Heather Sharkey
- Published in print:
- 2003
- Published Online:
- March 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780520235588
- eISBN:
- 9780520929364
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- University of California Press
- DOI:
- 10.1525/california/9780520235588.001.0001
- Subject:
- History, Middle East History
Histories written in the aftermath of empire have often featured conquerors and peasant rebels but have said little about the vast staffs of locally recruited clerks, technicians, teachers, and ...
More
Histories written in the aftermath of empire have often featured conquerors and peasant rebels but have said little about the vast staffs of locally recruited clerks, technicians, teachers, and medics who made colonialism work day to day. Even as these workers maintained the colonial state, they dreamed of displacing imperial power. This book examines the history of the Anglo-Egyptian Sudan (1898–1956) and the Republic of Sudan that followed in order to understand how colonialism worked on the ground, affected local cultures, influenced the rise of nationalism, and shaped the postcolonial nation-state. Relying on a rich cache of Sudanese Arabic literary sources—including poetry, essays, and memoirs, as well as colonial documents and photographs—it examines colonialism from the viewpoint of those who lived and worked in its midst. By integrating the case of Sudan with material on other countries, particularly India, the book has broad comparative appeal. The author shows that colonial legacies—such as inflexible borders, atomized multi-ethnic populations, and autocratic governing structures—have persisted, hobbling postcolonial nation-states. Thus countries like Sudan are still living with colonialism, struggling to achieve consensus and stability within borders that a fallen empire has left behind.Less
Histories written in the aftermath of empire have often featured conquerors and peasant rebels but have said little about the vast staffs of locally recruited clerks, technicians, teachers, and medics who made colonialism work day to day. Even as these workers maintained the colonial state, they dreamed of displacing imperial power. This book examines the history of the Anglo-Egyptian Sudan (1898–1956) and the Republic of Sudan that followed in order to understand how colonialism worked on the ground, affected local cultures, influenced the rise of nationalism, and shaped the postcolonial nation-state. Relying on a rich cache of Sudanese Arabic literary sources—including poetry, essays, and memoirs, as well as colonial documents and photographs—it examines colonialism from the viewpoint of those who lived and worked in its midst. By integrating the case of Sudan with material on other countries, particularly India, the book has broad comparative appeal. The author shows that colonial legacies—such as inflexible borders, atomized multi-ethnic populations, and autocratic governing structures—have persisted, hobbling postcolonial nation-states. Thus countries like Sudan are still living with colonialism, struggling to achieve consensus and stability within borders that a fallen empire has left behind.
COLIN NEWBURY
- Published in print:
- 2003
- Published Online:
- January 2010
- ISBN:
- 9780199257812
- eISBN:
- 9780191717864
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199257812.003.05
- Subject:
- History, World Early Modern History
Britain intervened in 1881 to make Egypt into an informal protectorate under a consul-general. Within the client state the joint hierarchy of British and Egyptian officials improved finances and ...
More
Britain intervened in 1881 to make Egypt into an informal protectorate under a consul-general. Within the client state the joint hierarchy of British and Egyptian officials improved finances and infrastructure; the Egyptian army came under British command. An intricate political game between Lord Cromer and the Khedivate aimed at securing ministerial clients and power over public offices and preserving strategic, commercial and dynastic interests in a colonial protectorate from 1914. In 1936 Britain ended this balancing act, retaining responsibility for the defence of the Canal, until the abolition of the monarchy by a military coup in 1952. After reconquest, the Sudan was run by British officers, using Egyptian auxiliaries and Sudanese clients recruited from sedentary and nomadic tribes to administer tax collection and courts. A parallel hierarchy of leaders from religious and urban elites competed for power and excluded the segmentary societies of the Southern Sudan after 1956.Less
Britain intervened in 1881 to make Egypt into an informal protectorate under a consul-general. Within the client state the joint hierarchy of British and Egyptian officials improved finances and infrastructure; the Egyptian army came under British command. An intricate political game between Lord Cromer and the Khedivate aimed at securing ministerial clients and power over public offices and preserving strategic, commercial and dynastic interests in a colonial protectorate from 1914. In 1936 Britain ended this balancing act, retaining responsibility for the defence of the Canal, until the abolition of the monarchy by a military coup in 1952. After reconquest, the Sudan was run by British officers, using Egyptian auxiliaries and Sudanese clients recruited from sedentary and nomadic tribes to administer tax collection and courts. A parallel hierarchy of leaders from religious and urban elites competed for power and excluded the segmentary societies of the Southern Sudan after 1956.
Jennifer Erickson
- Published in print:
- 2020
- Published Online:
- May 2021
- ISBN:
- 9781501751134
- eISBN:
- 9781501751141
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Cornell University Press
- DOI:
- 10.7591/cornell/9781501751134.001.0001
- Subject:
- Anthropology, Social and Cultural Anthropology
Tracing the history of refugee settlement in Fargo, North Dakota, from the 1980s to the present day, this book focuses on the role that gender, religion, and sociality play in everyday interactions ...
