Samia Mehrez (ed.)
- Published in print:
- 2012
- Published Online:
- September 2012
- ISBN:
- 9789774165337
- eISBN:
- 9781617971303
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- American University in Cairo Press
- DOI:
- 10.5743/cairo/9789774165337.001.0001
- Subject:
- Society and Culture, Middle Eastern Studies
This unique interdisciplinary collective project is the culmination of research and translation work conducted by AUC students of different cultural and linguistic backgrounds who continue to witness ...
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This unique interdisciplinary collective project is the culmination of research and translation work conducted by AUC students of different cultural and linguistic backgrounds who continue to witness Egypt's ongoing revolution. This historic event has produced an unprecedented proliferation of political and cultural documents and materials, whether written, oral, or visual. Given their range, different linguistic registers, and referential worlds, these documents present a great challenge to any translator. The contributors to this volume have selectively translated chants, banners, jokes, poems, and interviews, as well as presidential speeches and military communiqués. Their practical translation work is informed by the cultural turn in translation studies and the nuanced role of the translator as negotiator between texts and cultures. The chapters focus on the relationship between translation and semiotics, issues of fidelity and equivalence, creative transformation and rewriting, and the issue of target readership. This mature collective project is in many ways a reenactment of the new infectious revolutionary spirit in Egypt today.Less
This unique interdisciplinary collective project is the culmination of research and translation work conducted by AUC students of different cultural and linguistic backgrounds who continue to witness Egypt's ongoing revolution. This historic event has produced an unprecedented proliferation of political and cultural documents and materials, whether written, oral, or visual. Given their range, different linguistic registers, and referential worlds, these documents present a great challenge to any translator. The contributors to this volume have selectively translated chants, banners, jokes, poems, and interviews, as well as presidential speeches and military communiqués. Their practical translation work is informed by the cultural turn in translation studies and the nuanced role of the translator as negotiator between texts and cultures. The chapters focus on the relationship between translation and semiotics, issues of fidelity and equivalence, creative transformation and rewriting, and the issue of target readership. This mature collective project is in many ways a reenactment of the new infectious revolutionary spirit in Egypt today.
Azzam S. Tamimi
- Published in print:
- 2001
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780195140002
- eISBN:
- 9780199834723
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0195140001.003.0001
- Subject:
- Religion, Islam
Ghannouchi grows up in a Tunisian traditional Islamic yet politically charged milieu of anticolonialist Arab Nationalism.The journey of his life passes through stations, the first is his country's ...
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Ghannouchi grows up in a Tunisian traditional Islamic yet politically charged milieu of anticolonialist Arab Nationalism.The journey of his life passes through stations, the first is his country's capital, Tunis, where he studies at the supposedly Islamic institution, Az‐Zaytouna, only to come out of it more confused and almost completely severed from his Islamic roots.He escapes to Cairo and then to Damascus where he studies philosophy, divorces Nassirism, encounters Islamic groups, such as the Salafis, Hizb‐ut‐Tahrir, and the Muslim Brotherhood, and nationalists groups, such as the Ba’th Party and the Arab Socialist Union, and “reembraces” Islam.A tour of Europe and then a one‐year study in Paris serve only to consolidate his conversion, attract him to Tablighi Jama’at, and terminate his exile.On his way back home, he meets what hence becomes his main source of inspiration, Algerian thinker Malik Bennabi.Less
Ghannouchi grows up in a Tunisian traditional Islamic yet politically charged milieu of anticolonialist Arab Nationalism.
The journey of his life passes through stations, the first is his country's capital, Tunis, where he studies at the supposedly Islamic institution, Az‐Zaytouna, only to come out of it more confused and almost completely severed from his Islamic roots.
He escapes to Cairo and then to Damascus where he studies philosophy, divorces Nassirism, encounters Islamic groups, such as the Salafis, Hizb‐ut‐Tahrir, and the Muslim Brotherhood, and nationalists groups, such as the Ba’th Party and the Arab Socialist Union, and “reembraces” Islam.
A tour of Europe and then a one‐year study in Paris serve only to consolidate his conversion, attract him to Tablighi Jama’at, and terminate his exile.
On his way back home, he meets what hence becomes his main source of inspiration, Algerian thinker Malik Bennabi.
Azzam S. Tamimi
- Published in print:
- 2001
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780195140002
- eISBN:
- 9780199834723
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0195140001.003.0007
- Subject:
- Religion, Islam
Within Islamic circles there are those, such as the affiliates of Hizb‐ut‐Tahrir and the followers of the school of thought headed by Ayman Dhawahiri (often written as Zawahiri), who constitute an ...
