William R. Ryan
- Published in print:
- 2010
- Published Online:
- May 2010
- ISBN:
- 9780195387285
- eISBN:
- 9780199775774
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195387285.003.0006
- Subject:
- History, American History: early to 18th Century
This chapter deals with the rise of the radical Whig faction and how they, under the leadership of William Henry Drayton, antagonized the governor by trying to blockade the port, thus precipitating ...
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This chapter deals with the rise of the radical Whig faction and how they, under the leadership of William Henry Drayton, antagonized the governor by trying to blockade the port, thus precipitating the opening shots of the war in South Carolina. Moreover, this chapter demonstrates how tenuous the position of the Whigs was and how they simultaneously attempted to pacify insurgent white settlers and hostile Cherokee Indians in the backcountry. As the chapter title suggests, it deals with the volatile geopolitics of Revolutionary South Carolina, as well as the regional and class divisions that plagued the province during the fall and winter of 1775.Less
This chapter deals with the rise of the radical Whig faction and how they, under the leadership of William Henry Drayton, antagonized the governor by trying to blockade the port, thus precipitating the opening shots of the war in South Carolina. Moreover, this chapter demonstrates how tenuous the position of the Whigs was and how they simultaneously attempted to pacify insurgent white settlers and hostile Cherokee Indians in the backcountry. As the chapter title suggests, it deals with the volatile geopolitics of Revolutionary South Carolina, as well as the regional and class divisions that plagued the province during the fall and winter of 1775.
William R. Ryan
- Published in print:
- 2010
- Published Online:
- May 2010
- ISBN:
- 9780195387285
- eISBN:
- 9780199775774
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195387285.003.0009
- Subject:
- History, American History: early to 18th Century
The book draws to a close with the failed loyalist/Cherokee invasion of the backcountry in July 1776. Paradoxically, at the very same moment that the Cherokee were fighting against South Carolina ...
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The book draws to a close with the failed loyalist/Cherokee invasion of the backcountry in July 1776. Paradoxically, at the very same moment that the Cherokee were fighting against South Carolina patriots in the backcountry, Thomas Jefferson was in Philadelphia putting the finishing touches on the Declaration of Independence. The final grievance that the Virginia Whig leader enumerated—the capstone—was that the king had “excited domestic insurrection amongst us” and had “endeavored to bring on the inhabitants of our frontiers, the merciless Indian Savages, whose known rule of warfare is an undistinguished destruction of all ages, sexes, and conditions.”Less
The book draws to a close with the failed loyalist/Cherokee invasion of the backcountry in July 1776. Paradoxically, at the very same moment that the Cherokee were fighting against South Carolina patriots in the backcountry, Thomas Jefferson was in Philadelphia putting the finishing touches on the Declaration of Independence. The final grievance that the Virginia Whig leader enumerated—the capstone—was that the king had “excited domestic insurrection amongst us” and had “endeavored to bring on the inhabitants of our frontiers, the merciless Indian Savages, whose known rule of warfare is an undistinguished destruction of all ages, sexes, and conditions.”
Timothy Fitzgerald
- Published in print:
- 2008
- Published Online:
- January 2008
- ISBN:
- 9780195300093
- eISBN:
- 9780199868636
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195300093.003.0008
- Subject:
- Religion, Religion and Literature
The changes in typical usage of the various key categories discussed in previous chapters become more pronounced in certain contexts after the late seventeenth century, and the connection with ...
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The changes in typical usage of the various key categories discussed in previous chapters become more pronounced in certain contexts after the late seventeenth century, and the connection with colonies, plantations, and the increasing need for new forms of classification tends to relativize Religion as Christian Truth. This should not be exaggerated. In England the dominance of the church state continues, and the social order is still characterized more in terms of a hierarchy of rank and degree than in terms of Dissenting Individuals motivated by the need for justification and economic salvation. Even Locke's contemporary John Bunyan, whose pilgrimage is an interior moral one, and whose use of the term religious does not refer at all to monastic orders but to a special kind of inner life, still has no concept of a world which is neutral to religion. However, by the early nineteenth century in England there is a clearly gathering momentum to the discourse on “politics” as essentially separate from “religion,” even though the boundaries are hotly disputed and thus by no means yet inscribed into the order of things.Less
The changes in typical usage of the various key categories discussed in previous chapters become more pronounced in certain contexts after the late seventeenth century, and the connection with colonies, plantations, and the increasing need for new forms of classification tends to relativize Religion as Christian Truth. This should not be exaggerated. In England the dominance of the church state continues, and the social order is still characterized more in terms of a hierarchy of rank and degree than in terms of Dissenting Individuals motivated by the need for justification and economic salvation. Even Locke's contemporary John Bunyan, whose pilgrimage is an interior moral one, and whose use of the term religious does not refer at all to monastic orders but to a special kind of inner life, still has no concept of a world which is neutral to religion. However, by the early nineteenth century in England there is a clearly gathering momentum to the discourse on “politics” as essentially separate from “religion,” even though the boundaries are hotly disputed and thus by no means yet inscribed into the order of things.
