Silvana Pozzebon
- Published in print:
- 2009
- Published Online:
- February 2010
- ISBN:
- 9780199573349
- eISBN:
- 9780191721946
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199573349.003.0010
- Subject:
- Business and Management, Public Management, Pensions and Pension Management
This chapter examines the context and features of occupational pension plans in the Canadian public sector and compares these with their private sector counterparts. Relative to the declining ...
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This chapter examines the context and features of occupational pension plans in the Canadian public sector and compares these with their private sector counterparts. Relative to the declining importance of registered pension plans in the private sector, pension coverage rates of public sector employees remain high and their pension plans retain traditional characteristics. Yet funding considerations have brought considerable change to public sector employee pensions. These and other challenges are discussed.Less
This chapter examines the context and features of occupational pension plans in the Canadian public sector and compares these with their private sector counterparts. Relative to the declining importance of registered pension plans in the private sector, pension coverage rates of public sector employees remain high and their pension plans retain traditional characteristics. Yet funding considerations have brought considerable change to public sector employee pensions. These and other challenges are discussed.
Keith Brainard
- Published in print:
- 2009
- Published Online:
- February 2010
- ISBN:
- 9780199573349
- eISBN:
- 9780191721946
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199573349.003.0012
- Subject:
- Business and Management, Public Management, Pensions and Pension Management
Retiree benefits for US employees of state and local governments have been traditionally paid via defined benefit (DB) plans, but this arrangement has been neither monolithic nor static. This chapter ...
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Retiree benefits for US employees of state and local governments have been traditionally paid via defined benefit (DB) plans, but this arrangement has been neither monolithic nor static. This chapter provides examples of variants on the traditional DB model and presents recent developments in retirement benefits for public employees, focusing on the incorporation of DC plan elements into or alongside DB plan structures.Less
Retiree benefits for US employees of state and local governments have been traditionally paid via defined benefit (DB) plans, but this arrangement has been neither monolithic nor static. This chapter provides examples of variants on the traditional DB model and presents recent developments in retirement benefits for public employees, focusing on the incorporation of DC plan elements into or alongside DB plan structures.
Jon Shelton
- Published in print:
- 2017
- Published Online:
- September 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780252040870
- eISBN:
- 9780252099373
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- University of Illinois Press
- DOI:
- 10.5406/illinois/9780252040870.001.0001
- Subject:
- Education, Educational Policy and Politics
Historians have sought for some time to understand why the labor-liberal coalition’s political influence declined and how the right instituted a conservative revolution in the 1970s and 80s in the ...
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Historians have sought for some time to understand why the labor-liberal coalition’s political influence declined and how the right instituted a conservative revolution in the 1970s and 80s in the US. Teacher Strike! shows that conflict over urban education was fundamental in this story. Indeed, hundreds of thousands of teachers went on strike in virtually every corner of the US in the 1960s, 70s, and 80s, and in many cases, for weeks or even months at a time. The many contentious and lengthy teacher union walkouts during this era made manifest three interlocking limitations to postwar liberalism: the failure to provide public employees full union rights, the inability to ensure that African-Americans in the nation’s largest cities enjoyed equal educational and economic opportunities, and the drastic, insoluble fiscal crises brought on by deindustrialization and economic downturn in the nation’s biggest cities. This book uses cases studies from New York City, Philadelphia, Pittsburgh, St. Louis, and Newark—all led by locals of the American Federation of Teachers (AFT)--to show both the range and depth of this phenomenon. Through this broad treatment of conflict in public education, Teacher Strike! charts the new neoliberal order that emerged from the ashes of labor liberalism and shows how critics’ linking teacher unions and the urban poor together as “unproductive” proved crucial to altering the nation’s political trajectory.Less
Historians have sought for some time to understand why the labor-liberal coalition’s political influence declined and how the right instituted a conservative revolution in the 1970s and 80s in the US. Teacher Strike! shows that conflict over urban education was fundamental in this story. Indeed, hundreds of thousands of teachers went on strike in virtually every corner of the US in the 1960s, 70s, and 80s, and in many cases, for weeks or even months at a time. The many contentious and lengthy teacher union walkouts during this era made manifest three interlocking limitations to postwar liberalism: the failure to provide public employees full union rights, the inability to ensure that African-Americans in the nation’s largest cities enjoyed equal educational and economic opportunities, and the drastic, insoluble fiscal crises brought on by deindustrialization and economic downturn in the nation’s biggest cities. This book uses cases studies from New York City, Philadelphia, Pittsburgh, St. Louis, and Newark—all led by locals of the American Federation of Teachers (AFT)--to show both the range and depth of this phenomenon. Through this broad treatment of conflict in public education, Teacher Strike! charts the new neoliberal order that emerged from the ashes of labor liberalism and shows how critics’ linking teacher unions and the urban poor together as “unproductive” proved crucial to altering the nation’s political trajectory.
