Charles Kurzman
- Published in print:
- 2011
- Published Online:
- September 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780199766871
- eISBN:
- 9780199897414
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199766871.001.0001
- Subject:
- Religion, Islam
Why are there so few Muslim terrorists? With more than a billion Muslims in the world—many of whom supposedly hate the West and ardently desire martyrdom—why don't we see terrorist attacks every day? ...
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Why are there so few Muslim terrorists? With more than a billion Muslims in the world—many of whom supposedly hate the West and ardently desire martyrdom—why don't we see terrorist attacks every day? Where are the missing martyrs? This counterintuitive book demonstrates that terrorist groups are thoroughly marginal in the Muslim world. Drawing on government sources, public opinion surveys, election results, and in-depth interviews with Muslims in the Middle East and around the world, the book finds that young Muslims are indeed angry with what they see as imperialism—and especially at Western support for local dictatorships. But revolutionary Islamists such as al-Qaida and the Taliban have failed to reach them, as can be seen from the terrorists' own websites and publications, which constantly bemoan the dearth of willing recruits. It takes only a small cadre of committed killers to wreak unspeakable havoc. But as easy as terrorism is to commit, few Muslims turn to violence. With each bombing, the terrorists lose support among Muslims. The threat of Islamist terrorism is real, but its dimensions are, so far, tightly confined.Less
Why are there so few Muslim terrorists? With more than a billion Muslims in the world—many of whom supposedly hate the West and ardently desire martyrdom—why don't we see terrorist attacks every day? Where are the missing martyrs? This counterintuitive book demonstrates that terrorist groups are thoroughly marginal in the Muslim world. Drawing on government sources, public opinion surveys, election results, and in-depth interviews with Muslims in the Middle East and around the world, the book finds that young Muslims are indeed angry with what they see as imperialism—and especially at Western support for local dictatorships. But revolutionary Islamists such as al-Qaida and the Taliban have failed to reach them, as can be seen from the terrorists' own websites and publications, which constantly bemoan the dearth of willing recruits. It takes only a small cadre of committed killers to wreak unspeakable havoc. But as easy as terrorism is to commit, few Muslims turn to violence. With each bombing, the terrorists lose support among Muslims. The threat of Islamist terrorism is real, but its dimensions are, so far, tightly confined.
Shafique N. Virani
- Published in print:
- 2007
- Published Online:
- May 2007
- ISBN:
- 9780195311730
- eISBN:
- 9780199785490
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195311730.003.0007
- Subject:
- Religion, Islam
The Ismaili Imams moved from the South Caspian regions to the relative safety of Anjudan, a village near the age-old Shi'i strongholds of Qumm and Kashan. The first Imam for whose connection to the ...
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The Ismaili Imams moved from the South Caspian regions to the relative safety of Anjudan, a village near the age-old Shi'i strongholds of Qumm and Kashan. The first Imam for whose connection to the village we have positive evidence is Mustansir bi'llah, who was succeeded by 'Abd al-Salam and Gharib Mirza. A resurgence of Shi'i sentiment in the region preceding the triumph of the Safavids prompted the Ismailis to adopt the cover of Twelver Shi'ism. Attacks on their community by Tamerlane demonstrate that they were still not entirely safe. A number of Ismaili writers flourished at this time, including Da'i Anjudani, Ibn Husam Khusfi, Sayyid Suhrab Wali Badakhshani, Bu Ishaq Quhistani, Khwaja 'Abd Allah Ansari, Husayn, Darwish, and Zamani, some of whom poetically alluded to Anjudan as the spiritual qibla of the world.Less
The Ismaili Imams moved from the South Caspian regions to the relative safety of Anjudan, a village near the age-old Shi'i strongholds of Qumm and Kashan. The first Imam for whose connection to the village we have positive evidence is Mustansir bi'llah, who was succeeded by 'Abd al-Salam and Gharib Mirza. A resurgence of Shi'i sentiment in the region preceding the triumph of the Safavids prompted the Ismailis to adopt the cover of Twelver Shi'ism. Attacks on their community by Tamerlane demonstrate that they were still not entirely safe. A number of Ismaili writers flourished at this time, including Da'i Anjudani, Ibn Husam Khusfi, Sayyid Suhrab Wali Badakhshani, Bu Ishaq Quhistani, Khwaja 'Abd Allah Ansari, Husayn, Darwish, and Zamani, some of whom poetically alluded to Anjudan as the spiritual qibla of the world.
