with its times from a chronological perspective and the drama's relationship to political ideology in a wider sense. Aspects of the political language of the Toryism of the Exclusion Crisis have not yet gone out of use in England — the idea of the unity of the upper and middle classes in an aristocracy of taste, as against the lower classes and radicals who attack ‘true culture’.Less
This book is about the plays of the Exclusion Crisis, and more broadly about the relationship of Restoration theatre and potential crisis. The first part of the book considers the drama's engagement with its times from a chronological perspective and the drama's relationship to political ideology in a wider sense. Aspects of the political language of the Toryism of the Exclusion Crisis have not yet gone out of use in England — the idea of the unity of the upper and middle classes in an aristocracy of taste, as against the lower classes and radicals who attack ‘true culture’.
SUSAN J. OWEN
- Published in print:
- 1996
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780198183877
- eISBN:
- 9780191674129
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198183877.003.0004
- Subject:
- Literature, Drama, 17th-century and Restoration Literature
This chapter starts to move beyond a chronological perspective to draw an account of the dramatic language of politics. In examining the tropes of Toryism and Whiggery, it offers a careful account of ...
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This chapter starts to move beyond a chronological perspective to draw an account of the dramatic language of politics. In examining the tropes of Toryism and Whiggery, it offers a careful account of the dramatic language of politics. Throughout the Exclusion Crisis period, one can identify a common dramatic language of politics in the work of dramatists of differing political persuasions and perspectives. As the crisis developed, the distinct political language of Tory and Whig plays can be clearly identified. The account is divided into three sections, dealing with the themes of social order and disorder, religion, and class.Less
This chapter starts to move beyond a chronological perspective to draw an account of the dramatic language of politics. In examining the tropes of Toryism and Whiggery, it offers a careful account of the dramatic language of politics. Throughout the Exclusion Crisis period, one can identify a common dramatic language of politics in the work of dramatists of differing political persuasions and perspectives. As the crisis developed, the distinct political language of Tory and Whig plays can be clearly identified. The account is divided into three sections, dealing with the themes of social order and disorder, religion, and class.
SUSAN J. OWEN
- Published in print:
- 1996
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780198183877
- eISBN:
- 9780191674129
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198183877.003.0007
- Subject:
- Literature, Drama, 17th-century and Restoration Literature
This chapter starts the exploration of the contradictory nature of drama, of politics, and of the relationship between the two. The Exclusion Crisis exposes and sharpens contradictions which already ...
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This chapter starts the exploration of the contradictory nature of drama, of politics, and of the relationship between the two. The Exclusion Crisis exposes and sharpens contradictions which already exist in society and in the theatre, and generates what may be called a drama of contradiction. The discussion looks at Tory plays and the contradictions of royalism in crisis. These are greater than often supposed by critics who stress the resilience and cogency of Stuart royalism. It also challenges the view of the drama of the Exclusion Crisis, as simply ‘Royalism's Last Dramatic Stand’. The heroes of avowedly royalist or Tory plays are often masochistic, passive, and paralysed by a sense of the difficulty of right action.Less
This chapter starts the exploration of the contradictory nature of drama, of politics, and of the relationship between the two. The Exclusion Crisis exposes and sharpens contradictions which already exist in society and in the theatre, and generates what may be called a drama of contradiction. The discussion looks at Tory plays and the contradictions of royalism in crisis. These are greater than often supposed by critics who stress the resilience and cogency of Stuart royalism. It also challenges the view of the drama of the Exclusion Crisis, as simply ‘Royalism's Last Dramatic Stand’. The heroes of avowedly royalist or Tory plays are often masochistic, passive, and paralysed by a sense of the difficulty of right action.
Patrick Parrinder
- Published in print:
- 2008
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780199264858
- eISBN:
- 9780191698989
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199264858.003.0008
- Subject:
- Literature, Criticism/Theory
The chapter discusses how historical romance emerged. Eighteenth-century fiction was mostly focused on the relationship between the gentry and other social classes. This chapter provides an analysis ...