Alexander Smith
- Published in print:
- 2011
- Published Online:
- July 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780719079696
- eISBN:
- 9781781703052
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Manchester University Press
- DOI:
- 10.7228/manchester/9780719079696.001.0001
- Subject:
- Society and Culture, Scottish Studies
This book is an ethnographic study of devolution and politics in Scotland, as well as of party-political activism more generally. It explores how Conservative Party activists who had opposed ...
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This book is an ethnographic study of devolution and politics in Scotland, as well as of party-political activism more generally. It explores how Conservative Party activists who had opposed devolution and the movement for a Scottish Parliament during the 1990s attempted to mobilise politically following their annihilation at the 1997 General Election. The book draws on fieldwork conducted in Dumfries and Galloway – a former stronghold for the Scottish Tories – to describe how senior Conservatives worked from the assumption that they had endured their own ‘crisis’ in representation. The material consequences of this crisis included losses of financial and other resources, legitimacy and local knowledge for the Scottish Conservatives. The book ethnographically describes the processes, practices and relationships that Tory Party activists sought to enact during the 2003 Scottish and local government elections. Its central argument is that, having asserted that the difficulties they faced constituted problems of knowledge, Conservative activists cast to the geographical and institutional margins of Scotland became ‘banal’ activists. Believing themselves to be lacking in the data and information necessary for successful mobilisation during Parliamentary elections, local Tory Party strategists attempted to address their knowledge ‘crisis’ by burying themselves in paperwork and petty bureaucracy. Such practices have often escaped scholarly attention because they appear everyday and mundane, and are therefore less noticeable. Bringing them into view analytically has important implications for socio-cultural anthropologists, sociologists and other scholars interested in ‘new’ ethnographic objects, including activism, bureaucracy, democracy, elections and modern knowledge practices.Less
This book is an ethnographic study of devolution and politics in Scotland, as well as of party-political activism more generally. It explores how Conservative Party activists who had opposed devolution and the movement for a Scottish Parliament during the 1990s attempted to mobilise politically following their annihilation at the 1997 General Election. The book draws on fieldwork conducted in Dumfries and Galloway – a former stronghold for the Scottish Tories – to describe how senior Conservatives worked from the assumption that they had endured their own ‘crisis’ in representation. The material consequences of this crisis included losses of financial and other resources, legitimacy and local knowledge for the Scottish Conservatives. The book ethnographically describes the processes, practices and relationships that Tory Party activists sought to enact during the 2003 Scottish and local government elections. Its central argument is that, having asserted that the difficulties they faced constituted problems of knowledge, Conservative activists cast to the geographical and institutional margins of Scotland became ‘banal’ activists. Believing themselves to be lacking in the data and information necessary for successful mobilisation during Parliamentary elections, local Tory Party strategists attempted to address their knowledge ‘crisis’ by burying themselves in paperwork and petty bureaucracy. Such practices have often escaped scholarly attention because they appear everyday and mundane, and are therefore less noticeable. Bringing them into view analytically has important implications for socio-cultural anthropologists, sociologists and other scholars interested in ‘new’ ethnographic objects, including activism, bureaucracy, democracy, elections and modern knowledge practices.
S. J. Connolly
- Published in print:
- 2008
- Published Online:
- September 2008
- ISBN:
- 9780199543472
- eISBN:
- 9780191716553
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199543472.003.0008
- Subject:
- History, European Early Modern History
During the first half of the 18th century, central government gradually established control over outlying areas, eliminating the problem of banditry from what were referred to in Ireland as tories or ...