Jennifer M. Welsh
- Published in print:
- 2003
- Published Online:
- April 2004
- ISBN:
- 9780199267217
- eISBN:
- 9780191601118
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199267219.003.0010
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
This concluding chapter assesses the debate over humanitarian intervention in the light of the events of September 11, 2001. On the one hand, it can be argued that 9/11 has reversed the momentum ...
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This concluding chapter assesses the debate over humanitarian intervention in the light of the events of September 11, 2001. On the one hand, it can be argued that 9/11 has reversed the momentum behind the norm of ‘sovereignty as responsibility’. In the course of waging the war on terrorism, the powers of sovereign states have been increased and the willingness of Western states to criticize the treatment of civilians within other sovereign jurisdictions appears to have weakened. On the other, there are three reasons why humanitarian intervention – and the issues associated with it – will continue to preoccupy scholars and statesmen in a post-September 11th world. First, the terrorist attacks of 2001 have reinforced the view that instability within or collapse of a state anywhere in the world can have implications that reach far wider than that particular region. Second, the debate about what constraints should be placed on the use of force – particularly those related to proper authority – are as relevant for the ‘war on terror’ as they are for humanitarian intervention. Finally, as the missions in Afghanistan in 2001 and Iraq in 2003 have shown, humanitarian rationale are all-important in justifying the use of force in international society, even when other motives are at work.Less
This concluding chapter assesses the debate over humanitarian intervention in the light of the events of September 11, 2001. On the one hand, it can be argued that 9/11 has reversed the momentum behind the norm of ‘sovereignty as responsibility’. In the course of waging the war on terrorism, the powers of sovereign states have been increased and the willingness of Western states to criticize the treatment of civilians within other sovereign jurisdictions appears to have weakened. On the other, there are three reasons why humanitarian intervention – and the issues associated with it – will continue to preoccupy scholars and statesmen in a post-September 11th world. First, the terrorist attacks of 2001 have reinforced the view that instability within or collapse of a state anywhere in the world can have implications that reach far wider than that particular region. Second, the debate about what constraints should be placed on the use of force – particularly those related to proper authority – are as relevant for the ‘war on terror’ as they are for humanitarian intervention. Finally, as the missions in Afghanistan in 2001 and Iraq in 2003 have shown, humanitarian rationale are all-important in justifying the use of force in international society, even when other motives are at work.
Thomas Barfield
- Published in print:
- 2010
- Published Online:
- October 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780691145686
- eISBN:
- 9781400834532
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Princeton University Press
- DOI:
- 10.23943/princeton/9780691145686.001.0001
- Subject:
- History, Middle East History
This book traces the historic struggles and the changing nature of political authority in this volatile region of the world—Afghanistan—from the Mughal Empire in the sixteenth century to the Taliban ...
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This book traces the historic struggles and the changing nature of political authority in this volatile region of the world—Afghanistan—from the Mughal Empire in the sixteenth century to the Taliban resurgence today. The book introduces readers to the bewildering diversity of tribal and ethnic groups in Afghanistan, explaining what unites them as Afghans despite the regional, cultural, and political differences that divide them. It shows how governing these peoples was relatively easy when power was concentrated in a small dynastic elite, but how this delicate political order broke down in the nineteenth and twentieth centuries when Afghanistan's rulers mobilized rural militias to expel first the British and later the Soviets. Armed insurgency proved remarkably successful against the foreign occupiers, but it also undermined the Afghan government's authority and rendered the country ever more difficult to govern as time passed. The book vividly describes how Afghanistan's armed factions plunged the country into a civil war, giving rise to clerical rule by the Taliban and Afghanistan's isolation from the world. It examines why the American invasion in the wake of September 11 toppled the Taliban so quickly, and how this easy victory lulled the United States into falsely believing that a viable state could be built just as easily. This book is essential reading for anyone who wants to understand how a land conquered and ruled by foreign dynasties for more than a thousand years became the “graveyard of empires” for the British and Soviets, and what the United States must do to avoid a similar fate.Less
This book traces the historic struggles and the changing nature of political authority in this volatile region of the world—Afghanistan—from the Mughal Empire in the sixteenth century to the Taliban resurgence today. The book introduces readers to the bewildering diversity of tribal and ethnic groups in Afghanistan, explaining what unites them as Afghans despite the regional, cultural, and political differences that divide them. It shows how governing these peoples was relatively easy when power was concentrated in a small dynastic elite, but how this delicate political order broke down in the nineteenth and twentieth centuries when Afghanistan's rulers mobilized rural militias to expel first the British and later the Soviets. Armed insurgency proved remarkably successful against the foreign occupiers, but it also undermined the Afghan government's authority and rendered the country ever more difficult to govern as time passed. The book vividly describes how Afghanistan's armed factions plunged the country into a civil war, giving rise to clerical rule by the Taliban and Afghanistan's isolation from the world. It examines why the American invasion in the wake of September 11 toppled the Taliban so quickly, and how this easy victory lulled the United States into falsely believing that a viable state could be built just as easily. This book is essential reading for anyone who wants to understand how a land conquered and ruled by foreign dynasties for more than a thousand years became the “graveyard of empires” for the British and Soviets, and what the United States must do to avoid a similar fate.