More
Tracing the history of refugee settlement in Fargo, North Dakota, from the 1980s to the present day, this book focuses on the role that gender, religion, and sociality play in everyday interactions between refugees from South Sudan and Bosnia-Herzegovina and the dominant white Euro-American population of the city. The book outlines the ways in which refugees have impacted this small city over the last thirty years, showing how culture, political economy, and institutional transformations collectively contribute to the racialization of white cities like Fargo in ways that complicate their demographics. The book shows that race, religion, and decorum prove to be powerful forces determining worthiness and belonging in the city and draws attention to the different roles that state and private sectors played in shaping ideas about race and citizenship on a local level. Through the comparative study of white secular Muslim Bosnians and Black Christian Southern Sudanese, the book demonstrates how cross-cultural and transnational understandings of race, ethnicity, class, and religion shape daily citizenship practices and belonging.Less
Tracing the history of refugee settlement in Fargo, North Dakota, from the 1980s to the present day, this book focuses on the role that gender, religion, and sociality play in everyday interactions between refugees from South Sudan and Bosnia-Herzegovina and the dominant white Euro-American population of the city. The book outlines the ways in which refugees have impacted this small city over the last thirty years, showing how culture, political economy, and institutional transformations collectively contribute to the racialization of white cities like Fargo in ways that complicate their demographics. The book shows that race, religion, and decorum prove to be powerful forces determining worthiness and belonging in the city and draws attention to the different roles that state and private sectors played in shaping ideas about race and citizenship on a local level. Through the comparative study of white secular Muslim Bosnians and Black Christian Southern Sudanese, the book demonstrates how cross-cultural and transnational understandings of race, ethnicity, class, and religion shape daily citizenship practices and belonging.
Shawn Leigh Alexander
- Published in print:
- 2008
- Published Online:
- September 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780813032320
- eISBN:
- 9780813039084
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University Press of Florida
- DOI:
- 10.5744/florida/9780813032320.003.0032
- Subject:
- History, African-American History
This chapter presents the editorial, “The World in Africa Fortune,” where Fortune encouraged the El Mahdi forces in their resistance against British occupation. This editorial is not only a strong ...
More
This chapter presents the editorial, “The World in Africa Fortune,” where Fortune encouraged the El Mahdi forces in their resistance against British occupation. This editorial is not only a strong statement of support for the Sudanese fight for independence; it is also a staunch condemnation of imperialism in general.Less
This chapter presents the editorial, “The World in Africa Fortune,” where Fortune encouraged the El Mahdi forces in their resistance against British occupation. This editorial is not only a strong statement of support for the Sudanese fight for independence; it is also a staunch condemnation of imperialism in general.
Noah Salomon
- Published in print:
- 2016
- Published Online:
- January 2018
- ISBN:
- 9780691165158
- eISBN:
- 9781400884292
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Princeton University Press
- DOI:
- 10.23943/princeton/9780691165158.001.0001
- Subject:
- Anthropology, Social and Cultural Anthropology
For some, the idea of an Islamic state serves to fulfill aspirations for cultural sovereignty and new forms of ethical political practice. For others, it violates the proper domains of both religion ...
More
For some, the idea of an Islamic state serves to fulfill aspirations for cultural sovereignty and new forms of ethical political practice. For others, it violates the proper domains of both religion and politics. Yet, while there has been much discussion of the idea and ideals of the Islamic state, its possibilities and impossibilities, surprisingly little has been written about how this political formation is lived. This book looks at the Republic of Sudan's twenty-five-year experiment with Islamic statehood. Focusing not on state institutions, but rather on the daily life that goes on in their shadows, the book examines the lasting effects of state Islamization on Sudanese society through a study of the individuals and organizations working in its midst. The book investigates Sudan at a crucial moment in its history—balanced between unity and partition, secular and religious politics, peace and war—when those who desired an Islamic state were rethinking the political form under which they had lived for nearly a generation. Countering the dominant discourse, the book depicts contemporary Islamic politics not as a response to secularism and Westernization but as a node in a much longer conversation within Islamic thought, augmented and reappropriated as state projects of Islamic reform became objects of debate and controversy. The book reveals both novel political ideals and new articulations of Islam as it is rethought through the lens of the nation.Less
For some, the idea of an Islamic state serves to fulfill aspirations for cultural sovereignty and new forms of ethical political practice. For others, it violates the proper domains of both religion and politics. Yet, while there has been much discussion of the idea and ideals of the Islamic state, its possibilities and impossibilities, surprisingly little has been written about how this political formation is lived. This book looks at the Republic of Sudan's twenty-five-year experiment with Islamic statehood. Focusing not on state institutions, but rather on the daily life that goes on in their shadows, the book examines the lasting effects of state Islamization on Sudanese society through a study of the individuals and organizations working in its midst. The book investigates Sudan at a crucial moment in its history—balanced between unity and partition, secular and religious politics, peace and war—when those who desired an Islamic state were rethinking the political form under which they had lived for nearly a generation. Countering the dominant discourse, the book depicts contemporary Islamic politics not as a response to secularism and Westernization but as a node in a much longer conversation within Islamic thought, augmented and reappropriated as state projects of Islamic reform became objects of debate and controversy. The book reveals both novel political ideals and new articulations of Islam as it is rethought through the lens of the nation.