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The chapter discusses how historical romance emerged. Eighteenth-century fiction was mostly focused on the relationship between the gentry and other social classes. This chapter provides an analysis of the works of Disraeli, Scott, and the other authors to explore the interplay of relationships among different characters that represent the social classes and their differences and similarities of ideas in terms of their belief in Romantic Toryism.Less
The chapter discusses how historical romance emerged. Eighteenth-century fiction was mostly focused on the relationship between the gentry and other social classes. This chapter provides an analysis of the works of Disraeli, Scott, and the other authors to explore the interplay of relationships among different characters that represent the social classes and their differences and similarities of ideas in terms of their belief in Romantic Toryism.
John Cannon
- Published in print:
- 1994
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780198204527
- eISBN:
- 9780191676321
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198204527.001.0001
- Subject:
- History, British and Irish Modern History, Political History
This is a reinterpretation of the Georgian political order. Samuel Johnson's life (1709–84) spans most of the 18th century. His contacts in the literary and cultural, scholarly, and political worlds ...
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This is a reinterpretation of the Georgian political order. Samuel Johnson's life (1709–84) spans most of the 18th century. His contacts in the literary and cultural, scholarly, and political worlds were wide, including Gibbon, Goldsmith, Fox, Burke, Reynolds, Adam Smith, and many others. This book uses Johnson's career as a point of entry into Hanoverian England. The book explores major contemporary issues, such as education, the poor, capital punishment, the colonies, and Toryism. He challenges many assumptions about Johnson's own attitudes, and offers a substantial modification to the traditional picture of Johnson and the political world of the 18th century.Less
This is a reinterpretation of the Georgian political order. Samuel Johnson's life (1709–84) spans most of the 18th century. His contacts in the literary and cultural, scholarly, and political worlds were wide, including Gibbon, Goldsmith, Fox, Burke, Reynolds, Adam Smith, and many others. This book uses Johnson's career as a point of entry into Hanoverian England. The book explores major contemporary issues, such as education, the poor, capital punishment, the colonies, and Toryism. He challenges many assumptions about Johnson's own attitudes, and offers a substantial modification to the traditional picture of Johnson and the political world of the 18th century.
Thomas Dixon
- Published in print:
- 2008
- Published Online:
- January 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780197264263
- eISBN:
- 9780191734816
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- British Academy
- DOI:
- 10.5871/bacad/9780197264263.003.0006
- Subject:
- History, History of Ideas
Aside from Darwin, the writer most commonly associated with evolution in Victorian Britain, and the country’s most famous living philosopher, was the individualistic Herbert Spencer. Spencer ...
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Aside from Darwin, the writer most commonly associated with evolution in Victorian Britain, and the country’s most famous living philosopher, was the individualistic Herbert Spencer. Spencer certainly seems an unlikely altruist, but it was the influence of his writings, including his Data of Ethics (1879), that did most to guarantee the wider dissemination of the language of altruism from the 1870s onwards. This chapter explains what altruism meant to Spencer; how he used it in his attacks on the brutality and hypocrisy of British imperialism; how it led many readers, to his great frustration, to identify him as a disciple of Comte; and how he finally dropped the term as it came to be associated with socialism. Spencer’s combination of altruism abroad and egoism at home made sense as two sides of his resistance to political and ideological movements which he thought represented the ‘New Toryism’.Less
Aside from Darwin, the writer most commonly associated with evolution in Victorian Britain, and the country’s most famous living philosopher, was the individualistic Herbert Spencer. Spencer certainly seems an unlikely altruist, but it was the influence of his writings, including his Data of Ethics (1879), that did most to guarantee the wider dissemination of the language of altruism from the 1870s onwards. This chapter explains what altruism meant to Spencer; how he used it in his attacks on the brutality and hypocrisy of British imperialism; how it led many readers, to his great frustration, to identify him as a disciple of Comte; and how he finally dropped the term as it came to be associated with socialism. Spencer’s combination of altruism abroad and egoism at home made sense as two sides of his resistance to political and ideological movements which he thought represented the ‘New Toryism’.
