Maximillian E. Novak
- Published in print:
- 2003
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780199261543
- eISBN:
- 9780191698743
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199261543.003.0027
- Subject:
- Literature, 18th-century Literature
Daniel Defoe did not publish many pamphlets during the years 1708 and 1709. Toward the end of 1709, Defoe devoted a number of issues to concepts of freedom of the press and to a new bill concerning ...
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Daniel Defoe did not publish many pamphlets during the years 1708 and 1709. Toward the end of 1709, Defoe devoted a number of issues to concepts of freedom of the press and to a new bill concerning the rights of authors which was going through Parliament. His chief job while in Scotland was defending the Union, particularly against charges in England that the Church of Scotland was persecuting the Episcopalian ministers in Scotland. He regarded these charges as inspired by the Jacobites and launched an attack upon James Greensheils, whom Defoe thought had not been properly ordained and had been thus rightfully prevented from preaching by the Church of Scotland. In some ways the narrative method of The History of the Union, with its glances backward, its dramatic plot, its focus on details and vivid scenes, and its repetitions, bore considerable resemblance to the kind of fiction Defoe would eventually write.Less
Daniel Defoe did not publish many pamphlets during the years 1708 and 1709. Toward the end of 1709, Defoe devoted a number of issues to concepts of freedom of the press and to a new bill concerning the rights of authors which was going through Parliament. His chief job while in Scotland was defending the Union, particularly against charges in England that the Church of Scotland was persecuting the Episcopalian ministers in Scotland. He regarded these charges as inspired by the Jacobites and launched an attack upon James Greensheils, whom Defoe thought had not been properly ordained and had been thus rightfully prevented from preaching by the Church of Scotland. In some ways the narrative method of The History of the Union, with its glances backward, its dramatic plot, its focus on details and vivid scenes, and its repetitions, bore considerable resemblance to the kind of fiction Defoe would eventually write.
Brendan O’Leary
- Published in print:
- 2019
- Published Online:
- June 2019
- ISBN:
- 9780199243341
- eISBN:
- 9780191863462
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/oso/9780199243341.003.0004
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
This chapter examines Ireland’s political experience during the first half of the Union. Among the subjects surveyed are the long delay in Catholic emancipation, the continuation of administrative ...
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This chapter examines Ireland’s political experience during the first half of the Union. Among the subjects surveyed are the long delay in Catholic emancipation, the continuation of administrative colonialism, and the emergence of fiscal dependence and highly uneven economic development that culminated in the Great Famine. The latter’s significance is assessed. The author argues that, just as manslaughter should be distinguished from homicide, so “geno-slaughter” better accounts for what occurred than genocide. The limitations of efforts to make Ireland British are assessed, and the development of state–church relations critically evaluated. Protestant Ulster’s resistance to O’Connell’s movement for Repeal of the Union is assessed, as is the return of Presbyterians toward a pan-Protestant coalition against reenergized Irish Catholicism.Less
This chapter examines Ireland’s political experience during the first half of the Union. Among the subjects surveyed are the long delay in Catholic emancipation, the continuation of administrative colonialism, and the emergence of fiscal dependence and highly uneven economic development that culminated in the Great Famine. The latter’s significance is assessed. The author argues that, just as manslaughter should be distinguished from homicide, so “geno-slaughter” better accounts for what occurred than genocide. The limitations of efforts to make Ireland British are assessed, and the development of state–church relations critically evaluated. Protestant Ulster’s resistance to O’Connell’s movement for Repeal of the Union is assessed, as is the return of Presbyterians toward a pan-Protestant coalition against reenergized Irish Catholicism.
Randall M. Miller (ed.)
- Published in print:
- 2012
- Published Online:
- January 2013
- ISBN:
- 9780823243440
- eISBN:
- 9780823243488
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Fordham University Press
- DOI:
- 10.5422/fordham/9780823243440.001.0001
- Subject:
- History, American History: 19th Century
This book of original essays on “Lincoln and Leadership,” by leading Lincoln and Civil War scholars, explores Lincoln’s understandings and uses of leadership during the Civil War. The essays focus ...