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Within Islamic circles there are those, such as the affiliates of Hizb‐ut‐Tahrir and the followers of the school of thought headed by Ayman Dhawahiri (often written as Zawahiri), who constitute an obstacle to democratization because of their campaign against democracy and whatever Muslims may borrow from the “infidel” West.Such groups claim to be the rightful followers of Sayyid Qutb whose key concepts of hakimiyah and jahiliyah they have incorporated into their discourse.These groups confuse the religious with the political in Islam, a confusion that leads to misinterpreting Islamic religious text and misunderstanding Islamic history.The theory of faraghat (spaces) is proposed as a model to explain the concept of ijtihad in political thought.Less
Within Islamic circles there are those, such as the affiliates of Hizb‐ut‐Tahrir and the followers of the school of thought headed by Ayman Dhawahiri (often written as Zawahiri), who constitute an obstacle to democratization because of their campaign against democracy and whatever Muslims may borrow from the “infidel” West.
Such groups claim to be the rightful followers of Sayyid Qutb whose key concepts of hakimiyah and jahiliyah they have incorporated into their discourse.
These groups confuse the religious with the political in Islam, a confusion that leads to misinterpreting Islamic religious text and misunderstanding Islamic history.
The theory of faraghat (spaces) is proposed as a model to explain the concept of ijtihad in political thought.
Brian T. Edwards
- Published in print:
- 2015
- Published Online:
- May 2016
- ISBN:
- 9780231174008
- eISBN:
- 9780231540551
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Columbia University Press
- DOI:
- 10.7312/columbia/9780231174008.003.0002
- Subject:
- Literature, Criticism/Theory
As the Tahrir Square uprisings of 2011 grew, the US narrative about the Arab world changed quickly, moving from old fashioned Orientalism to embrace a young revolution (Arab Spring) and a focus on ...
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As the Tahrir Square uprisings of 2011 grew, the US narrative about the Arab world changed quickly, moving from old fashioned Orientalism to embrace a young revolution (Arab Spring) and a focus on new media and social networking software. This chapter takes an extended look at how cultural forms associated with the US—cyberpunk fiction, superhero comics, social networking software, and text messaging language—make their way into the Egyptian cultural scene, and are imbibed with rich new sets of meanings.Less
As the Tahrir Square uprisings of 2011 grew, the US narrative about the Arab world changed quickly, moving from old fashioned Orientalism to embrace a young revolution (Arab Spring) and a focus on new media and social networking software. This chapter takes an extended look at how cultural forms associated with the US—cyberpunk fiction, superhero comics, social networking software, and text messaging language—make their way into the Egyptian cultural scene, and are imbibed with rich new sets of meanings.
Lewis Sanders IV
- Published in print:
- 2012
- Published Online:
- September 2012
- ISBN:
- 9789774165337
- eISBN:
- 9781617971303
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- American University in Cairo Press
- DOI:
- 10.5743/cairo/9789774165337.003.0004
- Subject:
- Society and Culture, Middle Eastern Studies
Reads and translates the throng of revolutionary banners and signs whose visual immediacy both established the demands of protesters and responded to the emerging political discourse as it unfolded ...
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Reads and translates the throng of revolutionary banners and signs whose visual immediacy both established the demands of protesters and responded to the emerging political discourse as it unfolded thereby becoming, in and of themselves, a translation of the awakening of public consciousness and a remarkable and fearless articulation of the right to language. The authors trace how these visual public signs inscribed a narrative of resistance that drew on various symbols and layers of historical, cultural, and political memory to write the story of a people in revolt. As the authors correctly point out, “a palpable sense of guilt, responsibility and complicity underwrote many of these banners, drawing on a collective memory of censorship and participation in silence, and paving the way for a new moral economy.” Through a translation of the unprecedented politics of display in Tahrir that combined humor, satire, and creative energy, the authors show how Egyptians used their individual and collective bodies as canvases to represent the demands of the revolution, to dismantle and expose a history of empire and global complicities, and to celebrate solidarities, exceptional valor, and enormously tragic sacrifice.Less
Reads and translates the throng of revolutionary banners and signs whose visual immediacy both established the demands of protesters and responded to the emerging political discourse as it unfolded thereby becoming, in and of themselves, a translation of the awakening of public consciousness and a remarkable and fearless articulation of the right to language. The authors trace how these visual public signs inscribed a narrative of resistance that drew on various symbols and layers of historical, cultural, and political memory to write the story of a people in revolt. As the authors correctly point out, “a palpable sense of guilt, responsibility and complicity underwrote many of these banners, drawing on a collective memory of censorship and participation in silence, and paving the way for a new moral economy.” Through a translation of the unprecedented politics of display in Tahrir that combined humor, satire, and creative energy, the authors show how Egyptians used their individual and collective bodies as canvases to represent the demands of the revolution, to dismantle and expose a history of empire and global complicities, and to celebrate solidarities, exceptional valor, and enormously tragic sacrifice.