Heather J. Sharkey
- Published in print:
- 2006
- Published Online:
- March 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780748620739
- eISBN:
- 9780748653102
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Edinburgh University Press
- DOI:
- 10.3366/edinburgh/9780748620739.003.0009
- Subject:
- Society and Culture, Middle Eastern Studies
Living in the political context shaped by European colonialism, Sudanese Arabic poets were not unique in pressing their art into the service of nationalism. By the time Mahjub wrote, poets in Egypt ...
More
Living in the political context shaped by European colonialism, Sudanese Arabic poets were not unique in pressing their art into the service of nationalism. By the time Mahjub wrote, poets in Egypt had been presiding over a nationalist literary nahda or ‘awakening’. In India, Bengali poets in Calcutta were conscious of their own literary awakening, or nabajagaran, while in the sub-Saharan Africa, poet-nationalists emerged after World War II. These commonalities were not accidental. In the Middle East, South Asia and Africa alike, poetry was in this period conducive and important to nationalist expression, for at least four reasons. First, poetry had traditionally served political and education functions; second, it ennobled the nation through the creative use of language and imagery; third, it served as a tool in anticolonial nationalist activity; and fourth, it can be a tool for social change. This chapter illustrates and elaborates on these ideas about poetry, nationalism and social change, by focusing on the history and development of Arabic culture in the Northern Sudan. Starting with the assumption that poetry played pivotal roles in Sudanese culture, and that its history can therefore reflect wider social and political trends, it assesses the influence of poetry on incipient Sudanese nationalism in the early twentieth century, as well as its continuing relevance in the decades which followed.Less
Living in the political context shaped by European colonialism, Sudanese Arabic poets were not unique in pressing their art into the service of nationalism. By the time Mahjub wrote, poets in Egypt had been presiding over a nationalist literary nahda or ‘awakening’. In India, Bengali poets in Calcutta were conscious of their own literary awakening, or nabajagaran, while in the sub-Saharan Africa, poet-nationalists emerged after World War II. These commonalities were not accidental. In the Middle East, South Asia and Africa alike, poetry was in this period conducive and important to nationalist expression, for at least four reasons. First, poetry had traditionally served political and education functions; second, it ennobled the nation through the creative use of language and imagery; third, it served as a tool in anticolonial nationalist activity; and fourth, it can be a tool for social change. This chapter illustrates and elaborates on these ideas about poetry, nationalism and social change, by focusing on the history and development of Arabic culture in the Northern Sudan. Starting with the assumption that poetry played pivotal roles in Sudanese culture, and that its history can therefore reflect wider social and political trends, it assesses the influence of poetry on incipient Sudanese nationalism in the early twentieth century, as well as its continuing relevance in the decades which followed.
Jennifer Erickson
- Published in print:
- 2020
- Published Online:
- May 2021
- ISBN:
- 9781501751134
- eISBN:
- 9781501751141
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Cornell University Press
- DOI:
- 10.7591/cornell/9781501751134.003.0007
- Subject:
- Anthropology, Social and Cultural Anthropology
This chapter discusses Southern Sudanese forms of citizenship, resettling Christians, social and cultural citizenship, political citizenship, gendered citizenship, and the Lost Boys. It discusses how ...
More
This chapter discusses Southern Sudanese forms of citizenship, resettling Christians, social and cultural citizenship, political citizenship, gendered citizenship, and the Lost Boys. It discusses how the Southern Sudanese enacted multi-sited citizenship through religious, social, political, and familial assemblages. The chapter discusses how the Church became an important social service to the Southern Sudanese because social services were not providing enough support. It talks about the New Sudanese Community Association, which was the only Southern Sudanese–led organization registered as a 501(c)3 nonprofit organization in Fargo Moorhead in 2007–2008. It also discusses women's participation in the community and how men viewed Sudanese women who have lived in the United States. It also discusses The Sudan People's Liberation Army and Sudan People's Liberation Movement formed in 1983 to fight the military domination and political interests, respectively, of the ruling Northern Sudanese elite.Less
This chapter discusses Southern Sudanese forms of citizenship, resettling Christians, social and cultural citizenship, political citizenship, gendered citizenship, and the Lost Boys. It discusses how the Southern Sudanese enacted multi-sited citizenship through religious, social, political, and familial assemblages. The chapter discusses how the Church became an important social service to the Southern Sudanese because social services were not providing enough support. It talks about the New Sudanese Community Association, which was the only Southern Sudanese–led organization registered as a 501(c)3 nonprofit organization in Fargo Moorhead in 2007–2008. It also discusses women's participation in the community and how men viewed Sudanese women who have lived in the United States. It also discusses The Sudan People's Liberation Army and Sudan People's Liberation Movement formed in 1983 to fight the military domination and political interests, respectively, of the ruling Northern Sudanese elite.