Laura Tisdall
- Published in print:
- 2019
- Published Online:
- May 2020
- ISBN:
- 9781526132895
- eISBN:
- 9781526150417
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Manchester University Press
- DOI:
- 10.7765/9781526132901
- Subject:
- Education, History of Education
A Progressive Education? argues that concepts of both childhood and adolescence were transformed in English and Welsh primary and secondary modern schools between 1918 and 1979, and that, by putting ...
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A Progressive Education? argues that concepts of both childhood and adolescence were transformed in English and Welsh primary and secondary modern schools between 1918 and 1979, and that, by putting childhood at the centre of the history of education, we can challenge the stories we tell about how and why schooling itself changed. A ‘progressive’ or ‘child-centred’ education began to emerge theoretically in the United States and Western Europe from the late nineteenth century, claiming to rewrite curriculums to suit children and young people’s needs, wants and abilities. Existing work suggests that progressivism both rose and retreated in Britain in the 1960s and 1970s, when a right-wing backlash against permissive teaching and the deschooling movement led to the imposition of central state control over education. However, the child-centred pedagogies that became mainstream in English and Welsh schools after 1945 rested on a fundamentally different vision of childhood. Unlike utopian deschoolers, post-war child-centred educationalists assumed that the achievements of mass democracy and the welfare state must be carefully preserved. Children needed to be socialised by adult educators to ensure that they acquired the necessary physical, intellectual, social and emotional maturity to become full citizens. Teachers, far from enthusiastically advocating child-centred methods, perceived them as a profound challenge to their authority in the classroom, and implemented them partially and reluctantly. Child-centred education, in alliance with developmental psychology, thus promoted a much more restrictive and pessimistic image of childhood and youth as it came to dominate mainstream schooling after the Second World War.Less
A Progressive Education? argues that concepts of both childhood and adolescence were transformed in English and Welsh primary and secondary modern schools between 1918 and 1979, and that, by putting childhood at the centre of the history of education, we can challenge the stories we tell about how and why schooling itself changed. A ‘progressive’ or ‘child-centred’ education began to emerge theoretically in the United States and Western Europe from the late nineteenth century, claiming to rewrite curriculums to suit children and young people’s needs, wants and abilities. Existing work suggests that progressivism both rose and retreated in Britain in the 1960s and 1970s, when a right-wing backlash against permissive teaching and the deschooling movement led to the imposition of central state control over education. However, the child-centred pedagogies that became mainstream in English and Welsh schools after 1945 rested on a fundamentally different vision of childhood. Unlike utopian deschoolers, post-war child-centred educationalists assumed that the achievements of mass democracy and the welfare state must be carefully preserved. Children needed to be socialised by adult educators to ensure that they acquired the necessary physical, intellectual, social and emotional maturity to become full citizens. Teachers, far from enthusiastically advocating child-centred methods, perceived them as a profound challenge to their authority in the classroom, and implemented them partially and reluctantly. Child-centred education, in alliance with developmental psychology, thus promoted a much more restrictive and pessimistic image of childhood and youth as it came to dominate mainstream schooling after the Second World War.
Christopher Hilliard
- Published in print:
- 2012
- Published Online:
- September 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780199695171
- eISBN:
- 9780199949946
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199695171.003.0007
- Subject:
- Literature, Criticism/Theory, 20th-century Literature and Modernism
Chapter 6 examines two major efforts to apply the approaches of Scrutiny's cultural criticism to the post-war scene, which now included commercial television and more complex popular art forms aimed ...
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Chapter 6 examines two major efforts to apply the approaches of Scrutiny's cultural criticism to the post-war scene, which now included commercial television and more complex popular art forms aimed at young people. The Penguin volume Discrimination and Popular Culture, which was dominated by Leavis's pupils, grew out of a 1960 teachers’ conference on ‘Popular Culture and Personal Responsibility’. So too did Stuart Hall and Paddy Whannel's The Popular Arts, which adapted Scrutiny ideas and Scrutiny rhetoric to defend certain kinds of film and music as genuinely ‘popular’ and creative, distinguishing them from the rest of ‘mass civilization’. The Popular Arts was consistent with the programme of ‘cultural studies’ that Richard Hoggart outlined for the new centre at the University of Birmingham, but sociology and western Marxism quickly supplanted this ‘left-Leavisite’ version of cultural studies.Less
Chapter 6 examines two major efforts to apply the approaches of Scrutiny's cultural criticism to the post-war scene, which now included commercial television and more complex popular art forms aimed at young people. The Penguin volume Discrimination and Popular Culture, which was dominated by Leavis's pupils, grew out of a 1960 teachers’ conference on ‘Popular Culture and Personal Responsibility’. So too did Stuart Hall and Paddy Whannel's The Popular Arts, which adapted Scrutiny ideas and Scrutiny rhetoric to defend certain kinds of film and music as genuinely ‘popular’ and creative, distinguishing them from the rest of ‘mass civilization’. The Popular Arts was consistent with the programme of ‘cultural studies’ that Richard Hoggart outlined for the new centre at the University of Birmingham, but sociology and western Marxism quickly supplanted this ‘left-Leavisite’ version of cultural studies.