Letizia Paoli, Victoria A. Greenfield, and Peter Reuter
- Published in print:
- 2009
- Published Online:
- May 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780195322996
- eISBN:
- 9780199944194
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195322996.003.0003
- Subject:
- Sociology, Law, Crime and Deviance, Comparative and Historical Sociology
This chapter characterizes the contemporary heroin market in terms of its major producers, traffickers, and consumers. It presents an overview of the contemporary world opiate market and ...
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This chapter characterizes the contemporary heroin market in terms of its major producers, traffickers, and consumers. It presents an overview of the contemporary world opiate market and supply-control programs and provides both a static portrait of the market and insight into its dynamics. Despite the apparent asymmetry of supply and demand there is little evidence of market control or power except possibly in the past actions of the Taliban and, to a much lesser extent, among some present-day traffickers. The evidence is more supportive of market segmentation, which has important implications for market adjustments and outcomes.Less
This chapter characterizes the contemporary heroin market in terms of its major producers, traffickers, and consumers. It presents an overview of the contemporary world opiate market and supply-control programs and provides both a static portrait of the market and insight into its dynamics. Despite the apparent asymmetry of supply and demand there is little evidence of market control or power except possibly in the past actions of the Taliban and, to a much lesser extent, among some present-day traffickers. The evidence is more supportive of market segmentation, which has important implications for market adjustments and outcomes.
Letizia Paoli, Victoria A. Greenfield, and Peter Reuter
- Published in print:
- 2009
- Published Online:
- May 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780195322996
- eISBN:
- 9780199944194
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195322996.003.0004
- Subject:
- Sociology, Law, Crime and Deviance, Comparative and Historical Sociology
This chapter explores the dynamics of the heroin market, as evident in its response to the Taliban opium cutback. It discusses the observed changes in the price and purity of opiates throughout the ...
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This chapter explores the dynamics of the heroin market, as evident in its response to the Taliban opium cutback. It discusses the observed changes in the price and purity of opiates throughout the market as outcomes of interactions between supply and demand. It analyses the issues of market power and segmentation, specifically in relation to the apparent effect of the Taliban ban. It provides evidence for short-run supply rigidity and consequent price increases, the potential for expansion in other regions and the cushioning effects of inventory.Less
This chapter explores the dynamics of the heroin market, as evident in its response to the Taliban opium cutback. It discusses the observed changes in the price and purity of opiates throughout the market as outcomes of interactions between supply and demand. It analyses the issues of market power and segmentation, specifically in relation to the apparent effect of the Taliban ban. It provides evidence for short-run supply rigidity and consequent price increases, the potential for expansion in other regions and the cushioning effects of inventory.
Letizia Paoli, Victoria A. Greenfield, and Peter Reuter
- Published in print:
- 2009
- Published Online:
- May 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780195322996
- eISBN:
- 9780199944194
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195322996.003.0005
- Subject:
- Sociology, Law, Crime and Deviance, Comparative and Historical Sociology
This chapter presents a comprehensive model of the world opiate market and charts the immediate after-effects of the Taliban ban, using data from the United Nations and other public sources. It ...
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This chapter presents a comprehensive model of the world opiate market and charts the immediate after-effects of the Taliban ban, using data from the United Nations and other public sources. It explains the tracking approach using this mode and provides a diagram showing opiate flows from cultivation to consumption. The analysis reveals that Asia dominates not only in production, but also consumption and the seizure of opiates and that it is likely that total world production exceeded consumption and seizures during the late 1990s.Less
This chapter presents a comprehensive model of the world opiate market and charts the immediate after-effects of the Taliban ban, using data from the United Nations and other public sources. It explains the tracking approach using this mode and provides a diagram showing opiate flows from cultivation to consumption. The analysis reveals that Asia dominates not only in production, but also consumption and the seizure of opiates and that it is likely that total world production exceeded consumption and seizures during the late 1990s.
James D. Kiras
- Published in print:
- 2011
- Published Online:
- January 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780199608638
- eISBN:
- 9780191731754
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199608638.003.0013
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
Chapter 12 explores the nature and character of strategy in two conflicts: Afghanistan (2001–present) and Iraq (2003–present). Treatments of contemporary wars often centre on particular policy ...