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This book of original essays on “Lincoln and Leadership,” by leading Lincoln and Civil War scholars, explores Lincoln’s understandings and uses of leadership during the Civil War. The essays focus especially on Lincoln as Commander in Chief and war president, as party leader, and as moral guide by looking at his talents and practices in decision-making in critical moments of his presidency. They assess the myths of Lincoln by examining his ability to understand and direct military strategy, communicate with military men, shape public opinion, manage party affairs, move himself and the nation toward emancipation as policy and then as fact, accept the use of black troops, grapple with the moral and religious meaning of the war, empathize with the sufferings of his people, and explain the purpose of the war to the nation and posterity. They emphasize Lincoln’s ability to establish priorities, most especially the preservation of the Union and democratic government at all costs and the realization of the promise of freedom embodied in the Declaration of Independence, which gave Lincoln a unity of purpose and clarity that informed and emboldened his leadership, while they also show Lincoln’s flexibility as to means, which gave Lincoln the flexibility to adapt to changing circumstances, deal with contending interests, and gain support for his policies.Less
This book of original essays on “Lincoln and Leadership,” by leading Lincoln and Civil War scholars, explores Lincoln’s understandings and uses of leadership during the Civil War. The essays focus especially on Lincoln as Commander in Chief and war president, as party leader, and as moral guide by looking at his talents and practices in decision-making in critical moments of his presidency. They assess the myths of Lincoln by examining his ability to understand and direct military strategy, communicate with military men, shape public opinion, manage party affairs, move himself and the nation toward emancipation as policy and then as fact, accept the use of black troops, grapple with the moral and religious meaning of the war, empathize with the sufferings of his people, and explain the purpose of the war to the nation and posterity. They emphasize Lincoln’s ability to establish priorities, most especially the preservation of the Union and democratic government at all costs and the realization of the promise of freedom embodied in the Declaration of Independence, which gave Lincoln a unity of purpose and clarity that informed and emboldened his leadership, while they also show Lincoln’s flexibility as to means, which gave Lincoln the flexibility to adapt to changing circumstances, deal with contending interests, and gain support for his policies.
Michael Kenny
- Published in print:
- 2014
- Published Online:
- April 2014
- ISBN:
- 9780199608614
- eISBN:
- 9780191775208
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199608614.001.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, UK Politics
This volume supplies a comprehensive overview of evidence and arguments relating to the revival of Englishness, and explores its political ramifications and dimensions. It examines the difficulties ...
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This volume supplies a comprehensive overview of evidence and arguments relating to the revival of Englishness, and explores its political ramifications and dimensions. It examines the difficulties which the major political parties have encountered in dealing with ‘the English question’ against the backdrop of the diminishing hold of established ideas of British government and Britishness in the final years of the last century. And it explores a range of factors-including insecurities generated by economic change, Euroscepticism, and a growing sense of cultural anxiety-which created the conditions for a renewal of English nationhood. The book provides a powerful challenge to the two established orthodoxies in this area. These either maintain that the English are dispositionally unable to assert their own nationhood outside the framework of the British state, or point to the supposed resurgence of a resentful and reactive sense of English nationalism. This volume instead demonstrates that a renewed, resonant, and internally divided sense of English nationhood is apparent, and reaches across the lines of class, while also refracting some of the divides associated with them. It characterizes several distinct and competing visions of the English nation in this period, contrasting the appearance of populist and resentful forms of English nationalism with an embedded and deeply rooted sense of conservative Englishness and attempts to reconstruct a more liberal and civic idea of a multicultural England. The book gives particular emphasis to the cultural aspects of the renewal of Englishness and the limited and tentative manner in which politicians and policy-makers have, as yet, engaged with this trend.Less
This volume supplies a comprehensive overview of evidence and arguments relating to the revival of Englishness, and explores its political ramifications and dimensions. It examines the difficulties which the major political parties have encountered in dealing with ‘the English question’ against the backdrop of the diminishing hold of established ideas of British government and Britishness in the final years of the last century. And it explores a range of factors-including insecurities generated by economic change, Euroscepticism, and a growing sense of cultural anxiety-which created the conditions for a renewal of English nationhood. The book provides a powerful challenge to the two established orthodoxies in this area. These either maintain that the English are dispositionally unable to assert their own nationhood outside the framework of the British state, or point to the supposed resurgence of a resentful and reactive sense of English nationalism. This volume instead demonstrates that a renewed, resonant, and internally divided sense of English nationhood is apparent, and reaches across the lines of class, while also refracting some of the divides associated with them. It characterizes several distinct and competing visions of the English nation in this period, contrasting the appearance of populist and resentful forms of English nationalism with an embedded and deeply rooted sense of conservative Englishness and attempts to reconstruct a more liberal and civic idea of a multicultural England. The book gives particular emphasis to the cultural aspects of the renewal of Englishness and the limited and tentative manner in which politicians and policy-makers have, as yet, engaged with this trend.