T. M. Charles-Edwards
- Published in print:
- 2012
- Published Online:
- January 2013
- ISBN:
- 9780198217312
- eISBN:
- 9780191744778
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198217312.003.0020
- Subject:
- History, British and Irish Medieval History
Latin learning was mainly sustained in Wales by the firm expectation that a church community should have a teacher as one of its office‐holders. After c. 700 such teachers had to instruct monolingual ...
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Latin learning was mainly sustained in Wales by the firm expectation that a church community should have a teacher as one of its office‐holders. After c. 700 such teachers had to instruct monolingual British‐speakers in Latin, and thus Latin grammars and word‐lists were essential. The performance of the liturgy and knowledge of the Bible and the Fathers depended upon the effectiveness of such teachers. Epigraphic evidence confirms that British Latin had died as a spoken language but also shows that the teaching of Latin provided by the major churches was very uneven. The evidence of the few surviving books written in Wales in the period shows that the scripts used long remained the same as those employed in Ireland and, to a lesser extent, in England. They also show the continuing intellectual links between Wales, Cornwall, and Brittany, and between all these British territories and Ireland.Less
Latin learning was mainly sustained in Wales by the firm expectation that a church community should have a teacher as one of its office‐holders. After c. 700 such teachers had to instruct monolingual British‐speakers in Latin, and thus Latin grammars and word‐lists were essential. The performance of the liturgy and knowledge of the Bible and the Fathers depended upon the effectiveness of such teachers. Epigraphic evidence confirms that British Latin had died as a spoken language but also shows that the teaching of Latin provided by the major churches was very uneven. The evidence of the few surviving books written in Wales in the period shows that the scripts used long remained the same as those employed in Ireland and, to a lesser extent, in England. They also show the continuing intellectual links between Wales, Cornwall, and Brittany, and between all these British territories and Ireland.
- Published in print:
- 2012
- Published Online:
- February 2013
- ISBN:
- 9780226660714
- eISBN:
- 9780226660738
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University of Chicago Press
- DOI:
- 10.7208/chicago/9780226660738.003.0001
- Subject:
- Education, Educational Policy and Politics
It is essential to understand the connection between teacher professionalism and civil rights to grasp fully the what is central to the No Child Left Behind (NCLB) legislation that not only has an ...
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It is essential to understand the connection between teacher professionalism and civil rights to grasp fully the what is central to the No Child Left Behind (NCLB) legislation that not only has an impact on the shape of public education in the United States, but also has influenced federal government intervention in public education since 1960. This book looks at the historical relationship between two social movements and these are studied separately, that is, the struggle of teachers for professional agency and the curiosity for an equal education by black Americans. The Teachers Guild and the United Federation of Teachers (UFT) developed a strategy towards that which was focused on insulating teachers from the demands of civil rights. This book thus, attempts to examine the union agendas formed by leaders and the ways in which teachers influence these agendas.Less
It is essential to understand the connection between teacher professionalism and civil rights to grasp fully the what is central to the No Child Left Behind (NCLB) legislation that not only has an impact on the shape of public education in the United States, but also has influenced federal government intervention in public education since 1960. This book looks at the historical relationship between two social movements and these are studied separately, that is, the struggle of teachers for professional agency and the curiosity for an equal education by black Americans. The Teachers Guild and the United Federation of Teachers (UFT) developed a strategy towards that which was focused on insulating teachers from the demands of civil rights. This book thus, attempts to examine the union agendas formed by leaders and the ways in which teachers influence these agendas.
- Published in print:
- 2012
- Published Online:
- February 2013
- ISBN:
- 9780226660714
- eISBN:
- 9780226660738
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University of Chicago Press
- DOI:
- 10.7208/chicago/9780226660738.003.0002
- Subject:
- Education, Educational Policy and Politics
This chapter describes the start of the black civil rights movement for equal education in Harlem, which had a significant impact on teacher unionism. It is observed that in the 1930s both the ...
