Robert M. Page
- Published in print:
- 2011
- Published Online:
- March 2012
- ISBN:
- 9781847424334
- eISBN:
- 9781447303718
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Policy Press
- DOI:
- 10.1332/policypress/9781847424334.003.0002
- Subject:
- Social Work, Social Policy
This chapter addresses the longer-term development of Conservative Party thinking. Attention is focused first on the emergence and development of modern One Nation Conservatism from the end of the ...
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This chapter addresses the longer-term development of Conservative Party thinking. Attention is focused first on the emergence and development of modern One Nation Conservatism from the end of the war until the demise of the Douglas-Home government in 1964. Second, attention is given to the neo-liberal turn in the Conservative approach to the welfare state, which surfaced briefly in the early years of the Ted Heath's government and came to fruition during the Margaret Thatcher (1979–90) and John Major (1990–97) eras. Third, David Cameron's ‘progressive’ Conservative approach to social welfare is explored. There have been significant changes in Conservative approaches to the welfare state over the post-war period. It can be concluded that Conservative ‘support’ for the welfare state has waxed and waned since the Second World War, depending to some extent on the relative strength of underlying paternalist or libertarian ‘dispositions’.Less
This chapter addresses the longer-term development of Conservative Party thinking. Attention is focused first on the emergence and development of modern One Nation Conservatism from the end of the war until the demise of the Douglas-Home government in 1964. Second, attention is given to the neo-liberal turn in the Conservative approach to the welfare state, which surfaced briefly in the early years of the Ted Heath's government and came to fruition during the Margaret Thatcher (1979–90) and John Major (1990–97) eras. Third, David Cameron's ‘progressive’ Conservative approach to social welfare is explored. There have been significant changes in Conservative approaches to the welfare state over the post-war period. It can be concluded that Conservative ‘support’ for the welfare state has waxed and waned since the Second World War, depending to some extent on the relative strength of underlying paternalist or libertarian ‘dispositions’.
John Mulqueen
- Published in print:
- 2019
- Published Online:
- May 2020
- ISBN:
- 9781789620641
- eISBN:
- 9781789629453
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Discontinued
- DOI:
- 10.3828/liverpool/9781789620641.003.0005
- Subject:
- History, British and Irish Modern History
A potential espionage threat to Britain from Dublin-based Soviet agents arose as the establishment of Irish-Soviet relations became a probability. This chapter examines perceptions of the ...
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A potential espionage threat to Britain from Dublin-based Soviet agents arose as the establishment of Irish-Soviet relations became a probability. This chapter examines perceptions of the communist-influenced Official republican movement as the Troubles escalated in 1971-2, with officials expressing fears for the stability of the Dublin government – the ‘Irish Cuba’. British and American officials used a Cold War prism here. The Russians could be expected to exploit the northern crisis, the American ambassador warned, using the Official movement as their ‘natural vehicle’. Following Bloody Sunday, when British paratroopers killed thirteen unarmed civilians, the British prime minister, Ted Heath, warned Dublin that the Soviets would cause as much trouble as they could, using the Official IRA as a proxy. The Irish revolutionary left too used a Cold War lens when opposing Ireland’s membership of the European Economic Community (EEC): it would lock Ireland into a NATO-dominated bloc.Less
A potential espionage threat to Britain from Dublin-based Soviet agents arose as the establishment of Irish-Soviet relations became a probability. This chapter examines perceptions of the communist-influenced Official republican movement as the Troubles escalated in 1971-2, with officials expressing fears for the stability of the Dublin government – the ‘Irish Cuba’. British and American officials used a Cold War prism here. The Russians could be expected to exploit the northern crisis, the American ambassador warned, using the Official movement as their ‘natural vehicle’. Following Bloody Sunday, when British paratroopers killed thirteen unarmed civilians, the British prime minister, Ted Heath, warned Dublin that the Soviets would cause as much trouble as they could, using the Official IRA as a proxy. The Irish revolutionary left too used a Cold War lens when opposing Ireland’s membership of the European Economic Community (EEC): it would lock Ireland into a NATO-dominated bloc.