PHILIP HARLING
- Published in print:
- 1996
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780198205760
- eISBN:
- 9780191676772
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198205760.003.0005
- Subject:
- History, British and Irish Modern History, Political History
After Waterloo, Britons expected to be relieved from the onerous wartime burden of debt and taxes. Nevertheless, the impact of post-war retrenchment should not be dismissed as negligible. Its ...
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After Waterloo, Britons expected to be relieved from the onerous wartime burden of debt and taxes. Nevertheless, the impact of post-war retrenchment should not be dismissed as negligible. Its long-term impact was profound, for it reversed the established trend towards ever greater levels of public spending. Tory ministries wished to prove to themselves and to their more ‘respectable’ critics (Whig and independent MPs, landowners and tenants, and, less frequently, the urban middle classes) that they could govern frugally and responsibly. The postwar Tories are often depicted as successful pragmatists, whose concessions to an assertive and rapidly growing political audience and dedication to the efficient management of public business got Britain safely through a tumultuous era in politics. It is argued here that the extensive retrenchments and administrative reforms presided over by a series of Tory governments between 1815 and 1830 were largely the results of external pressures for ‘cheap government’ and ‘good government’.Less
After Waterloo, Britons expected to be relieved from the onerous wartime burden of debt and taxes. Nevertheless, the impact of post-war retrenchment should not be dismissed as negligible. Its long-term impact was profound, for it reversed the established trend towards ever greater levels of public spending. Tory ministries wished to prove to themselves and to their more ‘respectable’ critics (Whig and independent MPs, landowners and tenants, and, less frequently, the urban middle classes) that they could govern frugally and responsibly. The postwar Tories are often depicted as successful pragmatists, whose concessions to an assertive and rapidly growing political audience and dedication to the efficient management of public business got Britain safely through a tumultuous era in politics. It is argued here that the extensive retrenchments and administrative reforms presided over by a series of Tory governments between 1815 and 1830 were largely the results of external pressures for ‘cheap government’ and ‘good government’.
Alvin Jackson
- Published in print:
- 1995
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780198204985
- eISBN:
- 9780191676437
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198204985.003.0007
- Subject:
- History, British and Irish Modern History
This chapter discusses Saunderson’s ideals, which had perturbed some northeners even during his contest with Monroe, but which therefore made him more attractive to Dublin Toryism, and on 30 December ...
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This chapter discusses Saunderson’s ideals, which had perturbed some northeners even during his contest with Monroe, but which therefore made him more attractive to Dublin Toryism, and on 30 December he was hailed by its leading organ as an appropriate leader for the new loyalism. The crystallization of Tory policy after 1886 along the lines of loyalist orthodoxy meant that Saunderson had an alternative ministerial audience beyond that represented by Churchill and his cronies. Establishing links with individual ministers was only a part of a larger scheme of proselytism. Throughout 1886 and 1887 Saunderson established the broad outlines of his future political activity.Less
This chapter discusses Saunderson’s ideals, which had perturbed some northeners even during his contest with Monroe, but which therefore made him more attractive to Dublin Toryism, and on 30 December he was hailed by its leading organ as an appropriate leader for the new loyalism. The crystallization of Tory policy after 1886 along the lines of loyalist orthodoxy meant that Saunderson had an alternative ministerial audience beyond that represented by Churchill and his cronies. Establishing links with individual ministers was only a part of a larger scheme of proselytism. Throughout 1886 and 1887 Saunderson established the broad outlines of his future political activity.