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This chapter describes the start of the black civil rights movement for equal education in Harlem, which had a significant impact on teacher unionism. It is observed that in the 1930s both the teacher unions and black civil rights movement took a new form in terms of political context. The riot of 1935 in Harlem and the formation of organization of parents and activists led the unionists to respond to new social and political causes. This chapter signifies that race politics was central to the competing political ideologies that resulted from the 1935 split of the Teachers Union into the communist Teachers Union and the socialist Teachers Guild. Thus, by World War II, both unions had a position in the schools of Harlem that were linked to the views about teachers, political action, and building “a new social order” by the schools.Less
This chapter describes the start of the black civil rights movement for equal education in Harlem, which had a significant impact on teacher unionism. It is observed that in the 1930s both the teacher unions and black civil rights movement took a new form in terms of political context. The riot of 1935 in Harlem and the formation of organization of parents and activists led the unionists to respond to new social and political causes. This chapter signifies that race politics was central to the competing political ideologies that resulted from the 1935 split of the Teachers Union into the communist Teachers Union and the socialist Teachers Guild. Thus, by World War II, both unions had a position in the schools of Harlem that were linked to the views about teachers, political action, and building “a new social order” by the schools.
- Published in print:
- 2012
- Published Online:
- February 2013
- ISBN:
- 9780226660714
- eISBN:
- 9780226660738
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University of Chicago Press
- DOI:
- 10.7208/chicago/9780226660738.003.0003
- Subject:
- Education, Educational Policy and Politics
This chapter explains the start of the race progress efforts of teachers in 1942 and the ways in which other union policies regarding schools and race were influenced by these efforts. The aftermarth ...
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This chapter explains the start of the race progress efforts of teachers in 1942 and the ways in which other union policies regarding schools and race were influenced by these efforts. The aftermarth of World War II pressurized city teachers into making efforts to address racism in schools. Bibliographies and other materials for teaching black history were created by the Teachers Union and it also petitioned for a black resident to be appointed to the Board of Education. The Teachers Guild emphasized the need for an improvement of vocational education for black students. Both unions developed relationships with Harlem organizations to press the Board of Education to reduce class sizes, hire more teachers, and adopt plans to integrate Harlem schools. The teachers considered their job quality or job satisfaction to be in conflict with teaching minority students.Less
This chapter explains the start of the race progress efforts of teachers in 1942 and the ways in which other union policies regarding schools and race were influenced by these efforts. The aftermarth of World War II pressurized city teachers into making efforts to address racism in schools. Bibliographies and other materials for teaching black history were created by the Teachers Union and it also petitioned for a black resident to be appointed to the Board of Education. The Teachers Guild emphasized the need for an improvement of vocational education for black students. Both unions developed relationships with Harlem organizations to press the Board of Education to reduce class sizes, hire more teachers, and adopt plans to integrate Harlem schools. The teachers considered their job quality or job satisfaction to be in conflict with teaching minority students.
- Published in print:
- 2012
- Published Online:
- February 2013
- ISBN:
- 9780226660714
- eISBN:
- 9780226660738
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University of Chicago Press
- DOI:
- 10.7208/chicago/9780226660738.003.0005
- Subject:
- Education, Educational Policy and Politics
This chapter elaborates upon the simultaneous changes in unionists' conceptions of teachers' rights and black New Yorkers' strategies to improve their neighborhood schools. This culminated in the ...
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This chapter elaborates upon the simultaneous changes in unionists' conceptions of teachers' rights and black New Yorkers' strategies to improve their neighborhood schools. This culminated in the 1968 Ocean Hill-Brownsville strikes. The members of the Teachers Union in 1963 voted to join the United Federation of Teachers (UFT) because during the immediate post-cold war era their marginalized position left them without influence of their own. The downfall of a radical union in which teachers could fight for race progress serves as an especially powerful indicator of teachers' relationship to the civil rights movement at a time when the movement was most visible and powerful. The black parents and activists being tired of broken premises of integration fought for greater community control over who taught and what was taught in minority schools. The relations between teachers and the minority communities they served were irreparably damaged by 1970.Less
This chapter elaborates upon the simultaneous changes in unionists' conceptions of teachers' rights and black New Yorkers' strategies to improve their neighborhood schools. This culminated in the 1968 Ocean Hill-Brownsville strikes. The members of the Teachers Union in 1963 voted to join the United Federation of Teachers (UFT) because during the immediate post-cold war era their marginalized position left them without influence of their own. The downfall of a radical union in which teachers could fight for race progress serves as an especially powerful indicator of teachers' relationship to the civil rights movement at a time when the movement was most visible and powerful. The black parents and activists being tired of broken premises of integration fought for greater community control over who taught and what was taught in minority schools. The relations between teachers and the minority communities they served were irreparably damaged by 1970.
Steve Swayne
- Published in print:
- 2011
- Published Online:
- May 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780195388527
- eISBN:
- 9780199894345
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195388527.003.0007
- Subject:
- Music, History, American, History, Western
Schuman's private studies with Charles Haubiel (1932–34) and his public classes at the Juilliard Summer School (1932), Teachers College (1933–37), and the Salzburg Mozarteum (summer 1935) work ...