Jeremy Salt
- Published in print:
- 2008
- Published Online:
- March 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780520255517
- eISBN:
- 9780520934757
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University of California Press
- DOI:
- 10.1525/california/9780520255517.003.0003
- Subject:
- History, Middle East History
This chapter focuses on the British and French armies' entry into the Muslim lands of the Near East. It discusses the second French invasion of Algeria in 1830 and the British invasion of Egypt in ...
More
This chapter focuses on the British and French armies' entry into the Muslim lands of the Near East. It discusses the second French invasion of Algeria in 1830 and the British invasion of Egypt in 1882. The chapter describes the machine-gun slaughter of protonational Sudanese tribal warriors in the Battle of Omdurman in 1898, which was considered as the triumph of science over barbarism.Less
This chapter focuses on the British and French armies' entry into the Muslim lands of the Near East. It discusses the second French invasion of Algeria in 1830 and the British invasion of Egypt in 1882. The chapter describes the machine-gun slaughter of protonational Sudanese tribal warriors in the Battle of Omdurman in 1898, which was considered as the triumph of science over barbarism.
Bahgat Korany and Ali E. Hillal Dessouki
- Published in print:
- 2010
- Published Online:
- September 2011
- ISBN:
- 9789774163609
- eISBN:
- 9781617970375
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- American University in Cairo Press
- DOI:
- 10.5743/cairo/9789774163609.003.0012
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
The Sudan presents a case of a country with a fragmented society, a political system that has little legitimacy, an impoverished and skewed economy, and internal actors who challenge the regime's ...
More
The Sudan presents a case of a country with a fragmented society, a political system that has little legitimacy, an impoverished and skewed economy, and internal actors who challenge the regime's right to rule and seek to transform the political system by force. Fragmentation and instability result in sharply fluctuating and highly contested foreign policy orientations and continual challenges to governments' foreign policy objectives. Most importantly, foreign policy is crafted and executed in the context of global and regional forces that provide both opportunities and constraints. It is evident that, in the Sudan, internal conflicts, regional relations, and global orientations are closely interwoven. They feed on each other, heighten each other, and constrain each other. A shift in one of the three levels impacts the other levels.Less
The Sudan presents a case of a country with a fragmented society, a political system that has little legitimacy, an impoverished and skewed economy, and internal actors who challenge the regime's right to rule and seek to transform the political system by force. Fragmentation and instability result in sharply fluctuating and highly contested foreign policy orientations and continual challenges to governments' foreign policy objectives. Most importantly, foreign policy is crafted and executed in the context of global and regional forces that provide both opportunities and constraints. It is evident that, in the Sudan, internal conflicts, regional relations, and global orientations are closely interwoven. They feed on each other, heighten each other, and constrain each other. A shift in one of the three levels impacts the other levels.
Diane Singerman
- Published in print:
- 2009
- Published Online:
- September 2011
- ISBN:
- 9789774162886
- eISBN:
- 9781617970351
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- American University in Cairo Press
- DOI:
- 10.5743/cairo/9789774162886.003.0018
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
This chapter argues that African migrant groups are marginalized on the level of governmental policies, national discourse, and daily life yet, despite these exclusionary policies and economic ...
More
This chapter argues that African migrant groups are marginalized on the level of governmental policies, national discourse, and daily life yet, despite these exclusionary policies and economic hardships, Cairo's spaces of illegality, informality and (transnational) kinship networks, and community solidarity can make it a “more fluid and thus safer urban space” than that experienced by refugees in many other nations. It also covers the ways in which Somali and Sudanese communities, fleeing civil war and violence in their own countries, rebuilt their communities in Egypt, yet, when Sudanese refugees grew frustrated by very slow resettlement programs and the diminishing possibilities to gain refugee status, over 1,200 men, women, and children staged a sit-in. In general, Egypt, with its rigid citizenship laws and its public discourse of exclusionary nationalism and its simultaneous commitment to the protection of refugees and the cosmopolitan daily realities of its urban spaces, seems to be a host society that is both closed and open to refugees.Less
This chapter argues that African migrant groups are marginalized on the level of governmental policies, national discourse, and daily life yet, despite these exclusionary policies and economic hardships, Cairo's spaces of illegality, informality and (transnational) kinship networks, and community solidarity can make it a “more fluid and thus safer urban space” than that experienced by refugees in many other nations. It also covers the ways in which Somali and Sudanese communities, fleeing civil war and violence in their own countries, rebuilt their communities in Egypt, yet, when Sudanese refugees grew frustrated by very slow resettlement programs and the diminishing possibilities to gain refugee status, over 1,200 men, women, and children staged a sit-in. In general, Egypt, with its rigid citizenship laws and its public discourse of exclusionary nationalism and its simultaneous commitment to the protection of refugees and the cosmopolitan daily realities of its urban spaces, seems to be a host society that is both closed and open to refugees.
