Charlotte A. Quinn and Frederick Quinn
- Published in print:
- 2003
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780195063868
- eISBN:
- 9780199834587
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0195063864.001.0001
- Subject:
- Religion, Islam
Islam is spreading rapidly in sub‐Saharan Africa, home of more than 150 million Muslims. African Islam is local Islam, responsive to local histories in cultures as diverse as the countries considered ...
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Islam is spreading rapidly in sub‐Saharan Africa, home of more than 150 million Muslims. African Islam is local Islam, responsive to local histories in cultures as diverse as the countries considered in this study – Nigeria, Sudan, Senegal, Kenya, and South Africa. Islam provides a source of communal identity to those experiencing rapid change, populations affected by secularization, unemployment, corrupt and ineffectual governments, and the intrusions of global media. The spread of Islam ascends as respect for the state declines. Ironically, the same Muslim believers who rail against Western materialism are keen on adopting the most modern technologies to communicate with members, and to find access to employment and economic opportunities in the West. As for Islamic fundamentalists (Islamists) the danger is that given Africa's porous borders and weak state structures, such groups can move about easily, feeding on popular discontent. Often more political than theological in aspirations, there is no certainty that the Islamist position will advance in Africa. Opposition includes central governments, many of them with Muslims in key positions, and numerous traditional Islamic rulers and brotherhoods, more moderate in outlook. The extent to which imposition of Sharia, traditional Islamic law, is introduced in a country can be a barometer of the extent of Islamic influence. This timely study is based on extensive field research, including oral interviews, the study of contemporary local sources, and historical research by two scholars with long familiarity with the subject.Less
Islam is spreading rapidly in sub‐Saharan Africa, home of more than 150 million Muslims. African Islam is local Islam, responsive to local histories in cultures as diverse as the countries considered in this study – Nigeria, Sudan, Senegal, Kenya, and South Africa. Islam provides a source of communal identity to those experiencing rapid change, populations affected by secularization, unemployment, corrupt and ineffectual governments, and the intrusions of global media. The spread of Islam ascends as respect for the state declines. Ironically, the same Muslim believers who rail against Western materialism are keen on adopting the most modern technologies to communicate with members, and to find access to employment and economic opportunities in the West. As for Islamic fundamentalists (Islamists) the danger is that given Africa's porous borders and weak state structures, such groups can move about easily, feeding on popular discontent. Often more political than theological in aspirations, there is no certainty that the Islamist position will advance in Africa. Opposition includes central governments, many of them with Muslims in key positions, and numerous traditional Islamic rulers and brotherhoods, more moderate in outlook. The extent to which imposition of Sharia, traditional Islamic law, is introduced in a country can be a barometer of the extent of Islamic influence. This timely study is based on extensive field research, including oral interviews, the study of contemporary local sources, and historical research by two scholars with long familiarity with the subject.
Sarah M. H. Nouwen, Laura M. James, and Sharath Srinivasan (eds)
- Published in print:
- 2020
- Published Online:
- May 2021
- ISBN:
- 9780197266953
- eISBN:
- 9780191938191
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- British Academy
- DOI:
- 10.5871/bacad/9780197266953.001.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, Conflict Politics and Policy
Sudan’s Comprehensive Peace Agreement of 2005 ended over two decades of civil war and led to South Sudan’s independence. Peacemaking that brought about the agreement and then sought to sustain it ...