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During the first half of the 18th century, central government gradually established control over outlying areas, eliminating the problem of banditry from what were referred to in Ireland as tories or rapparees. By this time, Ireland had developed broadly the same apparatus of central and local government as operated in contemporary England, but the exclusion from civic life of a majority of the population created a hollowness at the centre. A review of the workings of the criminal law, however, reveals that government did not rest, as is sometimes claimed, on naked coercion. There was also more cultural interaction across social and religious boundaries than is suggested by the influential thesis of a ‘Hidden Ireland’.Less
During the first half of the 18th century, central government gradually established control over outlying areas, eliminating the problem of banditry from what were referred to in Ireland as tories or rapparees. By this time, Ireland had developed broadly the same apparatus of central and local government as operated in contemporary England, but the exclusion from civic life of a majority of the population created a hollowness at the centre. A review of the workings of the criminal law, however, reveals that government did not rest, as is sometimes claimed, on naked coercion. There was also more cultural interaction across social and religious boundaries than is suggested by the influential thesis of a ‘Hidden Ireland’.
Angelica Goodden
- Published in print:
- 2008
- Published Online:
- May 2008
- ISBN:
- 9780199238095
- eISBN:
- 9780191716669
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199238095.003.0009
- Subject:
- Literature, 19th-century Literature and Romanticism
From Sweden, Staël returns to London after an absence of twenty years, conferring with Whigs (for their liberalism rather than their pro-Napoleonism) and the ruling Tories, enjoying her celebrity, ...
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From Sweden, Staël returns to London after an absence of twenty years, conferring with Whigs (for their liberalism rather than their pro-Napoleonism) and the ruling Tories, enjoying her celebrity, and increasing it with the triumphant publication in French and English of De l'Allemagne. Fanny Burney, who greatly admires Staël's latest book, continues to regret the impossibility of meeting her, and Maria Edgeworth likewise; Byron, another enthusiast for the work, watches her ‘perform’ in society with both scorn and amusement, while statesmen are more or less shocked by her boldness in advising them how to handle war and peace. She enjoys her fame, but longs for Paris and French conversation; continuing to provoke both disapproval and interest, she finds that her foreignness excuses some of her social faux-pas but not others. The abolitionist Wilberforce becomes a friend, and she promises with Wellington to help propagate his writings in France.Less
From Sweden, Staël returns to London after an absence of twenty years, conferring with Whigs (for their liberalism rather than their pro-Napoleonism) and the ruling Tories, enjoying her celebrity, and increasing it with the triumphant publication in French and English of De l'Allemagne. Fanny Burney, who greatly admires Staël's latest book, continues to regret the impossibility of meeting her, and Maria Edgeworth likewise; Byron, another enthusiast for the work, watches her ‘perform’ in society with both scorn and amusement, while statesmen are more or less shocked by her boldness in advising them how to handle war and peace. She enjoys her fame, but longs for Paris and French conversation; continuing to provoke both disapproval and interest, she finds that her foreignness excuses some of her social faux-pas but not others. The abolitionist Wilberforce becomes a friend, and she promises with Wellington to help propagate his writings in France.
John Miller
- Published in print:
- 2007
- Published Online:
- January 2010
- ISBN:
- 9780199288397
- eISBN:
- 9780191710902
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199288397.003.0010
- Subject:
- History, British and Irish Early Modern History
Bristol had a reputation for factional division. Its aldermen included some pugnacious individuals — three of them called John (or Sir John) Knight, who hated each other. The city also had a large ...
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Bristol had a reputation for factional division. Its aldermen included some pugnacious individuals — three of them called John (or Sir John) Knight, who hated each other. The city also had a large Dissenting population and the magistrates were divided about enforcing the laws against them. To make matters worse, in 1672 the king appointed Guy Carleton — the most aggressive and tactless prelate of his time — as bishop. Carleton promoted a vigorous persecution of Dissenters and united the corporation (including Sir John and John Knight) against him: no mean feat. Carleton was moved on in 1678 but in the last years of the reign the corporation was bitterly divided between Whigs and Tories.Less
Bristol had a reputation for factional division. Its aldermen included some pugnacious individuals — three of them called John (or Sir John) Knight, who hated each other. The city also had a large Dissenting population and the magistrates were divided about enforcing the laws against them. To make matters worse, in 1672 the king appointed Guy Carleton — the most aggressive and tactless prelate of his time — as bishop. Carleton promoted a vigorous persecution of Dissenters and united the corporation (including Sir John and John Knight) against him: no mean feat. Carleton was moved on in 1678 but in the last years of the reign the corporation was bitterly divided between Whigs and Tories.