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Chapter 12 explores the nature and character of strategy in two conflicts: Afghanistan (2001–present) and Iraq (2003–present). Treatments of contemporary wars often centre on particular policy decisions, the roles played by individual personalities, and the elusive nature of irregular warfare. By contrast, James Kiras seeks to place these wars in their proper context by outlining the characteristics that distinguish contemporary asymmetric wars from more traditional, conventional armed conflicts, asking if these wars are historically unique or just contextually different. Kiras provides a brief historical survey and assessment of the two case studies, identifies the unique challenges that contemporary wars pose for both sides, and examines the dynamics of strategy as it applies to these conflicts. In particular, by assessing the individual strategies of the Taliban, Saddam Hussein, and the US‐led coalitions, he explores how adversaries adapt to one another and try to use their strengths against their opponents' weaknesses.Less
Chapter 12 explores the nature and character of strategy in two conflicts: Afghanistan (2001–present) and Iraq (2003–present). Treatments of contemporary wars often centre on particular policy decisions, the roles played by individual personalities, and the elusive nature of irregular warfare. By contrast, James Kiras seeks to place these wars in their proper context by outlining the characteristics that distinguish contemporary asymmetric wars from more traditional, conventional armed conflicts, asking if these wars are historically unique or just contextually different. Kiras provides a brief historical survey and assessment of the two case studies, identifies the unique challenges that contemporary wars pose for both sides, and examines the dynamics of strategy as it applies to these conflicts. In particular, by assessing the individual strategies of the Taliban, Saddam Hussein, and the US‐led coalitions, he explores how adversaries adapt to one another and try to use their strengths against their opponents' weaknesses.
Jiang Qing
- Published in print:
- 2012
- Published Online:
- October 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780691154602
- eISBN:
- 9781400844845
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Princeton University Press
- DOI:
- 10.23943/princeton/9780691154602.003.0003
- Subject:
- Political Science, Political Theory
This chapter proposes another institution—the Academy—that is meant to further restrain the power of parliamentarians. In Western constitutionalism, power is limited by means of rights. In Confucian ...
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This chapter proposes another institution—the Academy—that is meant to further restrain the power of parliamentarians. In Western constitutionalism, power is limited by means of rights. In Confucian constitutionalism, power is limited primarily by means of morality. The chapter explicitly invokes the seventeenth-century Confucian scholar Huang Zongxi's proposal for an Academy composed of scholar-officials who could question the emperor and appraise and adjudicate the rights and wrongs of his policies. It is careful to note that the Academy supervises, but does not run the state. Subordinate bodies exercise their own authority according to the principle of balance of powers and independence. The Academy does not interfere in these operations and hence its maintenance of religion and morality is different from that of a Taliban-style theocracy.Less
This chapter proposes another institution—the Academy—that is meant to further restrain the power of parliamentarians. In Western constitutionalism, power is limited by means of rights. In Confucian constitutionalism, power is limited primarily by means of morality. The chapter explicitly invokes the seventeenth-century Confucian scholar Huang Zongxi's proposal for an Academy composed of scholar-officials who could question the emperor and appraise and adjudicate the rights and wrongs of his policies. It is careful to note that the Academy supervises, but does not run the state. Subordinate bodies exercise their own authority according to the principle of balance of powers and independence. The Academy does not interfere in these operations and hence its maintenance of religion and morality is different from that of a Taliban-style theocracy.
Graciana del Castillo
- Published in print:
- 2008
- Published Online:
- January 2009
- ISBN:
- 9780199237739
- eISBN:
- 9780191717239
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199237739.003.0010
- Subject:
- Economics and Finance, Development, Growth, and Environmental, International
Following US-led military intervention and regime change, Afghanistan's reconstruction, unlike Iraq's, was largely UN-led. The new government made executive decisions but was highly aid-dependent. By ...