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Schuman's private studies with Charles Haubiel (1932–34) and his public classes at the Juilliard Summer School (1932), Teachers College (1933–37), and the Salzburg Mozarteum (summer 1935) work together to provide Schuman most of the skills he would draw upon as a young composer. Along with some juvenilia that he would leave unperformed and unpublished, the chapter explores his first major performances of his music, with the October 1936 premiere of his First Symphony and First Quartet capping his journeyman years. A prescient observation from one of his professors at Teachers College both describes these early works as well as Schuman's working habits as a composer.Less
Schuman's private studies with Charles Haubiel (1932–34) and his public classes at the Juilliard Summer School (1932), Teachers College (1933–37), and the Salzburg Mozarteum (summer 1935) work together to provide Schuman most of the skills he would draw upon as a young composer. Along with some juvenilia that he would leave unperformed and unpublished, the chapter explores his first major performances of his music, with the October 1936 premiere of his First Symphony and First Quartet capping his journeyman years. A prescient observation from one of his professors at Teachers College both describes these early works as well as Schuman's working habits as a composer.
Jon Shelton
- Published in print:
- 2017
- Published Online:
- September 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780252040870
- eISBN:
- 9780252099373
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University of Illinois Press
- DOI:
- 10.5406/illinois/9780252040870.003.0003
- Subject:
- Education, Educational Policy and Politics
This chapter chronicles the growing conflict between the Black Power movement—an extension of the civil rights movement seeking the formation of black political and community institutions—and ...
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This chapter chronicles the growing conflict between the Black Power movement—an extension of the civil rights movement seeking the formation of black political and community institutions—and unionized public employees in the late 1960s and early 1970s. Beginning with the United Federation of Teachers strike in 1968 over community control in Ocean Hill-Brownsville (New York City), the chapter also shows how two teacher strikes in Newark (1970, 1971) drove apart the Black community and a majority white teacher union. A close examination of letters to the imprisoned President of the American Federation of Teachers shows that critics of both urban black populations and unionized teachers had begun to link the two groups together as “unproductive” threats to law and order and economic prosperity.Less
This chapter chronicles the growing conflict between the Black Power movement—an extension of the civil rights movement seeking the formation of black political and community institutions—and unionized public employees in the late 1960s and early 1970s. Beginning with the United Federation of Teachers strike in 1968 over community control in Ocean Hill-Brownsville (New York City), the chapter also shows how two teacher strikes in Newark (1970, 1971) drove apart the Black community and a majority white teacher union. A close examination of letters to the imprisoned President of the American Federation of Teachers shows that critics of both urban black populations and unionized teachers had begun to link the two groups together as “unproductive” threats to law and order and economic prosperity.
Clarence Taylor
- Published in print:
- 2013
- Published Online:
- November 2015
- ISBN:
- 9780231152693
- eISBN:
- 9780231526487
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Columbia University Press
- DOI:
- 10.7312/columbia/9780231152693.003.0004
- Subject:
- History, American History: 20th Century
This chapter focuses on a crucial period in the history of the New York City Teachers Union (TU): the revocation of its charter. The mid-1930s through early 1940s was a very difficult period for the ...
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This chapter focuses on a crucial period in the history of the New York City Teachers Union (TU): the revocation of its charter. The mid-1930s through early 1940s was a very difficult period for the TU. Factionalism had ripped the union apart. To make matters worse, the union was accused by both the American Federation of Labor and the American Federation of Teachers (AFT) of being in the hands of Communists. The argument that the union was Communist-controlled was the reason why it was thrown out of the AFT. The anti-Communist forces were also successful in winning an AFT charter for the social democrats who had created a rival union, the Teachers Guild. A number of scholars and writers have argued that the Communist Party of the United States of America (CPUSA) abandoned its fight for racial equality once the Soviet Union was attacked by Nazi Germany. They contend that the CPUSA's priority was to protect the Soviet Union against Nazism and fascism, rather than racial equality.Less
This chapter focuses on a crucial period in the history of the New York City Teachers Union (TU): the revocation of its charter. The mid-1930s through early 1940s was a very difficult period for the TU. Factionalism had ripped the union apart. To make matters worse, the union was accused by both the American Federation of Labor and the American Federation of Teachers (AFT) of being in the hands of Communists. The argument that the union was Communist-controlled was the reason why it was thrown out of the AFT. The anti-Communist forces were also successful in winning an AFT charter for the social democrats who had created a rival union, the Teachers Guild. A number of scholars and writers have argued that the Communist Party of the United States of America (CPUSA) abandoned its fight for racial equality once the Soviet Union was attacked by Nazi Germany. They contend that the CPUSA's priority was to protect the Soviet Union against Nazism and fascism, rather than racial equality.