John Miller
- Published in print:
- 2007
- Published Online:
- January 2010
- ISBN:
- 9780199288397
- eISBN:
- 9780191710902
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199288397.003.0014
- Subject:
- History, British and Irish Early Modern History
Following their victory in the general election of 1715, the Whigs consolidated their hold on power. Tories were excluded from office and Whig politicians used government patronage to establish a ...
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Following their victory in the general election of 1715, the Whigs consolidated their hold on power. Tories were excluded from office and Whig politicians used government patronage to establish a firm grip on many small parliamentary boroughs. A wave of riots against Dissenting meeting houses in 1715, followed by the Jacobite rising, led to the passing of the Riot Act and a much increased peacetime military presence. The army, indeed, took it upon itself to punish ‘disaffection’ (much of it symbolic), and to this end it increasingly controlled civic celebration. After winning the general election of 1722, the Whig hold on power seemed impregnable. This chapter suggests that Tory resistance remained remarkably resilient and in some ways effective, especially as George I did not attempt to manipulate borough charters in the way that Charles II and James II had done.Less
Following their victory in the general election of 1715, the Whigs consolidated their hold on power. Tories were excluded from office and Whig politicians used government patronage to establish a firm grip on many small parliamentary boroughs. A wave of riots against Dissenting meeting houses in 1715, followed by the Jacobite rising, led to the passing of the Riot Act and a much increased peacetime military presence. The army, indeed, took it upon itself to punish ‘disaffection’ (much of it symbolic), and to this end it increasingly controlled civic celebration. After winning the general election of 1722, the Whig hold on power seemed impregnable. This chapter suggests that Tory resistance remained remarkably resilient and in some ways effective, especially as George I did not attempt to manipulate borough charters in the way that Charles II and James II had done.
John Miller
- Published in print:
- 2007
- Published Online:
- January 2010
- ISBN:
- 9780199288397
- eISBN:
- 9780191710902
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199288397.003.0015
- Subject:
- History, British and Irish Early Modern History
This chapter presents some concluding thoughts from the author. The period 1660-1722 saw political debate and discord become a normal part of English urban life. National politics impinged far more ...
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This chapter presents some concluding thoughts from the author. The period 1660-1722 saw political debate and discord become a normal part of English urban life. National politics impinged far more on townspeople's lives than in the 16th century, when few parliamentary elections were contested, so there was no need to place issues before the electors. The clear-cut division between Tories and Whigs was thrown into turmoil by James II, but it reappeared in late 1688 as Whigs and Tories jostled for power under the new king. During the 18th century, some corporations became notorious for self-seeking oligarchy and corruption but such vices were less apparent in the early part of the century.Less
This chapter presents some concluding thoughts from the author. The period 1660-1722 saw political debate and discord become a normal part of English urban life. National politics impinged far more on townspeople's lives than in the 16th century, when few parliamentary elections were contested, so there was no need to place issues before the electors. The clear-cut division between Tories and Whigs was thrown into turmoil by James II, but it reappeared in late 1688 as Whigs and Tories jostled for power under the new king. During the 18th century, some corporations became notorious for self-seeking oligarchy and corruption but such vices were less apparent in the early part of the century.
Peter D. G. Thomas
- Published in print:
- 2002
- Published Online:
- July 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780719064289
- eISBN:
- 9781781700310
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Manchester University Press
- DOI:
- 10.7228/manchester/9780719064289.003.0011
- Subject:
- History, British and Irish Early Modern History
This chapter sums up the key findings of this study on the first decade of George III's reign as King of Great Britain. The ministry at George III's ascension was a coalition of all the Whig groups, ...
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This chapter sums up the key findings of this study on the first decade of George III's reign as King of Great Britain. The ministry at George III's ascension was a coalition of all the Whig groups, and the next five ministries were all reshuffles of the Whig pack, none entailing a complete change of cabinet membership. This political situation allowed George III to exercise the significant power that lay with the Crown and act in accord with much contemporary opinion. The chapter argues that the British political scene between the accession of George III and the outbreak of the American War was a time when the two sides in Parliament were administration and opposition, and not Tories and Whigs.Less
This chapter sums up the key findings of this study on the first decade of George III's reign as King of Great Britain. The ministry at George III's ascension was a coalition of all the Whig groups, and the next five ministries were all reshuffles of the Whig pack, none entailing a complete change of cabinet membership. This political situation allowed George III to exercise the significant power that lay with the Crown and act in accord with much contemporary opinion. The chapter argues that the British political scene between the accession of George III and the outbreak of the American War was a time when the two sides in Parliament were administration and opposition, and not Tories and Whigs.