Abdullahi A. Gallab
- Published in print:
- 2011
- Published Online:
- January 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780813036885
- eISBN:
- 9780813041827
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University Press of Florida
- DOI:
- 10.5744/florida/9780813036885.003.0001
- Subject:
- Society and Culture, Middle Eastern Studies
This chapter sets forth and frames an analysis of the rise of the Sudanese order and its social, political, and cultural productions. It focuses on: three transformations within the pre-colonial, ...
More
This chapter sets forth and frames an analysis of the rise of the Sudanese order and its social, political, and cultural productions. It focuses on: three transformations within the pre-colonial, colonial, and postcolonial state; how these transformations affected the written and unwritten rules for emerging social and political groups; and how various sociopolitical developments and institutions have produced various types of violence.Less
This chapter sets forth and frames an analysis of the rise of the Sudanese order and its social, political, and cultural productions. It focuses on: three transformations within the pre-colonial, colonial, and postcolonial state; how these transformations affected the written and unwritten rules for emerging social and political groups; and how various sociopolitical developments and institutions have produced various types of violence.
Abdullahi A. Gallab
- Published in print:
- 2011
- Published Online:
- January 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780813036885
- eISBN:
- 9780813041827
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University Press of Florida
- DOI:
- 10.5744/florida/9780813036885.003.0006
- Subject:
- Society and Culture, Middle Eastern Studies
The rise and fall of Omdurman was intertwined with Cairo's destiny for two centuries. Between 1821 and 1956, Cairo took center stage in Sudanese life. Within its multi-layered political, cultural, ...
More
The rise and fall of Omdurman was intertwined with Cairo's destiny for two centuries. Between 1821 and 1956, Cairo took center stage in Sudanese life. Within its multi-layered political, cultural, and ideological character and content, which influenced the state of affairs in the Sudan, these events' developments substantially transformed Cairo itself. By invading the Sudan in 1821, Muḥammad 'Ali and his heirs turned Cairo into the seat of an extended “empire that was half the size of Europe,” controlling almost all the major waterways of the region, including the entire Nile Valley from Alexandria to the Great Lakes, and the Red Sea from the Gulf of Suez to Bab al-Mandab. Muḥammad 'Ali's invasion was a point of departure, involving more than a mere event in history. It was the very essence of that event, its functions, and its constitutions, which turned Cairo into an instrument of the nature and ambitions of the prevailing power of Muhammad Ali's state. The target of that power contested the policies and practices of the centrifugal machine for simulating and portraying the Sudanese “as no more than an empire of domestics.” This vicious circle produced a prevalence of violence and promoted conditions of social, civic, and hegemonic discourses.Less
The rise and fall of Omdurman was intertwined with Cairo's destiny for two centuries. Between 1821 and 1956, Cairo took center stage in Sudanese life. Within its multi-layered political, cultural, and ideological character and content, which influenced the state of affairs in the Sudan, these events' developments substantially transformed Cairo itself. By invading the Sudan in 1821, Muḥammad 'Ali and his heirs turned Cairo into the seat of an extended “empire that was half the size of Europe,” controlling almost all the major waterways of the region, including the entire Nile Valley from Alexandria to the Great Lakes, and the Red Sea from the Gulf of Suez to Bab al-Mandab. Muḥammad 'Ali's invasion was a point of departure, involving more than a mere event in history. It was the very essence of that event, its functions, and its constitutions, which turned Cairo into an instrument of the nature and ambitions of the prevailing power of Muhammad Ali's state. The target of that power contested the policies and practices of the centrifugal machine for simulating and portraying the Sudanese “as no more than an empire of domestics.” This vicious circle produced a prevalence of violence and promoted conditions of social, civic, and hegemonic discourses.
- Published in print:
- 2003
- Published Online:
- March 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780520235588
- eISBN:
- 9780520929364
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University of California Press
- DOI:
- 10.1525/california/9780520235588.003.0002
- Subject:
- History, Middle East History
In many places in Africa and Asia where European imperialist forced borders and named the regions within them, early nationalists modified territorial labels to suit their potential identities. The ...