Andrew Feffer
- Published in print:
- 2019
- Published Online:
- September 2019
- ISBN:
- 9780823281169
- eISBN:
- 9780823285969
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Fordham University Press
- DOI:
- 10.5422/fordham/9780823281169.003.0008
- Subject:
- History, Social History
This chapter recounts the increasingly bitter contest between communists and liberals in the American Federation of Teachers, as the Popular Front dissolved in the wake of the Hitler-Stalin Pact in ...
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This chapter recounts the increasingly bitter contest between communists and liberals in the American Federation of Teachers, as the Popular Front dissolved in the wake of the Hitler-Stalin Pact in August 1939. As Local 5’s offshoot, the College Teachers Union, under communist and radical socialist leadership, successfully established tenure rights for New York’s municipal colleges in 1938. The New York locals were challenged in the AFT by social democrats like George Counts, whose anti-communist campaign won the presidency of the national union, setting the stage for the Rapp-Coudert probe the following year.Less
This chapter recounts the increasingly bitter contest between communists and liberals in the American Federation of Teachers, as the Popular Front dissolved in the wake of the Hitler-Stalin Pact in August 1939. As Local 5’s offshoot, the College Teachers Union, under communist and radical socialist leadership, successfully established tenure rights for New York’s municipal colleges in 1938. The New York locals were challenged in the AFT by social democrats like George Counts, whose anti-communist campaign won the presidency of the national union, setting the stage for the Rapp-Coudert probe the following year.
Elizabeth Todd-Breland
- Published in print:
- 2018
- Published Online:
- May 2019
- ISBN:
- 9781469646589
- eISBN:
- 9781469647173
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University of North Carolina Press
- DOI:
- 10.5149/northcarolina/9781469646589.003.0007
- Subject:
- History, African-American History
The epilogue considers the enduring challenges in public education and racial politics and the dynamic new cohort of organizers proposing alternative visions of educational, economic, and racial ...
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The epilogue considers the enduring challenges in public education and racial politics and the dynamic new cohort of organizers proposing alternative visions of educational, economic, and racial equity and justice. Both contemporary proponents and opponents of “school choice” policies have used language and practices that echo Black education reformers of the past to frame their arguments. Social justice-oriented ideas of self-determination and localism generated within a different political context have been repurposed in service of the corporate reorganization of the public sphere. Beginning in the mid-1990s, Chicago mayor Richard M. Daley, followed in the 2010s by mayor Rahm Emanuel, ushered in corporate education reforms and “school choice” plans that expanded charter schools and “turned around” or closed more than 150 public schools. The embrace of neoliberal education reform policies locally and nationally has been a bipartisan affair, with Democratic administrations, including the Obama administration, also proposing policies based on market principles. These policies have disproportionately impacted Black, students, teachers, and communities. While Chicago has produced many of these policies, the city also produced strident resistance movements against austerity policies, led by Karen Lewis and the Chicago Teachers Union, young organizers, the Black Lives Matter movement, and older community organizations.Less
The epilogue considers the enduring challenges in public education and racial politics and the dynamic new cohort of organizers proposing alternative visions of educational, economic, and racial equity and justice. Both contemporary proponents and opponents of “school choice” policies have used language and practices that echo Black education reformers of the past to frame their arguments. Social justice-oriented ideas of self-determination and localism generated within a different political context have been repurposed in service of the corporate reorganization of the public sphere. Beginning in the mid-1990s, Chicago mayor Richard M. Daley, followed in the 2010s by mayor Rahm Emanuel, ushered in corporate education reforms and “school choice” plans that expanded charter schools and “turned around” or closed more than 150 public schools. The embrace of neoliberal education reform policies locally and nationally has been a bipartisan affair, with Democratic administrations, including the Obama administration, also proposing policies based on market principles. These policies have disproportionately impacted Black, students, teachers, and communities. While Chicago has produced many of these policies, the city also produced strident resistance movements against austerity policies, led by Karen Lewis and the Chicago Teachers Union, young organizers, the Black Lives Matter movement, and older community organizations.
Christopher Stray, Christopher Pelling, and Stephen Harrison (eds)
- Published in print:
- 2019
- Published Online:
- November 2019
- ISBN:
- 9780198777366
- eISBN:
- 9780191823084
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/oso/9780198777366.001.0001
- Subject:
- Classical Studies, Literary Studies: Classical, Early, and Medieval, Poetry and Poets: Classical, Early, and Medieval
This book offers an assessment of a remarkable classical scholar, who was also a poet with extensive links to twentieth-century English and Irish literary culture, the friend of Auden and MacNeice. ...