Christine Gerrard
- Published in print:
- 1994
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780198129820
- eISBN:
- 9780191671869
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198129820.003.0002
- Subject:
- Literature, 18th-century Literature
Eighteenth-century patriotism once seemed a relatively straightforward phenomenon. Recent cultural and historical research has rendered it more interesting and (inevitably) infinitely more ...
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Eighteenth-century patriotism once seemed a relatively straightforward phenomenon. Recent cultural and historical research has rendered it more interesting and (inevitably) infinitely more complicated. The same may be said of the transformations which revisionist historians of the last two decades have made to the landscape of early Hanoverian party politics. In both Parliament and the press, Robert Walpole faced a heterogeneous body of political adversaries, a ‘hybrid’ opposition. The Tories, consigned to near-permanent opposition after the Hanoverian accession in 1714 and the onset of single-party Whig government, formed the largest and most consistent opposition element in the Commons. They were joined by a number of ‘independents’ (though their number is debatable) and by a series of dissident or Patriot Whigs who switched from supporting to opposing the Whig administration. The dissident Whig element became a consistent feature of opposition politics only after Walpole achieved a virtual monopoly on power in Britain in the early 1720s.Less
Eighteenth-century patriotism once seemed a relatively straightforward phenomenon. Recent cultural and historical research has rendered it more interesting and (inevitably) infinitely more complicated. The same may be said of the transformations which revisionist historians of the last two decades have made to the landscape of early Hanoverian party politics. In both Parliament and the press, Robert Walpole faced a heterogeneous body of political adversaries, a ‘hybrid’ opposition. The Tories, consigned to near-permanent opposition after the Hanoverian accession in 1714 and the onset of single-party Whig government, formed the largest and most consistent opposition element in the Commons. They were joined by a number of ‘independents’ (though their number is debatable) and by a series of dissident or Patriot Whigs who switched from supporting to opposing the Whig administration. The dissident Whig element became a consistent feature of opposition politics only after Walpole achieved a virtual monopoly on power in Britain in the early 1720s.
Maximillian E. Novak
- Published in print:
- 2003
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780199261543
- eISBN:
- 9780191698743
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199261543.003.0024
- Subject:
- Literature, 18th-century Literature
Daniel Defoe was to continue his plea for harmony between those forces for unity and moderation in the nation and his attack on the Tories and the High Church in two works that had been drafted ...
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Daniel Defoe was to continue his plea for harmony between those forces for unity and moderation in the nation and his attack on the Tories and the High Church in two works that had been drafted earlier but not entirely finished until 1705. In the Review of May 10, 1705, Defoe wrote an essay on the tumultuous scenes in Coventry at the time of election for Parliament. The author of The Memorial of the Church of England also accused the ministers, and particularly Sidney Godolphin, of leading Queen Anne astray. Robert Harley thought Defoe would make a useful observer of the nation’s mood, and sent him out to gather information as he had done for the eastern counties before. Up to this point, we have seen that the chief influences on Defoe’s poetry were John Dryden, John Wilmot Rochester, and Andrew Marvell.Less
Daniel Defoe was to continue his plea for harmony between those forces for unity and moderation in the nation and his attack on the Tories and the High Church in two works that had been drafted earlier but not entirely finished until 1705. In the Review of May 10, 1705, Defoe wrote an essay on the tumultuous scenes in Coventry at the time of election for Parliament. The author of The Memorial of the Church of England also accused the ministers, and particularly Sidney Godolphin, of leading Queen Anne astray. Robert Harley thought Defoe would make a useful observer of the nation’s mood, and sent him out to gather information as he had done for the eastern counties before. Up to this point, we have seen that the chief influences on Defoe’s poetry were John Dryden, John Wilmot Rochester, and Andrew Marvell.
Maximillian E. Novak
- Published in print:
- 2003
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780199261543
- eISBN:
- 9780191698743
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199261543.003.0028
- Subject:
- Literature, 18th-century Literature
In a series of essays in the Review beginning June 17, 1710, Daniel Defoe expressed his despair over what he saw to be the coming downfall of the Whigs and the triumph of the Tories and High Church. ...