Arie Reich and Hans-W. Micklitz (eds)
- Published in print:
- 2020
- Published Online:
- November 2020
- ISBN:
- 9780198855934
- eISBN:
- 9780191889554
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/oso/9780198855934.001.0001
- Subject:
- Law, EU Law
This book explores the impact of the judgments of the Court of Justice of the European Union (CJEU) outside the borders of the EU on the legal systems of countries in the European neighbourhood. ...
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This book explores the impact of the judgments of the Court of Justice of the European Union (CJEU) outside the borders of the EU on the legal systems of countries in the European neighbourhood. Considering that ‘export’ of some of the acquis communautaire to neighbouring countries appears to be an EU policy objective, and that legal approximation provisions are included in all of the EU’s agreements with these countries, one must ask whether this objective applies also to EU case law, or only to written laws and regulations. If actual harmonization of rules and standards is desired, the rules must be interpreted and implemented similarly to how this is done in the EU. And where CJEU judgments are cited and followed in neighbouring countries, what are the factors bringing about such influence? Is it a result of these international obligations of legal approximation, or are other, more unilateral and spontaneous modes of influence of CJEU judgments at work, such as territorial extension or the ‘Brussels Effect’? We have brought together scholars from the countries involved who have each explored, documented, and analysed the extent of citing of CJEU judgments in their respective country and assessed what influence such judgments have had on their legal systems. The contributions cover the legal systems of Armenia, Azerbaijan, Georgia, Israel, Jordan, Russia, Switzerland, Tunisia, Turkey, and Ukraine, and also the Eurasian Economic Union. There are also chapters on the modes of external influence of the CJEU, and on how the CJEU uses external sources.Less
This book explores the impact of the judgments of the Court of Justice of the European Union (CJEU) outside the borders of the EU on the legal systems of countries in the European neighbourhood. Considering that ‘export’ of some of the acquis communautaire to neighbouring countries appears to be an EU policy objective, and that legal approximation provisions are included in all of the EU’s agreements with these countries, one must ask whether this objective applies also to EU case law, or only to written laws and regulations. If actual harmonization of rules and standards is desired, the rules must be interpreted and implemented similarly to how this is done in the EU. And where CJEU judgments are cited and followed in neighbouring countries, what are the factors bringing about such influence? Is it a result of these international obligations of legal approximation, or are other, more unilateral and spontaneous modes of influence of CJEU judgments at work, such as territorial extension or the ‘Brussels Effect’? We have brought together scholars from the countries involved who have each explored, documented, and analysed the extent of citing of CJEU judgments in their respective country and assessed what influence such judgments have had on their legal systems. The contributions cover the legal systems of Armenia, Azerbaijan, Georgia, Israel, Jordan, Russia, Switzerland, Tunisia, Turkey, and Ukraine, and also the Eurasian Economic Union. There are also chapters on the modes of external influence of the CJEU, and on how the CJEU uses external sources.
Ilaria Vianello
- Published in print:
- 2018
- Published Online:
- March 2021
- ISBN:
- 9780198787433
- eISBN:
- 9780191927799
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/oso/9780198787433.003.0003
- Subject:
- Law, EU Law
The European Union officially launched the European Neighbourhood Policy (ENP) in 2003, even if its roots can be traced back to 1997 when the central eastern European enlargement began to gather ...
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The European Union officially launched the European Neighbourhood Policy (ENP) in 2003, even if its roots can be traced back to 1997 when the central eastern European enlargement began to gather momentum. Arguably, the policy goes back even further to the EU’s response to the break-up of the former Soviet Union in the early 1990s. At that time, the EU started negotiating the partnership and cooperation agreements with the newly independent states and launched the Barcelona Process with Mediterranean countries in 1995. The Commission dealt separately with the different groups of neighbours (the Eastern and the Southern) until 2002 when, in a strategy paper, it specifically identified the need to establish a new, more coherent approach for all countries concerned. A Commission communication on the new ‘Wider Europe’ policy was published in 2003 and was endorsed by the Council in Thessaloniki in the same year.