Michaele L. Ferguson
- Published in print:
- 2012
- Published Online:
- January 2013
- ISBN:
- 9780199921584
- eISBN:
- 9780199980413
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199921584.003.0000
- Subject:
- Political Science, Political Theory, American Politics
This chapter introduces the problematic of the book via a reading of Western media responses to the Arab Spring. On the one hand, commentators read the protests in terms of commonality: either as ...
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This chapter introduces the problematic of the book via a reading of Western media responses to the Arab Spring. On the one hand, commentators read the protests in terms of commonality: either as evidence that protestors shared a common goal, or as evidence that they lacked the cohesion to sustain democratic institutions. On the other hand, commentators read the protests in terms of political freedom: as expressions of the human capacity to shape the world we share together. These interpretations of the Arab Spring correspond to two different ways of seeing democracy. The first view presumes that democracy requires that the people share something in common. While democratic theorists are predominantly oriented towards commonality, this book will argue instead for emphasizing political freedom. On this latter view, democracy emerges through the interactions between plural persons who do not know whether or what they have in common. The protests in Tahrir Square in 2011 are, therefore, paradigmatic of democracy: the protestors acted together without knowing whether others would join with them, without knowing whether they could agree about their aims, and without knowing whether they would succeed. Yet they acted anyhow, and so expressed their political freedom.Less
This chapter introduces the problematic of the book via a reading of Western media responses to the Arab Spring. On the one hand, commentators read the protests in terms of commonality: either as evidence that protestors shared a common goal, or as evidence that they lacked the cohesion to sustain democratic institutions. On the other hand, commentators read the protests in terms of political freedom: as expressions of the human capacity to shape the world we share together. These interpretations of the Arab Spring correspond to two different ways of seeing democracy. The first view presumes that democracy requires that the people share something in common. While democratic theorists are predominantly oriented towards commonality, this book will argue instead for emphasizing political freedom. On this latter view, democracy emerges through the interactions between plural persons who do not know whether or what they have in common. The protests in Tahrir Square in 2011 are, therefore, paradigmatic of democracy: the protestors acted together without knowing whether others would join with them, without knowing whether they could agree about their aims, and without knowing whether they would succeed. Yet they acted anyhow, and so expressed their political freedom.
Mohamed Zayani and Suzi Mirgani (eds)
- Published in print:
- 2016
- Published Online:
- January 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780190491550
- eISBN:
- 9780190638597
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780190491550.001.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, Middle Eastern Politics
Bullets and Bulletins takes a sobering and holistic look at the intersections between media and politics before, during, and in the wake of the Arab uprisings. It is a multi-disciplinary approach to ...
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Bullets and Bulletins takes a sobering and holistic look at the intersections between media and politics before, during, and in the wake of the Arab uprisings. It is a multi-disciplinary approach to the topic, with the research backed up by in-depth and rigorous case studies of the key countries of the Arab uprisings. The protests were accompanied by profound changes in the roles of traditional and new media across the Middle East. What added significantly to the amplification of demands and grievances in the public spheres, streets and squares, was the dovetailing of an increasingly indignant population—ignited by the prospects of economic and political marginalisation—with high rates of media literacy, digital connectivity, and social media prowess. This combination of political activism and mediated communication turned popular street protests into battles over information, where authorities and activists wrestled with each other over media messages. Information and communication technologies were used by both government authorities and protestors as simultaneous tools for silencing or amplifying dissent. Bullets and Bulletins offers original insights and analysis into the role of traditional and new media in what is undoubtedly a most critical period in contemporary Middle Eastern history.Less
Bullets and Bulletins takes a sobering and holistic look at the intersections between media and politics before, during, and in the wake of the Arab uprisings. It is a multi-disciplinary approach to the topic, with the research backed up by in-depth and rigorous case studies of the key countries of the Arab uprisings. The protests were accompanied by profound changes in the roles of traditional and new media across the Middle East. What added significantly to the amplification of demands and grievances in the public spheres, streets and squares, was the dovetailing of an increasingly indignant population—ignited by the prospects of economic and political marginalisation—with high rates of media literacy, digital connectivity, and social media prowess. This combination of political activism and mediated communication turned popular street protests into battles over information, where authorities and activists wrestled with each other over media messages. Information and communication technologies were used by both government authorities and protestors as simultaneous tools for silencing or amplifying dissent. Bullets and Bulletins offers original insights and analysis into the role of traditional and new media in what is undoubtedly a most critical period in contemporary Middle Eastern history.
Jeroen Gunning and Ilan Zvi Baron
- Published in print:
- 2014
- Published Online:
- September 2014
- ISBN:
- 9780199394982
- eISBN:
- 9780190214135
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199394982.003.0008
- Subject:
- Political Science, Political Theory
It was the creation of a revolutionary space in the centre of Cairo that for many carried the symbolism of what the revolution aimed to achieve. Warren Magnusson has argued that political theory and ...