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In a series of essays in the Review beginning June 17, 1710, Daniel Defoe expressed his despair over what he saw to be the coming downfall of the Whigs and the triumph of the Tories and High Church. Queen Anne had just dismissed Charles Spencer Sunderland as Secretary of State, and Defoe could read the writing on the wall as well as his biblical prophetic namesake. He took the opportunity to mend fences with his enemy, John Dyer. Of course, he was incapable of staying away from politics entirely. On July 17, 1710, Defoe decided that he would try to work with the new Tory administration. He wrote a letter to Robert Harley suggesting that the future Chancellor of the Exchequer and Lord Treasurer would be the ideal person to steer between the extremes of party. From the first letter to Harley to the end of the year, Defoe engaged in producing a whirlwind of pamphlets intended to boost Harley’s position and to destroy the forces behind Henry Sacheverell.Less
In a series of essays in the Review beginning June 17, 1710, Daniel Defoe expressed his despair over what he saw to be the coming downfall of the Whigs and the triumph of the Tories and High Church. Queen Anne had just dismissed Charles Spencer Sunderland as Secretary of State, and Defoe could read the writing on the wall as well as his biblical prophetic namesake. He took the opportunity to mend fences with his enemy, John Dyer. Of course, he was incapable of staying away from politics entirely. On July 17, 1710, Defoe decided that he would try to work with the new Tory administration. He wrote a letter to Robert Harley suggesting that the future Chancellor of the Exchequer and Lord Treasurer would be the ideal person to steer between the extremes of party. From the first letter to Harley to the end of the year, Defoe engaged in producing a whirlwind of pamphlets intended to boost Harley’s position and to destroy the forces behind Henry Sacheverell.
Maximillian E. Novak
- Published in print:
- 2003
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780199261543
- eISBN:
- 9780191698743
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199261543.003.0046
- Subject:
- Literature, 18th-century Literature
Daniel Defoe chose to retain his identity as a Whig while accepting the policies of what was looking more like a Tory government with each passing day. A crucial moment came with the attempted ...
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Daniel Defoe chose to retain his identity as a Whig while accepting the policies of what was looking more like a Tory government with each passing day. A crucial moment came with the attempted assassination of Robert Harley by Antoine de Guiscard. In pursuit of his duty, the Chancellor of the Exchequer was wounded by a French spy, and all of the concern about Louis XIV’s attempts to assassinate William III, about French perfidy, and about the safety of Queen Anne created an outpouring of sympathy for Harley that restored his power, brought him the post of Lord Treasurer, which had remained vacant after Sidney Godolphin’s resignation, and raised him to the peerage as Earl of Oxford and Mortimer. Henry St John, whose behaviour during the assassination attempt was equivocal, received a setback in his pursuit of power that was to prove fatal to his career. The possibility that Guiscard had intended to poison the Queen gave a new strength to her friend Harley and to his group of court Tories and court Whigs.Less
Daniel Defoe chose to retain his identity as a Whig while accepting the policies of what was looking more like a Tory government with each passing day. A crucial moment came with the attempted assassination of Robert Harley by Antoine de Guiscard. In pursuit of his duty, the Chancellor of the Exchequer was wounded by a French spy, and all of the concern about Louis XIV’s attempts to assassinate William III, about French perfidy, and about the safety of Queen Anne created an outpouring of sympathy for Harley that restored his power, brought him the post of Lord Treasurer, which had remained vacant after Sidney Godolphin’s resignation, and raised him to the peerage as Earl of Oxford and Mortimer. Henry St John, whose behaviour during the assassination attempt was equivocal, received a setback in his pursuit of power that was to prove fatal to his career. The possibility that Guiscard had intended to poison the Queen gave a new strength to her friend Harley and to his group of court Tories and court Whigs.
Daniel Ritschel
- Published in print:
- 1997
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780198206477
- eISBN:
- 9780191677151
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198206477.003.0002
- Subject:
- History, British and Irish Modern History, Economic History
This chapter discusses the challenges to the free market economy at the first onset of the Great Depression in the 1870s. It identifies that the most direct assault to the free market came from the ...