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Following US-led military intervention and regime change, Afghanistan's reconstruction, unlike Iraq's, was largely UN-led. The new government made executive decisions but was highly aid-dependent. By channeling aid outside control of the government, donors failed to strengthen and legitimize it. Efforts to eliminate poppy plantations without a viable economic alternative have increased conflict and strengthened the Taliban, rather than being a peace-supporting strategy. This chapter critically analyzes whether the reconstruction strategy in a country with such limited resources, weak institutions, and low capacity to absorb aid requires the sophisticated legal, institutional, and regulatory framework that the IFIs, USAID, and the US Treasury supported and helped design. Furthermore, with few exceptions, such framework largely ignored national preferences or cultural idiosyncrasies and was inflexible enough to detract from efforts at rehabilitation and social policies. These would have facilitated peace consolidation in the short run by improving the welfare of the population.Less
Following US-led military intervention and regime change, Afghanistan's reconstruction, unlike Iraq's, was largely UN-led. The new government made executive decisions but was highly aid-dependent. By channeling aid outside control of the government, donors failed to strengthen and legitimize it. Efforts to eliminate poppy plantations without a viable economic alternative have increased conflict and strengthened the Taliban, rather than being a peace-supporting strategy. This chapter critically analyzes whether the reconstruction strategy in a country with such limited resources, weak institutions, and low capacity to absorb aid requires the sophisticated legal, institutional, and regulatory framework that the IFIs, USAID, and the US Treasury supported and helped design. Furthermore, with few exceptions, such framework largely ignored national preferences or cultural idiosyncrasies and was inflexible enough to detract from efforts at rehabilitation and social policies. These would have facilitated peace consolidation in the short run by improving the welfare of the population.
Paul Marshall and Nina Shea
- Published in print:
- 2011
- Published Online:
- January 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780199812264
- eISBN:
- 9780199919383
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199812264.003.0006
- Subject:
- Religion, Islam
Afghanistan's 2004 constitution, drafted with the financial support and legal guidance of the United States and the United Nations, contains a clause asserting that no law can contradict Islam – a ...
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Afghanistan's 2004 constitution, drafted with the financial support and legal guidance of the United States and the United Nations, contains a clause asserting that no law can contradict Islam – a law that is often the basis for punishing apostasy and blasphemy. Abdul Rahman, a Christian convert who was imprisoned, later freed and subsequently fled the country after international pressure, is the most widely known instance, but there is an ever-lengthening list of such cases, especially involving Muslim journalists. The editor of the magazine Haqooq-i-Zan (Women's Rights) was imprisoned for blasphemy for arguing against the apostasy law. Sima Samar, the minister for Women's Affairs, was accused of blasphemy for her criticism of the adoption of Islamic law, but was spared after international protest erupted. In 2008, a student journalist was condemned to death, a sentence later commuted, for downloading and circulating material on women's rights under Islam. Despite the presence of NATO forces and UN agencies, religious repression – even in government controlled areas of Afghanistan – appears to be increasing.Less
Afghanistan's 2004 constitution, drafted with the financial support and legal guidance of the United States and the United Nations, contains a clause asserting that no law can contradict Islam – a law that is often the basis for punishing apostasy and blasphemy. Abdul Rahman, a Christian convert who was imprisoned, later freed and subsequently fled the country after international pressure, is the most widely known instance, but there is an ever-lengthening list of such cases, especially involving Muslim journalists. The editor of the magazine Haqooq-i-Zan (Women's Rights) was imprisoned for blasphemy for arguing against the apostasy law. Sima Samar, the minister for Women's Affairs, was accused of blasphemy for her criticism of the adoption of Islamic law, but was spared after international protest erupted. In 2008, a student journalist was condemned to death, a sentence later commuted, for downloading and circulating material on women's rights under Islam. Despite the presence of NATO forces and UN agencies, religious repression – even in government controlled areas of Afghanistan – appears to be increasing.
Muhammed Qasim Zaman
- Published in print:
- 2018
- Published Online:
- January 2019
- ISBN:
- 9780691149226
- eISBN:
- 9781400889747
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Princeton University Press
- DOI:
- 10.23943/princeton/9780691149226.001.0001
- Subject:
- Religion, Islam
The first modern state to be founded in the name of Islam, Pakistan was the largest Muslim country in the world at the time of its establishment in 1947. Today it is the second-most populous, after ...