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Sudan’s Comprehensive Peace Agreement of 2005 ended over two decades of civil war and led to South Sudan’s independence. Peacemaking that brought about the agreement and then sought to sustain it involved, alongside the Sudanese, an array of regional and western states as well as international organisations. This was a landmark effort to create and sustain peace in a war-torn region. Yet in the years that followed, multiple conflicts continued or reignited, both in Sudan and in South Sudan. Peacemaking attempts multiplied. Authored by both practitioners and scholars, this volume grapples with the question of which, and whose, ideas of peace and of peacemaking were pursued in the Sudans and how they fared. From the 2005 agreement and various attempts to make peace in Darfur, to renewed peacemaking attempts in border regions between the two countries and finally efforts to resolve the civil war in South Sudan, understandings of peace have been contested, and different modalities of peacemaking have both gone hand in hand and have competed with each other. Bringing together economic, legal, anthropological and political science perspectives on over a decade of peacemaking attempts in the two countries, it provides insights for peacemaking efforts to come, in the Sudans and elsewhere.Less
Sudan’s Comprehensive Peace Agreement of 2005 ended over two decades of civil war and led to South Sudan’s independence. Peacemaking that brought about the agreement and then sought to sustain it involved, alongside the Sudanese, an array of regional and western states as well as international organisations. This was a landmark effort to create and sustain peace in a war-torn region. Yet in the years that followed, multiple conflicts continued or reignited, both in Sudan and in South Sudan. Peacemaking attempts multiplied. Authored by both practitioners and scholars, this volume grapples with the question of which, and whose, ideas of peace and of peacemaking were pursued in the Sudans and how they fared. From the 2005 agreement and various attempts to make peace in Darfur, to renewed peacemaking attempts in border regions between the two countries and finally efforts to resolve the civil war in South Sudan, understandings of peace have been contested, and different modalities of peacemaking have both gone hand in hand and have competed with each other. Bringing together economic, legal, anthropological and political science perspectives on over a decade of peacemaking attempts in the two countries, it provides insights for peacemaking efforts to come, in the Sudans and elsewhere.
Peter Dixon
- Published in print:
- 2020
- Published Online:
- May 2021
- ISBN:
- 9780197266953
- eISBN:
- 9780191938191
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- British Academy
- DOI:
- 10.5871/bacad/9780197266953.003.0005
- Subject:
- Political Science, Conflict Politics and Policy
A strategic approach to peacebuilding seeks to achieve stable peace through an inclusive, comprehensive, and sustained peace process that complements a political settlement with other cooperative and ...
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A strategic approach to peacebuilding seeks to achieve stable peace through an inclusive, comprehensive, and sustained peace process that complements a political settlement with other cooperative and mutually supportive activities. Such a process, grounded in recognition of the complex causation of violent conflict and a ‘positive peace’ concept, remains an ideal type rarely if ever found in the real world. This chapter compares the process leading to and following the 2005 Comprehensive Peace Agreement (CPA) in Sudan with this ideal, focusing particularly on external intervention. It briefly examines the historical background and causes of the conflict before considering which ‘ideal’ elements were present and which were missing in the peace process, the reasons why this was so and the material and ideational constraints that prevented the ‘Naivasha Process’ from achieving the perhaps unattainable ideal. The chapter thus seeks to develop constructive lessons for those planning for or conducting peace processes.Less
A strategic approach to peacebuilding seeks to achieve stable peace through an inclusive, comprehensive, and sustained peace process that complements a political settlement with other cooperative and mutually supportive activities. Such a process, grounded in recognition of the complex causation of violent conflict and a ‘positive peace’ concept, remains an ideal type rarely if ever found in the real world. This chapter compares the process leading to and following the 2005 Comprehensive Peace Agreement (CPA) in Sudan with this ideal, focusing particularly on external intervention. It briefly examines the historical background and causes of the conflict before considering which ‘ideal’ elements were present and which were missing in the peace process, the reasons why this was so and the material and ideational constraints that prevented the ‘Naivasha Process’ from achieving the perhaps unattainable ideal. The chapter thus seeks to develop constructive lessons for those planning for or conducting peace processes.
Alex De Waal
- Published in print:
- 2020
- Published Online:
- May 2021
- ISBN:
- 9780197266953
- eISBN:
- 9780191938191
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- British Academy
- DOI:
- 10.5871/bacad/9780197266953.003.0017
- Subject:
- Political Science, Conflict Politics and Policy
This chapter draws upon the contributions to this volume and adds additional reflections on peacemaking in Sudan and South Sudan, to draw out some patterns and general conclusions. It frames the ...