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This chapter discusses the challenges to the free market economy at the first onset of the Great Depression in the 1870s. It identifies that the most direct assault to the free market came from the direction of socialism and the New Liberal reaction against the laissez-faire doctrines of classical liberalism. It notes that the cross-party ‘national efficiency’ ideology, brought together an unlikely assortment of Tories, Liberal Imperialists, and Fabian socialists in a generalized critique of the dominant assumptions of laissez-faire. It observes that the various forms of Edwardian ‘collectivism’ were deeply divergent both in political philosophy and purpose. It explains that it was the Great War that accelerated these varied tendencies by temporarily suspending laissez-faire and government exercised central planning and state control of the transport, coal, armaments, iron and engineering industries, bulk purchase of imports, and allocation of all essential staple commodities and raw materials.Less
This chapter discusses the challenges to the free market economy at the first onset of the Great Depression in the 1870s. It identifies that the most direct assault to the free market came from the direction of socialism and the New Liberal reaction against the laissez-faire doctrines of classical liberalism. It notes that the cross-party ‘national efficiency’ ideology, brought together an unlikely assortment of Tories, Liberal Imperialists, and Fabian socialists in a generalized critique of the dominant assumptions of laissez-faire. It observes that the various forms of Edwardian ‘collectivism’ were deeply divergent both in political philosophy and purpose. It explains that it was the Great War that accelerated these varied tendencies by temporarily suspending laissez-faire and government exercised central planning and state control of the transport, coal, armaments, iron and engineering industries, bulk purchase of imports, and allocation of all essential staple commodities and raw materials.
John Wolffe
- Published in print:
- 1991
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780198201991
- eISBN:
- 9780191675119
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198201991.003.0003
- Subject:
- History, British and Irish Modern History, History of Religion
This chapter examines the relationship between Protestantism and political conservatism in Great Britain during the period from 1829 to 1841. It explains that Protestantism was given a political life ...
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This chapter examines the relationship between Protestantism and political conservatism in Great Britain during the period from 1829 to 1841. It explains that Protestantism was given a political life by the Ultra-Tories who were struggling to come to terms with an era where Catholics could play full part in political life and by the Anglican Evangelicals who realized that their religiously based concern to maintain Reformation principles had inescapable political implications. Ireland played a crucial role in both these movements.Less
This chapter examines the relationship between Protestantism and political conservatism in Great Britain during the period from 1829 to 1841. It explains that Protestantism was given a political life by the Ultra-Tories who were struggling to come to terms with an era where Catholics could play full part in political life and by the Anglican Evangelicals who realized that their religiously based concern to maintain Reformation principles had inescapable political implications. Ireland played a crucial role in both these movements.
Glanmor Williams
- Published in print:
- 1993
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780192852786
- eISBN:
- 9780191670565
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780192852786.003.0008
- Subject:
- History, British and Irish Early Modern History
This chapter describes the political incorporation of England and Wales which granted the Welsh full privileges of English citizenship and untold economic blessings. It also discusses the changes and ...
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This chapter describes the political incorporation of England and Wales which granted the Welsh full privileges of English citizenship and untold economic blessings. It also discusses the changes and conflicts in politics during the period 1727 to 1740s. First, in spite of the largely personal political rivalries, the Whig interest gained ground in Wales. The second major change was the final collapse of Jacobitism. Although the proscription of the Tories after 1714 robbed them from dispensing local patronage, they remained a highly disciplined and durable force in Welsh politics. A third significant change was the growing and bitter resentment felt by independent country gentlemen and freeholders roused by the arbitrary power gained and exercised by absentee landed Titans. Finally, it further discusses the political reform brought about by the American Revolution.Less
This chapter describes the political incorporation of England and Wales which granted the Welsh full privileges of English citizenship and untold economic blessings. It also discusses the changes and conflicts in politics during the period 1727 to 1740s. First, in spite of the largely personal political rivalries, the Whig interest gained ground in Wales. The second major change was the final collapse of Jacobitism. Although the proscription of the Tories after 1714 robbed them from dispensing local patronage, they remained a highly disciplined and durable force in Welsh politics. A third significant change was the growing and bitter resentment felt by independent country gentlemen and freeholders roused by the arbitrary power gained and exercised by absentee landed Titans. Finally, it further discusses the political reform brought about by the American Revolution.
Andrew Thorpe
- Published in print:
- 1991
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780198202189
- eISBN:
- 9780191675195
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198202189.003.0011
- Subject:
- History, British and Irish Modern History
The election campaign of 1931 has long been regarded as, at best, a rather unfortunate and distasteful affair in British politics. For years, Labourites in particular felt they had been cheated but ...