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It was the creation of a revolutionary space in the centre of Cairo that for many carried the symbolism of what the revolution aimed to achieve. Warren Magnusson has argued that political theory and political research more generally has prioritised a view of political life as if politics is primarily understood according to the discourses of the state. Social movement theory’s spatial emphasis has also largely been on understanding political movements that function within the political conditions of the state. Yet the political spaces created by the protesters in Cairo were in many ways radically different from the statist conception of political space. To appreciate fully the significance of the revolution, we must investigate the new practices and meanings that were inscribed onto Tahrir Square and its environs. The peripheral alleys became, for a short while, the political centre of protest. The boulevards and squares were re-inscribed with revolutionary meanings in what one could call, drawing on Henri Lefebvre, a ‘trial by space’. As a result, public spaces became reconstituted, briefly, as non-sovereign political spaces.Less
It was the creation of a revolutionary space in the centre of Cairo that for many carried the symbolism of what the revolution aimed to achieve. Warren Magnusson has argued that political theory and political research more generally has prioritised a view of political life as if politics is primarily understood according to the discourses of the state. Social movement theory’s spatial emphasis has also largely been on understanding political movements that function within the political conditions of the state. Yet the political spaces created by the protesters in Cairo were in many ways radically different from the statist conception of political space. To appreciate fully the significance of the revolution, we must investigate the new practices and meanings that were inscribed onto Tahrir Square and its environs. The peripheral alleys became, for a short while, the political centre of protest. The boulevards and squares were re-inscribed with revolutionary meanings in what one could call, drawing on Henri Lefebvre, a ‘trial by space’. As a result, public spaces became reconstituted, briefly, as non-sovereign political spaces.
Wafaa EL Sadik and Rüdiger Heimlich
- Published in print:
- 2017
- Published Online:
- September 2017
- ISBN:
- 9789774168253
- eISBN:
- 9781617978173
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- American University in Cairo Press
- DOI:
- 10.5743/cairo/9789774168253.003.0001
- Subject:
- History, Ancient History / Archaeology
This introductory chapter details the last time the author met Hosni Mubarak in October 2010 in Rome when she was instructed to put together a list of 190 treasures from Cairo's museums for an ...
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This introductory chapter details the last time the author met Hosni Mubarak in October 2010 in Rome when she was instructed to put together a list of 190 treasures from Cairo's museums for an exhibition of treasures from Egyptian history. It also looks at the revolutionary events in Tahrir Square and the plundering of the Egyptian Museum in 2011. The author then describes how she dealt with the challenges of corruption as she assumed a management position in the antiquities service in the Egyptian Museum. On that “day of rage” in Tahrir Square, she determined that she would be betraying herself and the youth of Egypt if she were to become the director of a museum founded by people who torture young people and beat them to death, and decided to do no more work that had any connection to Mubarak, his wife, and the regime.Less
This introductory chapter details the last time the author met Hosni Mubarak in October 2010 in Rome when she was instructed to put together a list of 190 treasures from Cairo's museums for an exhibition of treasures from Egyptian history. It also looks at the revolutionary events in Tahrir Square and the plundering of the Egyptian Museum in 2011. The author then describes how she dealt with the challenges of corruption as she assumed a management position in the antiquities service in the Egyptian Museum. On that “day of rage” in Tahrir Square, she determined that she would be betraying herself and the youth of Egypt if she were to become the director of a museum founded by people who torture young people and beat them to death, and decided to do no more work that had any connection to Mubarak, his wife, and the regime.
Wafaa EL Sadik and Rüdiger Heimlich
- Published in print:
- 2017
- Published Online:
- September 2017
- ISBN:
- 9789774168253
- eISBN:
- 9781617978173
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- American University in Cairo Press
- DOI:
- 10.5743/cairo/9789774168253.003.0009
- Subject:
- History, Ancient History / Archaeology
This concluding chapter focuses on the events that happened since the start of the Tahrir Revolution in January 2011. Egypt now have a new president, a new constitution, new parties, and new ...
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This concluding chapter focuses on the events that happened since the start of the Tahrir Revolution in January 2011. Egypt now have a new president, a new constitution, new parties, and new coalitions. For the first time in their history, Egyptians were allowed to vote, and—no matter which way they voted—they were dissatisfied with the result. The country is politically divided. The only thing that unites people is their dissatisfaction. Indeed, everything is in short supply—most of all patience. The Egyptians took to the streets for bread, freedom, and social justice. Egypt's economic situation also worsened. The author witnessed the exodus of educated young people and the migration of intellectuals to America. Moreover, the literacy rate is sinking lower and lower as children and young people are neglected.Less
This concluding chapter focuses on the events that happened since the start of the Tahrir Revolution in January 2011. Egypt now have a new president, a new constitution, new parties, and new coalitions. For the first time in their history, Egyptians were allowed to vote, and—no matter which way they voted—they were dissatisfied with the result. The country is politically divided. The only thing that unites people is their dissatisfaction. Indeed, everything is in short supply—most of all patience. The Egyptians took to the streets for bread, freedom, and social justice. Egypt's economic situation also worsened. The author witnessed the exodus of educated young people and the migration of intellectuals to America. Moreover, the literacy rate is sinking lower and lower as children and young people are neglected.