Alvin Jackson
- Published in print:
- 1995
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780198204985
- eISBN:
- 9780191676437
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198204985.003.0016
- Subject:
- History, British and Irish Modern History
Colonel Edward Saunderson was the single most significant figure in the early development of organized Unionism in Ireland. He helped to inspire and to mould the institutions of the movement, ...
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Colonel Edward Saunderson was the single most significant figure in the early development of organized Unionism in Ireland. He helped to inspire and to mould the institutions of the movement, provided direction and imbued it with his own economic and evangelical convictions. Irish Toryism has always been a maverick entity, occasionally escaping from the leash of British control. Saunderson helped to encourage the freedom of Irish Tories, both through promoting a cross-party loyalism and developing the organizational structures of his alliance.Less
Colonel Edward Saunderson was the single most significant figure in the early development of organized Unionism in Ireland. He helped to inspire and to mould the institutions of the movement, provided direction and imbued it with his own economic and evangelical convictions. Irish Toryism has always been a maverick entity, occasionally escaping from the leash of British control. Saunderson helped to encourage the freedom of Irish Tories, both through promoting a cross-party loyalism and developing the organizational structures of his alliance.
Hero Chalmers
- Published in print:
- 2004
- Published Online:
- January 2010
- ISBN:
- 9780199273270
- eISBN:
- 9780191706356
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199273270.003.04
- Subject:
- Literature, Women's Literature
This chapter shows how Behn and her panegyrists construct an empowering authorial image in which feminine erotic potency and Stuart loyalism are intimately connected by drawing on the celebration of ...
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This chapter shows how Behn and her panegyrists construct an empowering authorial image in which feminine erotic potency and Stuart loyalism are intimately connected by drawing on the celebration of erotic freedom in Tory celebrations of the restored theatre — and especially on their politicisation of the public figure of the actress. The eroticisation of Tory femininity in the climate of a newly libertine court culture and theatre allows fresh inflections of the politicised rhetoric of female heroism at work in Cavendish's authorial image. Yet, in her pindaric odes, in particular, Behn registers the limitations of the eroticised authorial image and seeks to assert her agency as a political writer distinct from the limitations of this construction. In her plays too, she interrogates the idea that sexual libertinism can provide an equally satisfactory expression of pro-Stuart loyalties for men and women alike. Where Behn's more head-on engagement with the literary marketplace often draws her writing closer to propaganda than that of Cavendish or Philips, she also uses her innovative prose fictions as a space to explore the political leverage available to the writer through control over literary representation.Less
This chapter shows how Behn and her panegyrists construct an empowering authorial image in which feminine erotic potency and Stuart loyalism are intimately connected by drawing on the celebration of erotic freedom in Tory celebrations of the restored theatre — and especially on their politicisation of the public figure of the actress. The eroticisation of Tory femininity in the climate of a newly libertine court culture and theatre allows fresh inflections of the politicised rhetoric of female heroism at work in Cavendish's authorial image. Yet, in her pindaric odes, in particular, Behn registers the limitations of the eroticised authorial image and seeks to assert her agency as a political writer distinct from the limitations of this construction. In her plays too, she interrogates the idea that sexual libertinism can provide an equally satisfactory expression of pro-Stuart loyalties for men and women alike. Where Behn's more head-on engagement with the literary marketplace often draws her writing closer to propaganda than that of Cavendish or Philips, she also uses her innovative prose fictions as a space to explore the political leverage available to the writer through control over literary representation.
Kenneth O Morgan
- Published in print:
- 1990
- Published Online:
- March 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780198227649
- eISBN:
- 9780191678769
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198227649.003.0005
- Subject:
- History, British and Irish Modern History
The Suez Canal incident brought painful realizations of diminished power in the international arena along with currency restrictions, social spending cuts, and petrol rationing due to related oil ...