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This book offers an assessment of a remarkable classical scholar, who was also a poet with extensive links to twentieth-century English and Irish literary culture, the friend of Auden and MacNeice. Dodds was born in Northern Ireland, but made his name as Regius Professor of Greek at Oxford University from 1936 to 1960, succeeding Gilbert Murray. Before this he taught at Reading and Birmingham, was active in the Association of University Teachers, or AUT (of which he became president), and brought an outsider's perspective to the comfortable and introspective world of Oxford. His famous book The Greeks and the Irrational (1951) remains one of the most distinguished and visionary works of scholarship of its time, though much less well-known is his long and influential involvement with psychic research and his work for the reconstruction of German education after the Second World War. The chapters in this volume seek to shed light on these less explored areas of Dodds' life and his significance as perhaps the last classicist to play a significant role in British literary culture, as well as examining his work across different areas of scholarship, notably Greek tragedy. The book includes a group of memoirs — one by his pupil and literary executor, Donald Russell, and three by younger friends who knew, visited, and looked after Dodds in his last years.Less
This book offers an assessment of a remarkable classical scholar, who was also a poet with extensive links to twentieth-century English and Irish literary culture, the friend of Auden and MacNeice. Dodds was born in Northern Ireland, but made his name as Regius Professor of Greek at Oxford University from 1936 to 1960, succeeding Gilbert Murray. Before this he taught at Reading and Birmingham, was active in the Association of University Teachers, or AUT (of which he became president), and brought an outsider's perspective to the comfortable and introspective world of Oxford. His famous book The Greeks and the Irrational (1951) remains one of the most distinguished and visionary works of scholarship of its time, though much less well-known is his long and influential involvement with psychic research and his work for the reconstruction of German education after the Second World War. The chapters in this volume seek to shed light on these less explored areas of Dodds' life and his significance as perhaps the last classicist to play a significant role in British literary culture, as well as examining his work across different areas of scholarship, notably Greek tragedy. The book includes a group of memoirs — one by his pupil and literary executor, Donald Russell, and three by younger friends who knew, visited, and looked after Dodds in his last years.
Clarence Taylor
- Published in print:
- 2013
- Published Online:
- November 2015
- ISBN:
- 9780231152693
- eISBN:
- 9780231526487
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Columbia University Press
- DOI:
- 10.7312/columbia/9780231152693.003.0002
- Subject:
- History, American History: 20th Century
This chapter focuses on the rise of left caucuses and their battle with the New York City Teachers Union's (TU) social democratic leadership. Communist control of the TU can be traced to the battles ...
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This chapter focuses on the rise of left caucuses and their battle with the New York City Teachers Union's (TU) social democratic leadership. Communist control of the TU can be traced to the battles of the American left, especially the early schism between the Communist Party of the United States of America (CPUSA) and those associated with Jay Lovestone's American Communist Opposition (ACO) in 1929. The conflict between ACO and CPUSA would lead to the formation of the two major caucuses in the TU: the Rank and File, affiliated with the Communist Party, and the Progressive Group, made up of followers of Lovestone and the ACO. The chapter examines the ideological divide between the Communist caucuses and the TU leadership, Henry Linville and Abraham Lefkowitz's unsuccessful attempt to remove the Communists from the union, the 1935 schism, and the formation of the Teachers Guild. After the 1935 walkout of Linville, Lefkowitz, and 700 members of the TU, the Communists gained control of the union.Less
This chapter focuses on the rise of left caucuses and their battle with the New York City Teachers Union's (TU) social democratic leadership. Communist control of the TU can be traced to the battles of the American left, especially the early schism between the Communist Party of the United States of America (CPUSA) and those associated with Jay Lovestone's American Communist Opposition (ACO) in 1929. The conflict between ACO and CPUSA would lead to the formation of the two major caucuses in the TU: the Rank and File, affiliated with the Communist Party, and the Progressive Group, made up of followers of Lovestone and the ACO. The chapter examines the ideological divide between the Communist caucuses and the TU leadership, Henry Linville and Abraham Lefkowitz's unsuccessful attempt to remove the Communists from the union, the 1935 schism, and the formation of the Teachers Guild. After the 1935 walkout of Linville, Lefkowitz, and 700 members of the TU, the Communists gained control of the union.
JOY G. DRYFOOS
- Published in print:
- 2000
- Published Online:
- March 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780195137859
- eISBN:
- 9780199846948
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195137859.003.0006
- Subject:
- Psychology, Developmental Psychology
This chapter considers modern school restructuring and reform. It gives some examples of programs aimed at high-risk students and looks at growing experiences with school restructuring designs. An ...