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This chapter draws upon the contributions to this volume and adds additional reflections on peacemaking in Sudan and South Sudan, to draw out some patterns and general conclusions. It frames the analysis within the theories of change implicit in international and domestic Sudanese approaches to peacemaking. The principal argument is that peace processes should be seen as an extension of politics, characterized by strategic ambiguity, pursuing parallel tracks, and positioning for future opportunities that cannot be identified in advance. By contrast, international peacemakers’ theories of change are structured to achieve a singular unified settlement, or to pursue external interests. Sudanese/South Sudanese civic actors’ strategies go beyond ‘inclusion’ to agenda setting and generating coalitions for change. These differences are illustrated with reference to how the Comprehensive Peace Agreement managed its core issues (economy and security) and its marginal or excluded issues (Abyei, the ‘two areas’ and Darfur).Less
This chapter draws upon the contributions to this volume and adds additional reflections on peacemaking in Sudan and South Sudan, to draw out some patterns and general conclusions. It frames the analysis within the theories of change implicit in international and domestic Sudanese approaches to peacemaking. The principal argument is that peace processes should be seen as an extension of politics, characterized by strategic ambiguity, pursuing parallel tracks, and positioning for future opportunities that cannot be identified in advance. By contrast, international peacemakers’ theories of change are structured to achieve a singular unified settlement, or to pursue external interests. Sudanese/South Sudanese civic actors’ strategies go beyond ‘inclusion’ to agenda setting and generating coalitions for change. These differences are illustrated with reference to how the Comprehensive Peace Agreement managed its core issues (economy and security) and its marginal or excluded issues (Abyei, the ‘two areas’ and Darfur).
Heather Bell
- Published in print:
- 1999
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780198207498
- eISBN:
- 9780191677694
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198207498.001.0001
- Subject:
- History, World Modern History, History of Science, Technology, and Medicine
Much recent work on the history of colonial medicine argues that medicine was the handmaiden of colonial power and of capitalism. Highlighting the tenuousness of colonial power, this book challenges ...
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Much recent work on the history of colonial medicine argues that medicine was the handmaiden of colonial power and of capitalism. Highlighting the tenuousness of colonial power, this book challenges this interpretation through careful investigation of the complicated relationship between medicine, politics, and capital in Anglo-Egyptian Sudan. It includes chapters on midwifery training and female circumcision, on health and racial ideology, and on the quest to find the yellow fever virus in East Africa.Less
Much recent work on the history of colonial medicine argues that medicine was the handmaiden of colonial power and of capitalism. Highlighting the tenuousness of colonial power, this book challenges this interpretation through careful investigation of the complicated relationship between medicine, politics, and capital in Anglo-Egyptian Sudan. It includes chapters on midwifery training and female circumcision, on health and racial ideology, and on the quest to find the yellow fever virus in East Africa.
Kathryn Talalay
- Published in print:
- 1998
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780195113938
- eISBN:
- 9780199853816
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195113938.003.0023
- Subject:
- History, Cultural History
Despite her busy schedule, Philippa tried her very best to listen to the indigenous sounds of Africa appreciating the startling diversity contained within. For instance, in northern Sudan, she heard ...
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Despite her busy schedule, Philippa tried her very best to listen to the indigenous sounds of Africa appreciating the startling diversity contained within. For instance, in northern Sudan, she heard music in a harem where a bride was being prepared for her wedding with a groom she had never ever seen. But the music of Buganda intrigued her the most. It was there that she met the famous ethnomusicologist Joseph Kyagambiddwa, who would later let her listened to songs such as “The Lamb Who Smoked a Pipe” and “Eating the Delicious White Ant”. But the musical climax of her African trip came from hearing a performance of King Mutesa II's private royal orchestra, which was given specifically in Philippa's honour, a rare privilege for an outsider.Less
Despite her busy schedule, Philippa tried her very best to listen to the indigenous sounds of Africa appreciating the startling diversity contained within. For instance, in northern Sudan, she heard music in a harem where a bride was being prepared for her wedding with a groom she had never ever seen. But the music of Buganda intrigued her the most. It was there that she met the famous ethnomusicologist Joseph Kyagambiddwa, who would later let her listened to songs such as “The Lamb Who Smoked a Pipe” and “Eating the Delicious White Ant”. But the musical climax of her African trip came from hearing a performance of King Mutesa II's private royal orchestra, which was given specifically in Philippa's honour, a rare privilege for an outsider.