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The Suez Canal incident brought painful realizations of diminished power in the international arena along with currency restrictions, social spending cuts, and petrol rationing due to related oil supply issues. Britain implemented cuts in its military budget and activity and abandoned the nuclear defence programme, which further highlighted the spectre of dependency with the United States. However, there were successes on the domestic front brought about by conservative financial management and led to moderate economic growth, the resolution of another sterling crisis, low unemployment, and the stabilization of the balance-of-payments deficit led to an almost total Conservative party victory in the 1959 elections. Challenges to Tory rule were presented by the Labour Party as well as the growing nuclear disarmament group. The rise in living standards and affluence also masked problems of social inequality for marginalized citizens, housing inadequacies, and the monopolies of real estate developers.Less
The Suez Canal incident brought painful realizations of diminished power in the international arena along with currency restrictions, social spending cuts, and petrol rationing due to related oil supply issues. Britain implemented cuts in its military budget and activity and abandoned the nuclear defence programme, which further highlighted the spectre of dependency with the United States. However, there were successes on the domestic front brought about by conservative financial management and led to moderate economic growth, the resolution of another sterling crisis, low unemployment, and the stabilization of the balance-of-payments deficit led to an almost total Conservative party victory in the 1959 elections. Challenges to Tory rule were presented by the Labour Party as well as the growing nuclear disarmament group. The rise in living standards and affluence also masked problems of social inequality for marginalized citizens, housing inadequacies, and the monopolies of real estate developers.
Suparna Gooptu
- Published in print:
- 2006
- Published Online:
- October 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780195678345
- eISBN:
- 9780199080380
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195678345.003.0003
- Subject:
- Literature, Women's Literature
This chapter first addresses the entry of women into higher education and professions in England. It specifically deals with Cornelia Sorabji in Somerville Hall, Oxford. When she joined Somerville ...
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This chapter first addresses the entry of women into higher education and professions in England. It specifically deals with Cornelia Sorabji in Somerville Hall, Oxford. When she joined Somerville Hall, she was not sure what course she would pursue. Her Oxford experience proved to be crucial in making her what she was to become. She also did become the first woman to study for the BCL at Oxford, a major landmark in the history of women's entry into higher education. Oxford treated Cornelia as an ‘exception’. She had the privilege of being inducted into the Oxford elite circle from her initial days at the university, and she took pride in this fact. The patronage that Cornelia received at Oxford was largely because of its multiple involvements with the sustenance of the Empire. Moreover, her response to the male bias in Oxford is revealed. Additionally, it covers the new Toryism, authoritarian liberalism and faith in the Empire. Once Cornelia had completed her studies in Oxford, life appeared to be more difficult than she expected.Less
This chapter first addresses the entry of women into higher education and professions in England. It specifically deals with Cornelia Sorabji in Somerville Hall, Oxford. When she joined Somerville Hall, she was not sure what course she would pursue. Her Oxford experience proved to be crucial in making her what she was to become. She also did become the first woman to study for the BCL at Oxford, a major landmark in the history of women's entry into higher education. Oxford treated Cornelia as an ‘exception’. She had the privilege of being inducted into the Oxford elite circle from her initial days at the university, and she took pride in this fact. The patronage that Cornelia received at Oxford was largely because of its multiple involvements with the sustenance of the Empire. Moreover, her response to the male bias in Oxford is revealed. Additionally, it covers the new Toryism, authoritarian liberalism and faith in the Empire. Once Cornelia had completed her studies in Oxford, life appeared to be more difficult than she expected.
Roland Quinault (ed.)
- Published in print:
- 2000
- Published Online:
- June 2013
- ISBN:
- 9780853239253
- eISBN:
- 9781846313202
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Liverpool University Press
- DOI:
- 10.5949/liverpool/9780853239253.003.0005
- Subject:
- Political Science, UK Politics
This chapter examines Gladstone's involvement in parliamentary reform. His involvement can be divided into two distinct phases: in the first phase, he was a Tory anti–reformer; and in the second ...