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The election campaign of 1931 has long been regarded as, at best, a rather unfortunate and distasteful affair in British politics. For years, Labourites in particular felt they had been cheated but non-Labour notables also subscribed to this view. Philip Snowden, resigning from the Cabinet in 1932, was adamant in retrospect that the election had been a Tory tariff ramp, and this idea has found implied acceptance among some historians. An extensive survey of the campaign, with special reference to the contents of the election addresses issued by the main parties' candidates, however, shows that the Labour Party was beaten fairly and squarely, that the use of ‘dirty tricks’ was not the monopoly of any party, and that the National victory was largely, though not exclusively, a victory for the Conservative Party. Their claim that it provided a mandate for tariffs is also largely borne out because the Tories were frank about their protectionism because they believed it to be a vote-catcher.Less
The election campaign of 1931 has long been regarded as, at best, a rather unfortunate and distasteful affair in British politics. For years, Labourites in particular felt they had been cheated but non-Labour notables also subscribed to this view. Philip Snowden, resigning from the Cabinet in 1932, was adamant in retrospect that the election had been a Tory tariff ramp, and this idea has found implied acceptance among some historians. An extensive survey of the campaign, with special reference to the contents of the election addresses issued by the main parties' candidates, however, shows that the Labour Party was beaten fairly and squarely, that the use of ‘dirty tricks’ was not the monopoly of any party, and that the National victory was largely, though not exclusively, a victory for the Conservative Party. Their claim that it provided a mandate for tariffs is also largely borne out because the Tories were frank about their protectionism because they believed it to be a vote-catcher.
Andrew Thorpe
- Published in print:
- 1991
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780198202189
- eISBN:
- 9780191675195
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198202189.003.0003
- Subject:
- History, British and Irish Modern History
The period 1929 to 1931 was the longest time the Conservative Party spent out of office between 1915 and 1945. It was not altogether surprising, therefore, that it saw the Tories in considerable ...
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The period 1929 to 1931 was the longest time the Conservative Party spent out of office between 1915 and 1945. It was not altogether surprising, therefore, that it saw the Tories in considerable difficulties. What was perhaps more remarkable was the speed of their recovery. In the aftermath of the 1929 election, the party had faced problems of leadership, policy, organisation, and political impotence. By July 1931, it had an attractive and secure leadership, a seemingly vote-winning policy promising, if not to cure the slump, then at least to maximise Britain's prosperity within the context of world depression, and also an excellent organisation. The Labour Party and the Liberal Party possessed none of these by mid-1931. Amid great dramas, a quiet revolution had been staged.Less
The period 1929 to 1931 was the longest time the Conservative Party spent out of office between 1915 and 1945. It was not altogether surprising, therefore, that it saw the Tories in considerable difficulties. What was perhaps more remarkable was the speed of their recovery. In the aftermath of the 1929 election, the party had faced problems of leadership, policy, organisation, and political impotence. By July 1931, it had an attractive and secure leadership, a seemingly vote-winning policy promising, if not to cure the slump, then at least to maximise Britain's prosperity within the context of world depression, and also an excellent organisation. The Labour Party and the Liberal Party possessed none of these by mid-1931. Amid great dramas, a quiet revolution had been staged.
F. Rosen
- Published in print:
- 1992
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780198200789
- eISBN:
- 9780191674778
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198200789.003.0011
- Subject:
- History, British and Irish Modern History, History of Ideas
Philhellenism was influenced by the ideological division between Whigs and Tories which strongly influenced the pattern of support generally in Britain for the struggle for Greek independence. This ...
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Philhellenism was influenced by the ideological division between Whigs and Tories which strongly influenced the pattern of support generally in Britain for the struggle for Greek independence. This chapter shows that Tory opposition to active support for Greece has had a decisive effect in curbing the growth of philhellenism in the period from the uprising in March 1821 until the founding of the London Greek Committee two years later. In a curious way, the nature of this opposition largely ensured that the issue would become a partisan one that was reflected in the composition of the Committee itself as consisting largely of Whigs and radical reformers. Nevertheless, contrary to numerous commentators who have seen the Committee as somehow ignoring if not betraying philhellenism in representing a narrow ideological position, this chapter argues that it was largely successful because it drew on broad philhellenic sympathy that existed throughout Britain.Less
Philhellenism was influenced by the ideological division between Whigs and Tories which strongly influenced the pattern of support generally in Britain for the struggle for Greek independence. This chapter shows that Tory opposition to active support for Greece has had a decisive effect in curbing the growth of philhellenism in the period from the uprising in March 1821 until the founding of the London Greek Committee two years later. In a curious way, the nature of this opposition largely ensured that the issue would become a partisan one that was reflected in the composition of the Committee itself as consisting largely of Whigs and radical reformers. Nevertheless, contrary to numerous commentators who have seen the Committee as somehow ignoring if not betraying philhellenism in representing a narrow ideological position, this chapter argues that it was largely successful because it drew on broad philhellenic sympathy that existed throughout Britain.