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The first modern state to be founded in the name of Islam, Pakistan was the largest Muslim country in the world at the time of its establishment in 1947. Today it is the second-most populous, after Indonesia. This book is the first comprehensive book to explore Islam's evolution in this region over the past century and a half, from the British colonial era to the present day. The book presents a rich historical account of this major Muslim nation, insights into the rise and gradual decline of Islamic modernist thought in the South Asian region, and an understanding of how Islam has fared in the contemporary world. Much attention has been given to Pakistan's role in sustaining the Afghan struggle against the Soviet occupation in the 1980s, in the growth of the Taliban in the 1990s, and in the War on Terror after 9/11. But as this book shows, the nation's significance in matters relating to Islam has much deeper roots. Since the late nineteenth century, South Asia has witnessed important initiatives toward rethinking core Islamic texts and traditions in the interest of their compatibility with the imperatives of modern life. Traditionalist scholars and their institutions, too, have had a prominent presence in the region, as have Islamism and Sufism. Pakistan did not merely inherit these and other aspects of Islam. Rather, it has been and remains a site of intense contestation over Islam's public place, meaning, and interpretation. Examining how facets of Islam have been pivotal in Pakistani history, this book offers sweeping perspectives on what constitutes an Islamic state.Less
The first modern state to be founded in the name of Islam, Pakistan was the largest Muslim country in the world at the time of its establishment in 1947. Today it is the second-most populous, after Indonesia. This book is the first comprehensive book to explore Islam's evolution in this region over the past century and a half, from the British colonial era to the present day. The book presents a rich historical account of this major Muslim nation, insights into the rise and gradual decline of Islamic modernist thought in the South Asian region, and an understanding of how Islam has fared in the contemporary world. Much attention has been given to Pakistan's role in sustaining the Afghan struggle against the Soviet occupation in the 1980s, in the growth of the Taliban in the 1990s, and in the War on Terror after 9/11. But as this book shows, the nation's significance in matters relating to Islam has much deeper roots. Since the late nineteenth century, South Asia has witnessed important initiatives toward rethinking core Islamic texts and traditions in the interest of their compatibility with the imperatives of modern life. Traditionalist scholars and their institutions, too, have had a prominent presence in the region, as have Islamism and Sufism. Pakistan did not merely inherit these and other aspects of Islam. Rather, it has been and remains a site of intense contestation over Islam's public place, meaning, and interpretation. Examining how facets of Islam have been pivotal in Pakistani history, this book offers sweeping perspectives on what constitutes an Islamic state.
Nigel D. White
- Published in print:
- 2009
- Published Online:
- September 2009
- ISBN:
- 9780199218592
- eISBN:
- 9780191705595
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199218592.003.0009
- Subject:
- Law, Human Rights and Immigration, Public International Law
The war on terrorism, starting in earnest with the military action in Afghanistan October 2001, involved British troops acting alongside the United States against al-Qaeda and the Taliban on the ...
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The war on terrorism, starting in earnest with the military action in Afghanistan October 2001, involved British troops acting alongside the United States against al-Qaeda and the Taliban on the basis of the right of self-defence, the same right that was invoked in the Falklands War. Was the British reliance on the right of self-defence controversial either domestically or internationally? Was the fact that the action seemed to have approval from the Security Council, as well as NATO, important? While the initial operation — Operation Enduring Freedom — was based upon article 51 of the UN Charter preserving the right of self-defence, once the Taliban had been removed and al-Qaeda routed, Britain led a Security Council authorized security presence in and around Kabul providing stability while a nascent Afghan government tried to assert authority over the country. Concern was expressed in parliament at ‘mission creep’ as the functions of the NATO force (ISAF) changed, and British troops faced a resurgent Taliban in Helmand province from 2006 onwards.Less
The war on terrorism, starting in earnest with the military action in Afghanistan October 2001, involved British troops acting alongside the United States against al-Qaeda and the Taliban on the basis of the right of self-defence, the same right that was invoked in the Falklands War. Was the British reliance on the right of self-defence controversial either domestically or internationally? Was the fact that the action seemed to have approval from the Security Council, as well as NATO, important? While the initial operation — Operation Enduring Freedom — was based upon article 51 of the UN Charter preserving the right of self-defence, once the Taliban had been removed and al-Qaeda routed, Britain led a Security Council authorized security presence in and around Kabul providing stability while a nascent Afghan government tried to assert authority over the country. Concern was expressed in parliament at ‘mission creep’ as the functions of the NATO force (ISAF) changed, and British troops faced a resurgent Taliban in Helmand province from 2006 onwards.
Charles Kurzman
- Published in print:
- 2011
- Published Online:
- September 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780199766871
- eISBN:
- 9780199897414
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199766871.003.0003
- Subject:
- Religion, Islam
Outsiders often confuse al-Qaida with the Taliban, but these two organizations represent distinct revolutionary movements that are often at odds with each other, despite similarities in their Islamic ...
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Outsiders often confuse al-Qaida with the Taliban, but these two organizations represent distinct revolutionary movements that are often at odds with each other, despite similarities in their Islamic world-view. The Taliban are a local movement that draws on poorly educated villagers, while al-Qaida is a global movement that draws on relatively well-educated cosmopolitans, who speak European languages and are eager to adopt modern technology. Technology is not the only modern aspect of these global revolutionaries. They also seek to dismantle tribal hierarchies and monarchical government—not in the name of the West, but in opposition to the West.Less
Outsiders often confuse al-Qaida with the Taliban, but these two organizations represent distinct revolutionary movements that are often at odds with each other, despite similarities in their Islamic world-view. The Taliban are a local movement that draws on poorly educated villagers, while al-Qaida is a global movement that draws on relatively well-educated cosmopolitans, who speak European languages and are eager to adopt modern technology. Technology is not the only modern aspect of these global revolutionaries. They also seek to dismantle tribal hierarchies and monarchical government—not in the name of the West, but in opposition to the West.