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This chapter examines Gladstone's involvement in parliamentary reform. His involvement can be divided into two distinct phases: in the first phase, he was a Tory anti–reformer; and in the second phase, he was a Liberal reformer. Gladstone began his parliamentary career as a Tory opponent of the 1832 Reform Act, but he became a convert to moderate reform while he was still a Peelite Tory. When he introduced the 1866 Reform Bill, he still described himself as a ‘Liberal Conservative’. Subsequently, as the leader of the Liberal party and Prime Minister, he remained a cautious and pragmatic reformer. Thus, Gladstone's attitude to reform did not advance in a simple linear progression from a stance of Tory opposition to one of Liberal support.Less
This chapter examines Gladstone's involvement in parliamentary reform. His involvement can be divided into two distinct phases: in the first phase, he was a Tory anti–reformer; and in the second phase, he was a Liberal reformer. Gladstone began his parliamentary career as a Tory opponent of the 1832 Reform Act, but he became a convert to moderate reform while he was still a Peelite Tory. When he introduced the 1866 Reform Bill, he still described himself as a ‘Liberal Conservative’. Subsequently, as the leader of the Liberal party and Prime Minister, he remained a cautious and pragmatic reformer. Thus, Gladstone's attitude to reform did not advance in a simple linear progression from a stance of Tory opposition to one of Liberal support.
John Belchem
- Published in print:
- 2006
- Published Online:
- June 2013
- ISBN:
- 9781846310102
- eISBN:
- 9781846313547
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Liverpool University Press
- DOI:
- 10.5949/UPO9781846313547
- Subject:
- History, British and Irish Modern History
Liverpool defies historical categorization. Located at the intersection of competing cultural, economic, and geo-political formations, it stands outside the main narrative frameworks of modern ...
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Liverpool defies historical categorization. Located at the intersection of competing cultural, economic, and geo-political formations, it stands outside the main narrative frameworks of modern British history. What was it that established Liverpool as different or apart? In exploring this proverbial exceptionalism, the chapters in this book show how a sense of apartness has always been crucial to Liverpool's identity. While repudiated by some as an external imposition, an unmerited stigma originating from the slave trade days or the Irish famine influx, Liverpool's ‘otherness’ has been upheld (and inflated) in self-referential myth, a ‘Merseypride’ that has shown considerable ingenuity in adjusting to the city's changing fortunes. The first stage towards an urban biography of Liverpool, these chapters in cultural history reconstruct the city's past through changes in image, identity and representation. The final section offers comparative methodological and theoretical perspectives embracing North America, Australia and other European ‘second cities’. Among the topics considered are Liverpool's problematic projection of itself through history and heritage; the belated emergence of ‘scouse’, an accent ‘exceedingly rare’, as cultural badge and signifier; the origins and dominance of Toryism in popular political culture, the deepest and most enduring political ‘deviance’ among Victorian workers, at odds with present-day perceptions of Merseyside militancy; and an investigation of the crucial sites — the Irish pub and the Catholic parish — where the Liverpool-Irish identity was constructed, contested and continued, seemingly immune to the normal processes of ethnic fade. The final section offers comparative methodological and theoretical perspectives embracing North America, Australia and other European ‘second cities’.Less
Liverpool defies historical categorization. Located at the intersection of competing cultural, economic, and geo-political formations, it stands outside the main narrative frameworks of modern British history. What was it that established Liverpool as different or apart? In exploring this proverbial exceptionalism, the chapters in this book show how a sense of apartness has always been crucial to Liverpool's identity. While repudiated by some as an external imposition, an unmerited stigma originating from the slave trade days or the Irish famine influx, Liverpool's ‘otherness’ has been upheld (and inflated) in self-referential myth, a ‘Merseypride’ that has shown considerable ingenuity in adjusting to the city's changing fortunes. The first stage towards an urban biography of Liverpool, these chapters in cultural history reconstruct the city's past through changes in image, identity and representation. The final section offers comparative methodological and theoretical perspectives embracing North America, Australia and other European ‘second cities’. Among the topics considered are Liverpool's problematic projection of itself through history and heritage; the belated emergence of ‘scouse’, an accent ‘exceedingly rare’, as cultural badge and signifier; the origins and dominance of Toryism in popular political culture, the deepest and most enduring political ‘deviance’ among Victorian workers, at odds with present-day perceptions of Merseyside militancy; and an investigation of the crucial sites — the Irish pub and the Catholic parish — where the Liverpool-Irish identity was constructed, contested and continued, seemingly immune to the normal processes of ethnic fade. The final section offers comparative methodological and theoretical perspectives embracing North America, Australia and other European ‘second cities’.