More
In many places in Africa and Asia where European imperialist forced borders and named the regions within them, early nationalists modified territorial labels to suit their potential identities. The early nationalists of India came to regard themselves as “Indians,” just as how in Nigeria, they call themselves as “Nigerians.” Some nationalist leaders chose names for nations to signal their brand new starts. In the Anglo-Egyptian Sudan, the story of naming the nation is dramatic. The term sudani, or “Sudanese,” evolved into a badge of national pride because earlier, it was only applied to the slaves. This redefinition involved assigning common values and a fine historical pedigree to the people in the landscape.Less
In many places in Africa and Asia where European imperialist forced borders and named the regions within them, early nationalists modified territorial labels to suit their potential identities. The early nationalists of India came to regard themselves as “Indians,” just as how in Nigeria, they call themselves as “Nigerians.” Some nationalist leaders chose names for nations to signal their brand new starts. In the Anglo-Egyptian Sudan, the story of naming the nation is dramatic. The term sudani, or “Sudanese,” evolved into a badge of national pride because earlier, it was only applied to the slaves. This redefinition involved assigning common values and a fine historical pedigree to the people in the landscape.
- Published in print:
- 2003
- Published Online:
- March 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780520235588
- eISBN:
- 9780520929364
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University of California Press
- DOI:
- 10.1525/california/9780520235588.003.0005
- Subject:
- History, Middle East History
As Britain's “colonial moment” in Africa and Asia was established, evaluations of its character and impact changed. Whereas colonial-era accounts highlighted the participation and cooperation of ...
More
As Britain's “colonial moment” in Africa and Asia was established, evaluations of its character and impact changed. Whereas colonial-era accounts highlighted the participation and cooperation of “natives” in government, narratives in the early independence era focused on their resistance. Colonial government employment offered the educated Northern Sudanese a livelihood. The pay was steady, and the jobs held prospects for low-scale promotions and salary increases. Government jobs satisfied basic needs, and yet many of the educated Northern Sudanese had wide grounds for frustrations. They were sensitive to their low rank, exclusion from policy-making decisions, and subordination to British officials.Less
As Britain's “colonial moment” in Africa and Asia was established, evaluations of its character and impact changed. Whereas colonial-era accounts highlighted the participation and cooperation of “natives” in government, narratives in the early independence era focused on their resistance. Colonial government employment offered the educated Northern Sudanese a livelihood. The pay was steady, and the jobs held prospects for low-scale promotions and salary increases. Government jobs satisfied basic needs, and yet many of the educated Northern Sudanese had wide grounds for frustrations. They were sensitive to their low rank, exclusion from policy-making decisions, and subordination to British officials.
- Published in print:
- 2003
- Published Online:
- March 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780520235588
- eISBN:
- 9780520929364
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University of California Press
- DOI:
- 10.1525/california/9780520235588.003.0006
- Subject:
- History, Middle East History
There were assumptions that described colonial states and nation states. As pieces of empires, colonial states had been maintained for the sake of a distant metro-pole, while the nation states were ...
More
There were assumptions that described colonial states and nation states. As pieces of empires, colonial states had been maintained for the sake of a distant metro-pole, while the nation states were meant to be autonomous, dependent, and responsible to the collectives of people within them. This chapter examines efforts to define the nation, in theory and practice, during and after colonialism. By tracing the career and plight of Sudanese nationalism over the course of the twentieth century—as its ideas first originated in literary debates, later gained application in government policies, and finally became ensnared in civil war—one can really appreciate how the colonial state evolved into the nation state, with far-reaching social consequences.Less
There were assumptions that described colonial states and nation states. As pieces of empires, colonial states had been maintained for the sake of a distant metro-pole, while the nation states were meant to be autonomous, dependent, and responsible to the collectives of people within them. This chapter examines efforts to define the nation, in theory and practice, during and after colonialism. By tracing the career and plight of Sudanese nationalism over the course of the twentieth century—as its ideas first originated in literary debates, later gained application in government policies, and finally became ensnared in civil war—one can really appreciate how the colonial state evolved into the nation state, with far-reaching social consequences.
Terence Walz and Kenneth M. Cuno
- Published in print:
- 2011
- Published Online:
- September 2011
- ISBN:
- 9789774163982
- eISBN:
- 9781617970221
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- American University in Cairo Press
- DOI:
- 10.5743/cairo/9789774163982.003.0002
- Subject:
- Society and Culture, Middle Eastern Studies
During the period of the Fatimid Caliphate (969–1171), black slaves continued to be used, especially during the reign of al-Mustansir (1029–94), whose Sudanese slave mother encouraged him to recruit ...