Sharath Srinivasan and Sarah M. H. Nouwen
- Published in print:
- 2020
- Published Online:
- May 2021
- ISBN:
- 9780197266953
- eISBN:
- 9780191938191
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- British Academy
- DOI:
- 10.5871/bacad/9780197266953.003.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, Conflict Politics and Policy
Opening Making and Breaking Peace in Sudan and South Sudan, this chapter introduces the book’s key concepts: peace and peacemaking. The contributions in this volume show that ideas of peace have been ...
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Opening Making and Breaking Peace in Sudan and South Sudan, this chapter introduces the book’s key concepts: peace and peacemaking. The contributions in this volume show that ideas of peace have been contested in the Sudans, and that different modalities of peacemaking have both gone together and have competed with each other. This chapter draws on these contributions in order critically to interrogate diverse ideas of peace and practices of peacemaking that have been prevalent in the Sudans. It connects them to their roots in major traditions in political thought and sets out why they are often problematic when applied to complex conflicts such as in the Sudans. Rather than arguing for one specific understanding of peace or modality of peacemaking, this chapter explains why the volume has taken a perspectival approach. Adopting the vantage points of multiple different actors, a perspectival approach foregrounds on-the-ground contestations over different ideas of peace and modes of peacemaking. Understanding what peacemaking has come to mean in the Sudans – how different understandings of peace have been deployed, but also contested, in the processes of ‘making’, and with what effects – allows scholars and practitioners to reconsider prospects for peace in the region, and well beyond.Less
Opening Making and Breaking Peace in Sudan and South Sudan, this chapter introduces the book’s key concepts: peace and peacemaking. The contributions in this volume show that ideas of peace have been contested in the Sudans, and that different modalities of peacemaking have both gone together and have competed with each other. This chapter draws on these contributions in order critically to interrogate diverse ideas of peace and practices of peacemaking that have been prevalent in the Sudans. It connects them to their roots in major traditions in political thought and sets out why they are often problematic when applied to complex conflicts such as in the Sudans. Rather than arguing for one specific understanding of peace or modality of peacemaking, this chapter explains why the volume has taken a perspectival approach. Adopting the vantage points of multiple different actors, a perspectival approach foregrounds on-the-ground contestations over different ideas of peace and modes of peacemaking. Understanding what peacemaking has come to mean in the Sudans – how different understandings of peace have been deployed, but also contested, in the processes of ‘making’, and with what effects – allows scholars and practitioners to reconsider prospects for peace in the region, and well beyond.
Helga Fleischhacker and Curtis F. Doebbler
- Published in print:
- 1999
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780198296454
- eISBN:
- 9780191600036
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0198296452.003.0047
- Subject:
- Political Science, Reference
This chapter on elections and electoral systems in Sudan follows the same format as all the other country chapters in the book. The first section is introductory and contains a historical overview, ...
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This chapter on elections and electoral systems in Sudan follows the same format as all the other country chapters in the book. The first section is introductory and contains a historical overview, discussion of the evolution of electoral provisions, an account of the current electoral provisions, and a comment on the electoral statistics. The second section consists of ten tables. These are: 2.1 Dates of National Elections, Referendums, and Coups d’Etat; 2.2 Electoral Body 1953–1998 (data on population size, registered voters and votes cast); 2.3 Abbreviations (abbreviations and full names of political parties and alliances used in tables 2.6, 2.7, and 2.9); 2.4 Electoral Participation of Parties and Alliances 1953–1986 (participation of political parties and alliances in chronological order and including the years and number of contested elections); 2.5 Referendum 1998 (details of registered voters and votes cast); 2.6 Elections for Constitutional Assembly 1965–1986 (details of registered voters and votes cast); 2.7 Parliamentary Elections (no detailed results available); 2.8 Composition of Parliament 1953–1996; 2.9 Presidential Elections 1971–1996 (details of registered voters and votes cast); and 2.10 List of Power Holders 1953–1998.Less
This chapter on elections and electoral systems in Sudan follows the same format as all the other country chapters in the book. The first section is introductory and contains a historical overview, discussion of the evolution of electoral provisions, an account of the current electoral provisions, and a comment on the electoral statistics. The second section consists of ten tables. These are: 2.1 Dates of National Elections, Referendums, and Coups d’Etat; 2.2 Electoral Body 1953–1998 (data on population size, registered voters and votes cast); 2.3 Abbreviations (abbreviations and full names of political parties and alliances used in tables 2.6, 2.7, and 2.9); 2.4 Electoral Participation of Parties and Alliances 1953–1986 (participation of political parties and alliances in chronological order and including the years and number of contested elections); 2.5 Referendum 1998 (details of registered voters and votes cast); 2.6 Elections for Constitutional Assembly 1965–1986 (details of registered voters and votes cast); 2.7 Parliamentary Elections (no detailed results available); 2.8 Composition of Parliament 1953–1996; 2.9 Presidential Elections 1971–1996 (details of registered voters and votes cast); and 2.10 List of Power Holders 1953–1998.