James M. Vaughn
- Published in print:
- 2019
- Published Online:
- September 2019
- ISBN:
- 9780300208269
- eISBN:
- 9780300240542
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Yale University Press
- DOI:
- 10.12987/yale/9780300208269.003.0006
- Subject:
- History, European Early Modern History
This chapter focuses on the conservative reaction to the emergence of radical Whiggism in the 1750s and 1760s —termed the New Toryism—that developed during the 1760s and early 1770s. What was the ...
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This chapter focuses on the conservative reaction to the emergence of radical Whiggism in the 1750s and 1760s —termed the New Toryism—that developed during the 1760s and early 1770s. What was the character of the New Toryism? How and why did it transform British overseas expansion as a whole, from the colonies of North America and the West Indies to the trading settlements of South Asia? Before examining in detail the rise and development of the New Toryism during the early reign of King George III and the shift it led to in Britain's imperial expansion, it first settles accounts with the Namierite interpretation that has remained prominent for over six decades in the historiography on the politics of empire during the 1760s and 1770s.Less
This chapter focuses on the conservative reaction to the emergence of radical Whiggism in the 1750s and 1760s —termed the New Toryism—that developed during the 1760s and early 1770s. What was the character of the New Toryism? How and why did it transform British overseas expansion as a whole, from the colonies of North America and the West Indies to the trading settlements of South Asia? Before examining in detail the rise and development of the New Toryism during the early reign of King George III and the shift it led to in Britain's imperial expansion, it first settles accounts with the Namierite interpretation that has remained prominent for over six decades in the historiography on the politics of empire during the 1760s and 1770s.
J. C. D. Clark
- Published in print:
- 2018
- Published Online:
- February 2018
- ISBN:
- 9780198816997
- eISBN:
- 9780191858666
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/oso/9780198816997.003.0002
- Subject:
- History, American History: early to 18th Century, History of Ideas
The chapter outlines ‘dynastic discourse’, the political language that used dynasties as encapsulations of political alternatives. It situates John Locke in this context and argues for its ...
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The chapter outlines ‘dynastic discourse’, the political language that used dynasties as encapsulations of political alternatives. It situates John Locke in this context and argues for its continuance into the 1750s. It is difficult to reconstruct Paine’s early intellectual formation, but what is known is closer to the world of the 1690s than to that of the 1790s. The young Paine seems to have absorbed an ancient ideal of agrarian independence; his Newtonianism pointed in no republican direction, and Paine may in his youth have explored Deism and even Methodism. The dynastic language of ‘tyranny’ and ‘slavery’ was, however, still available to him in rural Lewes.Less
The chapter outlines ‘dynastic discourse’, the political language that used dynasties as encapsulations of political alternatives. It situates John Locke in this context and argues for its continuance into the 1750s. It is difficult to reconstruct Paine’s early intellectual formation, but what is known is closer to the world of the 1690s than to that of the 1790s. The young Paine seems to have absorbed an ancient ideal of agrarian independence; his Newtonianism pointed in no republican direction, and Paine may in his youth have explored Deism and even Methodism. The dynastic language of ‘tyranny’ and ‘slavery’ was, however, still available to him in rural Lewes.