More
During the period of the Fatimid Caliphate (969–1171), black slaves continued to be used, especially during the reign of al-Mustansir (1029–94), whose Sudanese slave mother encouraged him to recruit them because of their reputation for bravery, toughness, and obedience. Muhammad Ali's massacre of the mamluks in the Citadel in 1811 did not signal the end of the system of military slavery in Egypt. Muhammad Ali used both white and black for his slaves. Its officers were mamluks, and its soldiers were black slaves. Mamluks continued to be an important element in the military under Ottoman rule, and they had become the main power in Egypt by the arrival of the French in 1798. Historians have never studied that army, except to conclude that it quickly failed, and thus they begin with the second nizam army that Muhammad Ali started building in 1824.Less
During the period of the Fatimid Caliphate (969–1171), black slaves continued to be used, especially during the reign of al-Mustansir (1029–94), whose Sudanese slave mother encouraged him to recruit them because of their reputation for bravery, toughness, and obedience. Muhammad Ali's massacre of the mamluks in the Citadel in 1811 did not signal the end of the system of military slavery in Egypt. Muhammad Ali used both white and black for his slaves. Its officers were mamluks, and its soldiers were black slaves. Mamluks continued to be an important element in the military under Ottoman rule, and they had become the main power in Egypt by the arrival of the French in 1798. Historians have never studied that army, except to conclude that it quickly failed, and thus they begin with the second nizam army that Muhammad Ali started building in 1824.
Radwa Ashour, Ferial J. Ghazoul, and Hasna Reda-Mekdashi
- Published in print:
- 2008
- Published Online:
- September 2011
- ISBN:
- 9789774161469
- eISBN:
- 9781936190003
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- American University in Cairo Press
- DOI:
- 10.5743/cairo/9789774161469.003.0005
- Subject:
- Society and Culture, Middle Eastern Studies
Sudanese literature, written by both men and women, is generally in short supply due to the conditions of Sudan's historical development. The country is economically underdeveloped despite its ...
More
Sudanese literature, written by both men and women, is generally in short supply due to the conditions of Sudan's historical development. The country is economically underdeveloped despite its enormous resources, which are either unexploited or wasted, and with sporadic exceptions, it has also been involved in the quagmire of civil war since the 1950s because of an underlying identity conflict. Women's political influence in Sudan has been remarkable, and they obtained their electoral rights relatively early compared to other African and Arab nations. Sudan is currently experiencing an economic and political crisis, at the time of writing, and an acute identity conflict, torn between Arabism and Africanism. This has ramifications for writing in general, but women seem to be most keenly affected by the conflict and crisis.Less
Sudanese literature, written by both men and women, is generally in short supply due to the conditions of Sudan's historical development. The country is economically underdeveloped despite its enormous resources, which are either unexploited or wasted, and with sporadic exceptions, it has also been involved in the quagmire of civil war since the 1950s because of an underlying identity conflict. Women's political influence in Sudan has been remarkable, and they obtained their electoral rights relatively early compared to other African and Arab nations. Sudan is currently experiencing an economic and political crisis, at the time of writing, and an acute identity conflict, torn between Arabism and Africanism. This has ramifications for writing in general, but women seem to be most keenly affected by the conflict and crisis.
Yehudit Ronen
- Published in print:
- 2013
- Published Online:
- May 2014
- ISBN:
- 9780199330669
- eISBN:
- 9780199388196
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199330669.003.0010
- Subject:
- History, Middle East History
This chapter shows Israel’s interest in Sudan and its Arab and African neighbours. Israel’s increased attentiveness to the political situation in Khartoum was clearly discernable by its prompt ...
More
This chapter shows Israel’s interest in Sudan and its Arab and African neighbours. Israel’s increased attentiveness to the political situation in Khartoum was clearly discernable by its prompt message of congratulations to the new Sudanese state on the ‘memorable occasion of the proclamation of the Sudanese Republic’ and in the subsequent wishes for the ‘prosperous future and peaceful consolidation of the Sudanese nation’. During the 1950s, Israel’s foreign policy-makers considered Sudan and Ethiopia as two major pillars in its so-called ‘periphery doctrine’. This strategy was designed to minimise what Israel perceived as the danger inherent in the two overlapping Arab circles of threat: the ‘first circle of confrontation’ comprised frontline Arab countries hostile to Israel, while the ‘second circle of confrontation’ was made up of other Arab and non-Arab states located on the geopolitical periphery of the first.Less
This chapter shows Israel’s interest in Sudan and its Arab and African neighbours. Israel’s increased attentiveness to the political situation in Khartoum was clearly discernable by its prompt message of congratulations to the new Sudanese state on the ‘memorable occasion of the proclamation of the Sudanese Republic’ and in the subsequent wishes for the ‘prosperous future and peaceful consolidation of the Sudanese nation’. During the 1950s, Israel’s foreign policy-makers considered Sudan and Ethiopia as two major pillars in its so-called ‘periphery doctrine’. This strategy was designed to minimise what Israel perceived as the danger inherent in the two overlapping Arab circles of threat: the ‘first circle of confrontation’ comprised frontline Arab countries hostile to Israel, while the ‘second circle of confrontation’ was made up of other Arab and non-Arab states located on the geopolitical periphery of the first.