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This chapter considers modern school restructuring and reform. It gives some examples of programs aimed at high-risk students and looks at growing experiences with school restructuring designs. An important outcome for effective schools is the promotion of healthy lifestyles and the prevention of high-risk behaviors. Children who are engaged in school activities are much less likely to get into trouble with drugs, sex, and violence. Some programs aimed at high-risk students include Valued Youth Partnership, Cities-in-Schools (CIS), The School Transition Environment Project (STEP), The Quantum Opportunity Program (QOP), Liberty Partnerships, and Parents as Teachers (PAT).Less
This chapter considers modern school restructuring and reform. It gives some examples of programs aimed at high-risk students and looks at growing experiences with school restructuring designs. An important outcome for effective schools is the promotion of healthy lifestyles and the prevention of high-risk behaviors. Children who are engaged in school activities are much less likely to get into trouble with drugs, sex, and violence. Some programs aimed at high-risk students include Valued Youth Partnership, Cities-in-Schools (CIS), The School Transition Environment Project (STEP), The Quantum Opportunity Program (QOP), Liberty Partnerships, and Parents as Teachers (PAT).
Sarah Cardwell
- Published in print:
- 2005
- Published Online:
- September 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780748619009
- eISBN:
- 9780748671168
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Edinburgh University Press
- DOI:
- 10.3366/edinburgh/9780748619009.003.0009
- Subject:
- Film, Television and Radio, Television
This chapter posits a television genre or category that is not yet officially recognised: the twenty-something serial. This is achieved by exploring the connections and developments visible in three ...
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This chapter posits a television genre or category that is not yet officially recognised: the twenty-something serial. This is achieved by exploring the connections and developments visible in three of its most notable examples: This Life (BBC2, 1996–1997), Queer as Folk (Ch4, 1999–2000) and Teachers (Ch4, 2001–2005). It argues that the twenty-something television serial is one that can be defined by its possessing a combination of textual features — thematic, stylistic and tonal — as well as by its intended and actual audience of ‘twenty-somethings’. Interestingly, these programmes seem to address not just a twentysomething audience but a particular generation of them: Generation X. Beginning in the mid-1990s with This Life, and moving through Queer as Folk to the recent Teachers, one can sense formal developments and related shifts in tone. Such changes suggest not just the growth of the genre but also a maturing audience — one whose average age mirrors that of the central characters.Less
This chapter posits a television genre or category that is not yet officially recognised: the twenty-something serial. This is achieved by exploring the connections and developments visible in three of its most notable examples: This Life (BBC2, 1996–1997), Queer as Folk (Ch4, 1999–2000) and Teachers (Ch4, 2001–2005). It argues that the twenty-something television serial is one that can be defined by its possessing a combination of textual features — thematic, stylistic and tonal — as well as by its intended and actual audience of ‘twenty-somethings’. Interestingly, these programmes seem to address not just a twentysomething audience but a particular generation of them: Generation X. Beginning in the mid-1990s with This Life, and moving through Queer as Folk to the recent Teachers, one can sense formal developments and related shifts in tone. Such changes suggest not just the growth of the genre but also a maturing audience — one whose average age mirrors that of the central characters.
Clarence Taylor
- Published in print:
- 2013
- Published Online:
- November 2015
- ISBN:
- 9780231152693
- eISBN:
- 9780231526487
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Columbia University Press
- DOI:
- 10.7312/columbia/9780231152693.003.0013
- Subject:
- History, American History: 20th Century
This chapter examines an important chapter in American history: the fight between the New York City Teachers Union (TU) and the United Federation of Teachers (UFT) to determine which brand of teacher ...
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This chapter examines an important chapter in American history: the fight between the New York City Teachers Union (TU) and the United Federation of Teachers (UFT) to determine which brand of teacher unionism would prevail. The formation of the UFT in 1960 helped move teacher unionism in a new direction. The UFT's militancy led to dramatic improvements in teacher salaries and working conditions, catapulting it into a leadership position unmatched by other teacher organizations. In fact, in return for its willingness to confront the New York City Board of Education, the UFT would become the sole collective bargaining agent for New York City's 40,000 public school teachers, ending the reign of the TU. Although the TU had long supported collective bargaining, it was the Teachers Guild that succeeded in winning this right for New York City teachers. On November 7, 1960, the first teachers' strike in New York City history was initiated by UFT. On December 16, 1961 UFT became the sole collective bargaining agent for New York City public school teachers.Less
This chapter examines an important chapter in American history: the fight between the New York City Teachers Union (TU) and the United Federation of Teachers (UFT) to determine which brand of teacher unionism would prevail. The formation of the UFT in 1960 helped move teacher unionism in a new direction. The UFT's militancy led to dramatic improvements in teacher salaries and working conditions, catapulting it into a leadership position unmatched by other teacher organizations. In fact, in return for its willingness to confront the New York City Board of Education, the UFT would become the sole collective bargaining agent for New York City's 40,000 public school teachers, ending the reign of the TU. Although the TU had long supported collective bargaining, it was the Teachers Guild that succeeded in winning this right for New York City teachers. On November 7, 1960, the first teachers' strike in New York City history was initiated by UFT. On December 16, 1961 UFT became the sole collective bargaining agent for New York City public school teachers.