Philip B. Heymann
- Published in print:
- 2008
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780195335385
- eISBN:
- 9780199851690
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195335385.003.0014
- Subject:
- Political Science, American Politics
The case of defining torture in the “War on Terror”, the political processes chosen, and the people chosen to carry them out, produces results that nobody wants while targeting outcomes that only a ...
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The case of defining torture in the “War on Terror”, the political processes chosen, and the people chosen to carry them out, produces results that nobody wants while targeting outcomes that only a fraction of the citizens would find morally acceptable. In the case of “Defining Torture”, the decision maker may choose such a “blinded” process for political reasons. President George Bush did conclude that the provisions of Common Article 3 did not apply to either Al Qaeda or the Taliban and that, further, the Taliban detainees were “unlawful combatants” and, like the Al Qaeda captives, did not qualify as prisoners of wars (POWs) under the Third Geneva Convention.Less
The case of defining torture in the “War on Terror”, the political processes chosen, and the people chosen to carry them out, produces results that nobody wants while targeting outcomes that only a fraction of the citizens would find morally acceptable. In the case of “Defining Torture”, the decision maker may choose such a “blinded” process for political reasons. President George Bush did conclude that the provisions of Common Article 3 did not apply to either Al Qaeda or the Taliban and that, further, the Taliban detainees were “unlawful combatants” and, like the Al Qaeda captives, did not qualify as prisoners of wars (POWs) under the Third Geneva Convention.
Mark Juergensmeyer
- Published in print:
- 2012
- Published Online:
- May 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780199781577
- eISBN:
- 9780199932887
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199781577.003.0010
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
Can the control of a government by religious extremists be a legitimate, if not legal, reason for an international military intervention in a country? This is one of the key issues behind the US ...
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Can the control of a government by religious extremists be a legitimate, if not legal, reason for an international military intervention in a country? This is one of the key issues behind the US military invasion and occupation of Afghanistan in 2001, and keeping the country safe from the Taliban is one of the reasons for the America’s continued military presence there. This essay examines the assumptions behind that logic, and looks at the possibility of the evolution of authoritarian religious regimes into forms of government that are compatible with democracy and human rights.Less
Can the control of a government by religious extremists be a legitimate, if not legal, reason for an international military intervention in a country? This is one of the key issues behind the US military invasion and occupation of Afghanistan in 2001, and keeping the country safe from the Taliban is one of the reasons for the America’s continued military presence there. This essay examines the assumptions behind that logic, and looks at the possibility of the evolution of authoritarian religious regimes into forms of government that are compatible with democracy and human rights.
F. M. Kamm
- Published in print:
- 2012
- Published Online:
- January 2013
- ISBN:
- 9780199897520
- eISBN:
- 9780199950249
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199897520.003.0009
- Subject:
- Philosophy, Moral Philosophy
This chapter discusses what may be permissibly done to resist oppression by people (Taliban women) whose lives are drastically limited on pain of death for opposition. It considers what third parties ...
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This chapter discusses what may be permissibly done to resist oppression by people (Taliban women) whose lives are drastically limited on pain of death for opposition. It considers what third parties may do to help and how this can allow a just cause for war. This chapter also addresses the question of how one should deal with the greatest evils and injustices of their time.Less
This chapter discusses what may be permissibly done to resist oppression by people (Taliban women) whose lives are drastically limited on pain of death for opposition. It considers what third parties may do to help and how this can allow a just cause for war. This chapter also addresses the question of how one should deal with the greatest evils and injustices of their time.
Thomas H. Johnson, Matthew DuPee, and Wali Shaaker
- Published in print:
- 2018
- Published Online:
- February 2019
- ISBN:
- 9780190840600
- eISBN:
- 9780190943158
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/oso/9780190840600.003.0006
- Subject:
- Political Science, Conflict Politics and Policy
This chapter focuses on a variety of Taliban IO delivery systems some of which have not had scholarly assessments. The Taliban have had a major presence on the internet since their development of ...