Mariz Tadros
- Published in print:
- 2013
- Published Online:
- September 2014
- ISBN:
- 9789774165917
- eISBN:
- 9781617975479
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- American University in Cairo Press
- DOI:
- 10.5743/cairo/9789774165917.003.0007
- Subject:
- Political Science, Democratization
This chapter examines the dynamics of Copts’ engagement with the uprisings that ousted Mubarak. It starts with the church bombing in Alexandria in January 2011, a precursor for the revolution, and ...
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This chapter examines the dynamics of Copts’ engagement with the uprisings that ousted Mubarak. It starts with the church bombing in Alexandria in January 2011, a precursor for the revolution, and then looks at the high turnout of Copts, as participants and organizers, in the 25 January uprising, in particular in Tahrir Squre. Finally, it discusses the motivations for their participation.Less
This chapter examines the dynamics of Copts’ engagement with the uprisings that ousted Mubarak. It starts with the church bombing in Alexandria in January 2011, a precursor for the revolution, and then looks at the high turnout of Copts, as participants and organizers, in the 25 January uprising, in particular in Tahrir Squre. Finally, it discusses the motivations for their participation.
Mariz Tadros
- Published in print:
- 2013
- Published Online:
- September 2014
- ISBN:
- 9789774165917
- eISBN:
- 9781617975479
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- American University in Cairo Press
- DOI:
- 10.5743/cairo/9789774165917.003.0008
- Subject:
- Political Science, Democratization
The sense of religious pluralism of Tahrir Square faded fast following the 18 days, despite the hope of many that sectarian relations would improve with the removal of Mubarak. This chapter looks at ...
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The sense of religious pluralism of Tahrir Square faded fast following the 18 days, despite the hope of many that sectarian relations would improve with the removal of Mubarak. This chapter looks at how and why this happened and argues that a hybrid of new and old power configurations were behind the surge in violence against non-Muslims. It points to three factors in particular: the removal of the authoritarian grip allowed the already existing societal fault-lines to open up; SCAF’s state-sponsored religious discrimination; and the Salafization of the management of sectarian violence. It also looks at the church leadership’s stance vis-à-vis the changing power dynamics post January 2011.Less
The sense of religious pluralism of Tahrir Square faded fast following the 18 days, despite the hope of many that sectarian relations would improve with the removal of Mubarak. This chapter looks at how and why this happened and argues that a hybrid of new and old power configurations were behind the surge in violence against non-Muslims. It points to three factors in particular: the removal of the authoritarian grip allowed the already existing societal fault-lines to open up; SCAF’s state-sponsored religious discrimination; and the Salafization of the management of sectarian violence. It also looks at the church leadership’s stance vis-à-vis the changing power dynamics post January 2011.
Sarah Glynn
- Published in print:
- 2015
- Published Online:
- January 2015
- ISBN:
- 9780719095955
- eISBN:
- 9781781707432
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Manchester University Press
- DOI:
- 10.7228/manchester/9780719095955.003.0009
- Subject:
- Sociology, Social Stratification, Inequality, and Mobility
Chapter 8 examines the growth of Islamic identity and political organisation. It starts by discussing different approaches to Islam and the meaning of Islamism. It looks at groups linked to ...