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The European Union officially launched the European Neighbourhood Policy (ENP) in 2003, even if its roots can be traced back to 1997 when the central eastern European enlargement began to gather momentum. Arguably, the policy goes back even further to the EU’s response to the break-up of the former Soviet Union in the early 1990s. At that time, the EU started negotiating the partnership and cooperation agreements with the newly independent states and launched the Barcelona Process with Mediterranean countries in 1995. The Commission dealt separately with the different groups of neighbours (the Eastern and the Southern) until 2002 when, in a strategy paper, it specifically identified the need to establish a new, more coherent approach for all countries concerned. A Commission communication on the new ‘Wider Europe’ policy was published in 2003 and was endorsed by the Council in Thessaloniki in the same year.
Jens-Peter Schneider
- Published in print:
- 2018
- Published Online:
- March 2021
- ISBN:
- 9780198787433
- eISBN:
- 9780191927799
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/oso/9780198787433.003.0014
- Subject:
- Law, EU Law
The European Union has established a growing and increasingly complex legal framework for production, trade and consumption of energy during the last decades. In the beginning, the former European ...
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The European Union has established a growing and increasingly complex legal framework for production, trade and consumption of energy during the last decades. In the beginning, the former European Communities played only a very limited role, as energy policy fell mainly into the competences of the Member States. Neither the Treaty on the European Community for Coal and Steel (1951) nor the EURATOM-Treaty (1957) limited the national competences to regulate the national energy mix or the structure of energy industries. A remnant of this former primacy of national competencies can be found in Article 192(2) TFEU.
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The European Union has established a growing and increasingly complex legal framework for production, trade and consumption of energy during the last decades. In the beginning, the former European Communities played only a very limited role, as energy policy fell mainly into the competences of the Member States. Neither the Treaty on the European Community for Coal and Steel (1951) nor the EURATOM-Treaty (1957) limited the national competences to regulate the national energy mix or the structure of energy industries. A remnant of this former primacy of national competencies can be found in Article 192(2) TFEU.
Jameel Hampton
- Published in print:
- 2016
- Published Online:
- January 2017
- ISBN:
- 9781447316428
- eISBN:
- 9781447316442
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Policy Press
- DOI:
- 10.1332/policypress/9781447316428.003.0007
- Subject:
- Social Work, Social Policy
The epilogue examines how disabled people and groups dealt with the failures of the Chronically Sick and Disabled Persons Act, as well as the cash benefits discussed in chapter five. The welfare ...
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The epilogue examines how disabled people and groups dealt with the failures of the Chronically Sick and Disabled Persons Act, as well as the cash benefits discussed in chapter five. The welfare rights emphasis of the later 1970s questioned the idea of disabled people’s right to statutory provision as that of citizenship. Welfare for disabled people began to be viewed as a human right and disabled people began to self-identify as a minority group seeking more inclusion. The Union of Physically Impaired People Against Segregation, the precursor to the Disabled People’s Movement, focused on the attainment of independent living and exploring the social model of disability, partly through the idea that poverty was the manifestation, not the cause, of a greater discrimination against disabled people. Groups of disabled people became more unified and powerful with the formation of the British Council of Organisations of Disabled People in 1981.Less
The epilogue examines how disabled people and groups dealt with the failures of the Chronically Sick and Disabled Persons Act, as well as the cash benefits discussed in chapter five. The welfare rights emphasis of the later 1970s questioned the idea of disabled people’s right to statutory provision as that of citizenship. Welfare for disabled people began to be viewed as a human right and disabled people began to self-identify as a minority group seeking more inclusion. The Union of Physically Impaired People Against Segregation, the precursor to the Disabled People’s Movement, focused on the attainment of independent living and exploring the social model of disability, partly through the idea that poverty was the manifestation, not the cause, of a greater discrimination against disabled people. Groups of disabled people became more unified and powerful with the formation of the British Council of Organisations of Disabled People in 1981.
Matt Qvortrup
- Published in print:
- 2013
- Published Online:
- January 2014
- ISBN:
- 9780719082061
- eISBN:
- 9781781706084
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Manchester University Press
- DOI:
- 10.7228/manchester/9780719082061.003.0006
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics
Using the example of the European Union, the chapter analyses referendums on European Integration and finds that voters, by and large, are informed about the issues and that the outcomes of ...
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Using the example of the European Union, the chapter analyses referendums on European Integration and finds that voters, by and large, are informed about the issues and that the outcomes of referendums on the subject reflect the preferences of the votersLess
Using the example of the European Union, the chapter analyses referendums on European Integration and finds that voters, by and large, are informed about the issues and that the outcomes of referendums on the subject reflect the preferences of the voters