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This chapter focuses on a variety of Taliban IO delivery systems some of which have not had scholarly assessments. The Taliban have had a major presence on the internet since their development of their main webpage – Alemarah. This site has become quite sophisticated over the years and is published in Pashto, Dari, Urdu, Arabic and English languages. Hence, the site targets a variety of audiences including the international community in addition to Afghans, Arabs, and Pakistanis. The Taliban also have a significant presence on social media to include sites on Facebook, Twitter and YouTube. They also use videos and DVDs to project their messages. They have affiliated “media studios such as Mana-ul Jihad, al Hijrat, and El Emarah which are described in detail in the chapter. They also use regular “spokesman” to interact with both local and international media. Finally they use a variety of radio stations to present their narratives and associated stories. Lastly they use graffiti to communicate with target audiences.Less
This chapter focuses on a variety of Taliban IO delivery systems some of which have not had scholarly assessments. The Taliban have had a major presence on the internet since their development of their main webpage – Alemarah. This site has become quite sophisticated over the years and is published in Pashto, Dari, Urdu, Arabic and English languages. Hence, the site targets a variety of audiences including the international community in addition to Afghans, Arabs, and Pakistanis. The Taliban also have a significant presence on social media to include sites on Facebook, Twitter and YouTube. They also use videos and DVDs to project their messages. They have affiliated “media studios such as Mana-ul Jihad, al Hijrat, and El Emarah which are described in detail in the chapter. They also use regular “spokesman” to interact with both local and international media. Finally they use a variety of radio stations to present their narratives and associated stories. Lastly they use graffiti to communicate with target audiences.
Thomas H. Johnson, Matthew DuPee, and Wali Shaaker
- Published in print:
- 2018
- Published Online:
- February 2019
- ISBN:
- 9780190840600
- eISBN:
- 9780190943158
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/oso/9780190840600.003.0008
- Subject:
- Political Science, Conflict Politics and Policy
This chapter examines and compares a variety of Taliban’s Layeha or “codes of conduct. While these codes of conduct present explicit procedures as well as rules and regulations that Taliban ...
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This chapter examines and compares a variety of Taliban’s Layeha or “codes of conduct. While these codes of conduct present explicit procedures as well as rules and regulations that Taliban leadership demand that their followers/insurgents follow relative to tactical and strategic objectives, these codes also represent sophisticated Taliban information operations. The Layeha presents how the Taliban, as an organization, plan to pursue their short- and long-term objectives. Chapter 8 explicitly compares and contrasts the codes of conduct published in 2010 and 2009 (and some discussion of the 2006 Layeha). An overview of these comparisons is presented in Tables 8.1 and 8.2. The chapter also presents the explicit Mullah Omar statements on the Layehas (Table 8.3). In addition the chapter presents an organizational analysis of the Taliban. Figure 8.1 presents the provincial military force structure of the Taliban and Table 8.4 presents the Taliban’s chain of command.Less
This chapter examines and compares a variety of Taliban’s Layeha or “codes of conduct. While these codes of conduct present explicit procedures as well as rules and regulations that Taliban leadership demand that their followers/insurgents follow relative to tactical and strategic objectives, these codes also represent sophisticated Taliban information operations. The Layeha presents how the Taliban, as an organization, plan to pursue their short- and long-term objectives. Chapter 8 explicitly compares and contrasts the codes of conduct published in 2010 and 2009 (and some discussion of the 2006 Layeha). An overview of these comparisons is presented in Tables 8.1 and 8.2. The chapter also presents the explicit Mullah Omar statements on the Layehas (Table 8.3). In addition the chapter presents an organizational analysis of the Taliban. Figure 8.1 presents the provincial military force structure of the Taliban and Table 8.4 presents the Taliban’s chain of command.
Sayed Khatab
- Published in print:
- 2011
- Published Online:
- May 2012
- ISBN:
- 9789774164996
- eISBN:
- 9781617971075
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- American University in Cairo Press
- DOI:
- 10.5743/cairo/9789774164996.003.0005
- Subject:
- Religion, Islam
This chapter investigates the war in Afghanistan, the establishment of al-Qa'ida, the transformation of Usama bin Laden from an exclusively Afghan-based jihadist to an al-Qa'ida neo-jihadist, the ...
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This chapter investigates the war in Afghanistan, the establishment of al-Qa'ida, the transformation of Usama bin Laden from an exclusively Afghan-based jihadist to an al-Qa'ida neo-jihadist, the role of the USA within the Arab-Muslim countries therein, and the Bin Laden-Taliban relationship.Less
This chapter investigates the war in Afghanistan, the establishment of al-Qa'ida, the transformation of Usama bin Laden from an exclusively Afghan-based jihadist to an al-Qa'ida neo-jihadist, the role of the USA within the Arab-Muslim countries therein, and the Bin Laden-Taliban relationship.