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Chapter 8 examines the growth of Islamic identity and political organisation. It starts by discussing different approaches to Islam and the meaning of Islamism. It looks at groups linked to Jamaat-e-Islami, whose ultimate aim is an Islamic state, and how they build support through strong organisation, grassroots community work, prosletysing, and civic engagement. And it also looks at more radical groups – Hizb ut-Tahrir and Al Muhajiroun - who see themselves as a revolutionary vanguard for the restoration of an Islamic state. It argues that the turn to religion, which has happened throughout the Islamic world, is a consequence of the decline of a left alternative. Young Bengalis face alienation, racism, inequality, and no future. Islam offers them brotherhood, certainty and pride. It also argues that, while a very few have gone on jihad, it is dangerous to claim that Islamist ideas lead to extremist violence. However, Islamism has led to conflicts with non-political Muslims (especially concerning alleged war criminals from 1971) and has put difficult peer pressure on college students. It also perpetuates separatism.Finally, the chapter looks at how governments have deliberately promoted faith groups - which has consolidated religious power, encouraged conservative values, and cut across class-based organisation.Less
Chapter 8 examines the growth of Islamic identity and political organisation. It starts by discussing different approaches to Islam and the meaning of Islamism. It looks at groups linked to Jamaat-e-Islami, whose ultimate aim is an Islamic state, and how they build support through strong organisation, grassroots community work, prosletysing, and civic engagement. And it also looks at more radical groups – Hizb ut-Tahrir and Al Muhajiroun - who see themselves as a revolutionary vanguard for the restoration of an Islamic state. It argues that the turn to religion, which has happened throughout the Islamic world, is a consequence of the decline of a left alternative. Young Bengalis face alienation, racism, inequality, and no future. Islam offers them brotherhood, certainty and pride. It also argues that, while a very few have gone on jihad, it is dangerous to claim that Islamist ideas lead to extremist violence. However, Islamism has led to conflicts with non-political Muslims (especially concerning alleged war criminals from 1971) and has put difficult peer pressure on college students. It also perpetuates separatism.Finally, the chapter looks at how governments have deliberately promoted faith groups - which has consolidated religious power, encouraged conservative values, and cut across class-based organisation.
Asaad Al-Saleh
- Published in print:
- 2015
- Published Online:
- November 2015
- ISBN:
- 9780231163187
- eISBN:
- 9780231538589
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Columbia University Press
- DOI:
- 10.7312/columbia/9780231163187.003.0003
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
This chapter narrates the January 25 Revolution in Egypt through the testimonies of activists who participated in the event. On this day, Egyptians headed to Tahrir Square in downtown Cairo to join a ...
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This chapter narrates the January 25 Revolution in Egypt through the testimonies of activists who participated in the event. On this day, Egyptians headed to Tahrir Square in downtown Cairo to join a protest against the regime of Hosni Mubarak. This event was publicized in a number of places, including the Facebook page “We are all Khaled Said”—a page devoted to encourage Egyptian youth to oppose the government. Activists united to protest for several months the brutal act done to Khaled Said, culminating in the trial and conviction to life imprisonment of Mubarak. The chapter presents narratives of Adel Abdel Ghafar, Mona Prince, and other activists regarding this event.Less
This chapter narrates the January 25 Revolution in Egypt through the testimonies of activists who participated in the event. On this day, Egyptians headed to Tahrir Square in downtown Cairo to join a protest against the regime of Hosni Mubarak. This event was publicized in a number of places, including the Facebook page “We are all Khaled Said”—a page devoted to encourage Egyptian youth to oppose the government. Activists united to protest for several months the brutal act done to Khaled Said, culminating in the trial and conviction to life imprisonment of Mubarak. The chapter presents narratives of Adel Abdel Ghafar, Mona Prince, and other activists regarding this event.
Jeroen Gunning and Ilan Zvi Baron
- Published in print:
- 2014
- Published Online:
- September 2014
- ISBN:
- 9780199394982
- eISBN:
- 9780190214135
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199394982.001.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, Political Theory
On 25 January 2011, tens of thousands of Egyptians came out on the streets to protest against emergency rule and police brutality. Eighteen days later, Mubarak, one of the longest sitting dictators ...
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On 25 January 2011, tens of thousands of Egyptians came out on the streets to protest against emergency rule and police brutality. Eighteen days later, Mubarak, one of the longest sitting dictators in the region, had gone. How are we to make sense of these events? Was this a revolution, a revolutionary moment? How did the protests come about? How were they able to outmanoeuvre the police? Was this really a “leaderless revolution”, as so many pundits claimed, or did the protests grow out of the protest networks that had developed over the past decade? Why did so many people with no history of activism participate? What role did economic and systemic crises play in creating the conditions for these protests to occur? Was this really a Facebook revolution? This book is an analysis of the shape and timing of these extraordinary events, the players behind them, and the tactics and protest frames they developed. Drawing on a critical interpretation of social movement theory, interviews with key actors and political analysis, it traces the interaction between protest networks, frames and tactics, regime responses and broader structural changes through successive protest waves over the past decade. Using theories of urban politics, space and power, it reflects on the exceptional state of non-sovereign politics that developed during the occupation of Tahrir Square.Less
On 25 January 2011, tens of thousands of Egyptians came out on the streets to protest against emergency rule and police brutality. Eighteen days later, Mubarak, one of the longest sitting dictators in the region, had gone. How are we to make sense of these events? Was this a revolution, a revolutionary moment? How did the protests come about? How were they able to outmanoeuvre the police? Was this really a “leaderless revolution”, as so many pundits claimed, or did the protests grow out of the protest networks that had developed over the past decade? Why did so many people with no history of activism participate? What role did economic and systemic crises play in creating the conditions for these protests to occur? Was this really a Facebook revolution? This book is an analysis of the shape and timing of these extraordinary events, the players behind them, and the tactics and protest frames they developed. Drawing on a critical interpretation of social movement theory, interviews with key actors and political analysis, it traces the interaction between protest networks, frames and tactics, regime responses and broader structural changes through successive protest waves over the past decade. Using theories of urban politics, space and power, it reflects on the exceptional state of non-sovereign politics that developed during the occupation of Tahrir Square.