Jennifer Erickson
- Published in print:
- 2020
- Published Online:
- May 2021
- ISBN:
- 9781501751134
- eISBN:
- 9781501751141
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Cornell University Press
- DOI:
- 10.7591/cornell/9781501751134.003.0001
- Subject:
- Anthropology, Social and Cultural Anthropology
This chapter introduces Race ing Fargo as a case study for how citizenship is practiced and how diversity is approached in Fargo, North Dakota, and what the consequences of these practices are. The ...
More
This chapter introduces Race ing Fargo as a case study for how citizenship is practiced and how diversity is approached in Fargo, North Dakota, and what the consequences of these practices are. The chapter compares citizenship practices among two social service institutions, the refugee resettlement and county welfare agencies, and two groups of refugees — New Americans — Bosnians and Southern Sudanese. The chapter discusses Fargo's topography and how Fargo has transformed from a city with an economy centered on manufacturing and agriculture to one with a more diversified economy that includes education, healthcare, software, and service based industries. It talks about the Northern European Ancestry of Fargo residents, and how the arrival of refugees complicated understandings of citizenship in the dominant population. It defines race as a broadly encompassing term that refers to skin color and physical variations among people and the harmful social judgments based on those differences, alongside also referencing language, behavior, dress, and ethnicity. The chapter talks about how the size of cities affect how refugees and immigrants are accepted by their residents, and differentiates immigrants from refugees. It then tackles citizenship and approaches it as a set of practices that seek to establish belonging to one or more places and that are relational and always in flux. Finally, the chapter discusses and defines assemblages as a theoretical concept that challenges the idea of nations, cities, or communities as bounded or homogenous spaces and instead focuses on diverse practices and relations that occur in and through the city.Less
This chapter introduces Race ing Fargo as a case study for how citizenship is practiced and how diversity is approached in Fargo, North Dakota, and what the consequences of these practices are. The chapter compares citizenship practices among two social service institutions, the refugee resettlement and county welfare agencies, and two groups of refugees — New Americans — Bosnians and Southern Sudanese. The chapter discusses Fargo's topography and how Fargo has transformed from a city with an economy centered on manufacturing and agriculture to one with a more diversified economy that includes education, healthcare, software, and service based industries. It talks about the Northern European Ancestry of Fargo residents, and how the arrival of refugees complicated understandings of citizenship in the dominant population. It defines race as a broadly encompassing term that refers to skin color and physical variations among people and the harmful social judgments based on those differences, alongside also referencing language, behavior, dress, and ethnicity. The chapter talks about how the size of cities affect how refugees and immigrants are accepted by their residents, and differentiates immigrants from refugees. It then tackles citizenship and approaches it as a set of practices that seek to establish belonging to one or more places and that are relational and always in flux. Finally, the chapter discusses and defines assemblages as a theoretical concept that challenges the idea of nations, cities, or communities as bounded or homogenous spaces and instead focuses on diverse practices and relations that occur in and through the city.
Abd Elrhman Elzahi Saaid
- Published in print:
- 2005
- Published Online:
- March 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780748621002
- eISBN:
- 9780748653096
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Edinburgh University Press
- DOI:
- 10.3366/edinburgh/9780748621002.003.0009
- Subject:
- Society and Culture, Middle Eastern Studies
This chapter examines the allocative and technical inefficiency of the Sudanese Islamic banks through the stochastic frontier approach. While the studies of efficiency using frontier approaches were ...
More
This chapter examines the allocative and technical inefficiency of the Sudanese Islamic banks through the stochastic frontier approach. While the studies of efficiency using frontier approaches were introduced long ago, their application in evaluating the performance of banks did not start until Sherman and Gold (1985) initiated their study. They applied the frontier approach to the banking industry by focusing on the operating efficiency of the branches of a savings bank. Since then, several studies have been conducted using the frontier approach to measure the efficiency in banking. The frontier approach represents a very powerful tool, as it allows individuals with very little institutional knowledge or experience to identify the best banking practices within the industry.Less
This chapter examines the allocative and technical inefficiency of the Sudanese Islamic banks through the stochastic frontier approach. While the studies of efficiency using frontier approaches were introduced long ago, their application in evaluating the performance of banks did not start until Sherman and Gold (1985) initiated their study. They applied the frontier approach to the banking industry by focusing on the operating efficiency of the branches of a savings bank. Since then, several studies have been conducted using the frontier approach to measure the efficiency in banking. The frontier approach represents a very powerful tool, as it allows individuals with very little institutional knowledge or experience to identify the best banking practices within the industry.