Sam Cherribi
- Published in print:
- 2017
- Published Online:
- February 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780199337385
- eISBN:
- 9780190652098
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199337385.003.0005
- Subject:
- Sociology, Politics, Social Movements and Social Change, Sociology of Religion
This chapter traces the crucial events in Al Jazeera’s coverage of the Egyptian revolution. These include the closing of Al Jazeera’s Cairo bureau on January 30, 2011,and the network’s subsequent ...
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This chapter traces the crucial events in Al Jazeera’s coverage of the Egyptian revolution. These include the closing of Al Jazeera’s Cairo bureau on January 30, 2011,and the network’s subsequent round-the-clock coverage of protests in Tahrir Square. The chapter draws on transcripts of interviews and television segments to recount how the network acted as a rallying force for demonstrators. We also see how Al Jazeera’s embrace of the revolution brought with it an infusion of religious language and imagery to a movement that had previously been communicated in a predominantly secular language. This is exemplified by the series of fatwas and appearances by the religious voice of the network, Yusuf al-Qaradawi.Less
This chapter traces the crucial events in Al Jazeera’s coverage of the Egyptian revolution. These include the closing of Al Jazeera’s Cairo bureau on January 30, 2011,and the network’s subsequent round-the-clock coverage of protests in Tahrir Square. The chapter draws on transcripts of interviews and television segments to recount how the network acted as a rallying force for demonstrators. We also see how Al Jazeera’s embrace of the revolution brought with it an infusion of religious language and imagery to a movement that had previously been communicated in a predominantly secular language. This is exemplified by the series of fatwas and appearances by the religious voice of the network, Yusuf al-Qaradawi.
Mehran Kamrava (ed.)
- Published in print:
- 2014
- Published Online:
- December 2014
- ISBN:
- 9780199384419
- eISBN:
- 9780190235666
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199384419.001.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics
The 2011 Arab uprisings represented the collapse of old ruling bargains across the Arab world and the manifestation of demands for new premises of rule. The book is divided into two parts. The first ...
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The 2011 Arab uprisings represented the collapse of old ruling bargains across the Arab world and the manifestation of demands for new premises of rule. The book is divided into two parts. The first part is designed to contextualize the Arab Spring, while the second focuses on individual case studies. Part 1 begins with a chapter that traces the rise and fall of ruling bargains in the Middle East and the growing primacy of only one of the elements of the ruling bargain, namely fear, as the main tool of governance across the Middle East and especially the Arab world, a process which began in the 1960s and 1970s and lasted into the 2000s. Part 2 begins with Nader Hashemi’s analysis of Iran’s 2009 Green Movement, which is not generally considered to be part of the Arab Spring. But the Green Movement did represent a popular, mass-based effort to reformulate the ruling bargain that had evolved under the Iranian Islamic Republic over the preceding thirty years. It then examines Egypt’s Tahrir Square revolution, the region’s monarchies and their resilience to revolution. The book ends by considering Islamist groups, the situation in Syria, and Libya’s future.Less
The 2011 Arab uprisings represented the collapse of old ruling bargains across the Arab world and the manifestation of demands for new premises of rule. The book is divided into two parts. The first part is designed to contextualize the Arab Spring, while the second focuses on individual case studies. Part 1 begins with a chapter that traces the rise and fall of ruling bargains in the Middle East and the growing primacy of only one of the elements of the ruling bargain, namely fear, as the main tool of governance across the Middle East and especially the Arab world, a process which began in the 1960s and 1970s and lasted into the 2000s. Part 2 begins with Nader Hashemi’s analysis of Iran’s 2009 Green Movement, which is not generally considered to be part of the Arab Spring. But the Green Movement did represent a popular, mass-based effort to reformulate the ruling bargain that had evolved under the Iranian Islamic Republic over the preceding thirty years. It then examines Egypt’s Tahrir Square revolution, the region’s monarchies and their resilience to revolution. The book ends by considering Islamist groups, the situation in Syria, and Libya’s future.
Ali Aslam
- Published in print:
- 2017
- Published Online:
- December 2016
- ISBN:
- 9780190601812
- eISBN:
- 9780190601836
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780190601812.003.0004
- Subject:
- Political Science, Democratization, Political Theory
This chapter reflects broadly on the concepts of sovereignty, democracy, and public philosophy animating Judith Butler’s recent writing, focusing on her reading of the 2011 protests to remove ...
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This chapter reflects broadly on the concepts of sovereignty, democracy, and public philosophy animating Judith Butler’s recent writing, focusing on her reading of the 2011 protests to remove Eqyptian President Hosni Mubarak from office. For Butler, solidarity among the protestors originated in the shared experience of bodily vulnerability as they tried to hold Tahrir Square. The chapter suggests that Butler overstates the significance of bodily assembly. She overlooks the role that interfaith acts of cooperation played in bridging the mistrust across sectarian and religious/secular divisions sewn by Mubarak during his long rule. It focuses on how the Friday Islamic congregational prayer and Sunday Mass animated passive forms of solidarity and inspired courage among Egyptians. Butler’s interest in identifying radical democracy with practices of mutual vulnerability and recognition cause her to neglect the protestors’ demands for democratic rule that included constitutional reforms to protect the gains of the revolution.Less
This chapter reflects broadly on the concepts of sovereignty, democracy, and public philosophy animating Judith Butler’s recent writing, focusing on her reading of the 2011 protests to remove Eqyptian President Hosni Mubarak from office. For Butler, solidarity among the protestors originated in the shared experience of bodily vulnerability as they tried to hold Tahrir Square. The chapter suggests that Butler overstates the significance of bodily assembly. She overlooks the role that interfaith acts of cooperation played in bridging the mistrust across sectarian and religious/secular divisions sewn by Mubarak during his long rule. It focuses on how the Friday Islamic congregational prayer and Sunday Mass animated passive forms of solidarity and inspired courage among Egyptians. Butler’s interest in identifying radical democracy with practices of mutual vulnerability and recognition cause her to neglect the protestors’ demands for democratic rule that included constitutional reforms to protect the gains of the revolution.
Atef Said
- Published in print:
- 2018
- Published Online:
- July 2018
- ISBN:
- 9780190882969
- eISBN:
- 9780190887544
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/oso/9780190882969.003.0007
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
In chapter 7, Atef Said examines how his positionality as an Egyptian-born American researcher and activist shaped his research experiences and his thinking on ethical issues during Egypt’s ...
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In chapter 7, Atef Said examines how his positionality as an Egyptian-born American researcher and activist shaped his research experiences and his thinking on ethical issues during Egypt’s revolution and its counterrevolution. Said explains how these interwoven layers of positionality played out in contradictory ways during the uprising, as it was a burden while giving him great accessibility at the same time and investigates how these issues changed over the different stages of conducting his research until writing about the revolution, and the unique challenges of conducting research under harsh autocratic military rule. He discusses some of his methodological solutions to navigate the closed political space in Egypt today.Less
In chapter 7, Atef Said examines how his positionality as an Egyptian-born American researcher and activist shaped his research experiences and his thinking on ethical issues during Egypt’s revolution and its counterrevolution. Said explains how these interwoven layers of positionality played out in contradictory ways during the uprising, as it was a burden while giving him great accessibility at the same time and investigates how these issues changed over the different stages of conducting his research until writing about the revolution, and the unique challenges of conducting research under harsh autocratic military rule. He discusses some of his methodological solutions to navigate the closed political space in Egypt today.
Samuel Helfont
- Published in print:
- 2018
- Published Online:
- April 2018
- ISBN:
- 9780190843311
- eISBN:
- 9780190843342
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/oso/9780190843311.003.0005
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
This chapter details the Ba’thist regime’s conflict with Iraqi Islamists during the 1980s. It highlights the insights provided by Iraqi intelligence reports. In doing so, it shows that the regime ...
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This chapter details the Ba’thist regime’s conflict with Iraqi Islamists during the 1980s. It highlights the insights provided by Iraqi intelligence reports. In doing so, it shows that the regime confronted a wide-scale uprising in the late 1970s and early 1980s, mostly among Shi’i Islamists and the Da’wa Party. However, the regime did also face threats from Sunni Islamists such as the Muslim Brotherhood. Membership in any political organization other than the Ba‘th Party necessarily resulted in harsh regime responses. In the middle years of the 1980s, the regime felt it had established control. This success gave the regime a clearer picture of the opposition and its membership. The regime gradually contained these threats, pushing Sunni and Shi’i Islamists underground or into exile.Less
This chapter details the Ba’thist regime’s conflict with Iraqi Islamists during the 1980s. It highlights the insights provided by Iraqi intelligence reports. In doing so, it shows that the regime confronted a wide-scale uprising in the late 1970s and early 1980s, mostly among Shi’i Islamists and the Da’wa Party. However, the regime did also face threats from Sunni Islamists such as the Muslim Brotherhood. Membership in any political organization other than the Ba‘th Party necessarily resulted in harsh regime responses. In the middle years of the 1980s, the regime felt it had established control. This success gave the regime a clearer picture of the opposition and its membership. The regime gradually contained these threats, pushing Sunni and Shi’i Islamists underground or into exile.