Edward Thomas
- Published in print:
- 2020
- Published Online:
- May 2021
- ISBN:
- 9780197266953
- eISBN:
- 9780191938191
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- British Academy
- DOI:
- 10.5871/bacad/9780197266953.003.0007
- Subject:
- Political Science, Conflict Politics and Policy
Sudan’s 2005 Comprehensive Peace Agreement (CPA) came at a time when oil revenues had transformed Sudan’s economy, and it recognized that regional inequalities in development needed to be redressed ...
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Sudan’s 2005 Comprehensive Peace Agreement (CPA) came at a time when oil revenues had transformed Sudan’s economy, and it recognized that regional inequalities in development needed to be redressed for peace to be sustainable. The government used fiscal policy to address these inequalities, transferring significant amounts of the central government’s oil rents to state governments. It was mostly spent on wages for government officials, and the evidence reviewed here suggests that it did little to redress Sudan’s stark regional inequalities. This chapter argues that the CPA’s fiscal arrangements alone could not address the land crises that underlie the violence and stagnation in the Sudan’s deeply polarized peripheral states: that would require ambitious plans to draw the productive energies of the periphery into the national economy, centred on Khartoum.Less
Sudan’s 2005 Comprehensive Peace Agreement (CPA) came at a time when oil revenues had transformed Sudan’s economy, and it recognized that regional inequalities in development needed to be redressed for peace to be sustainable. The government used fiscal policy to address these inequalities, transferring significant amounts of the central government’s oil rents to state governments. It was mostly spent on wages for government officials, and the evidence reviewed here suggests that it did little to redress Sudan’s stark regional inequalities. This chapter argues that the CPA’s fiscal arrangements alone could not address the land crises that underlie the violence and stagnation in the Sudan’s deeply polarized peripheral states: that would require ambitious plans to draw the productive energies of the periphery into the national economy, centred on Khartoum.
Laura M. James
- Published in print:
- 2020
- Published Online:
- May 2021
- ISBN:
- 9780197266953
- eISBN:
- 9780191938191
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- British Academy
- DOI:
- 10.5871/bacad/9780197266953.003.0008
- Subject:
- Political Science, Conflict Politics and Policy
The 2005 Comprehensive Peace Agreement (CPA) contained a detailed economic blueprint for the “New Sudan”. The provisions of the Wealth Sharing Protocol established institutions and laid out ...
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The 2005 Comprehensive Peace Agreement (CPA) contained a detailed economic blueprint for the “New Sudan”. The provisions of the Wealth Sharing Protocol established institutions and laid out principles to address key issues, including: oil sector management and the sharing of oil revenue; ownership and tenure of land; fiscal decentralisation; transparency and accountability; development and external assistance; currency and banking; and debt. During the Pre-Interim period and the Interim period, these provisions were implemented very selectively. This chapter looks at which parts of the economic agreement were prioritised and which sidelined, and weighs up alternative explanations for these choices. In particular, it assesses whether they can be attributed to the drafting of the original agreement (for example, because key clauses were dictated by outsiders, or had inadequate enforcement mechanisms), or to the changing interests of the parties and observers during implementation. It then considers how far the specific economic provisions and institutions established under the CPA had long-term consequences, whether positive or negative, for the two countries of Sudan and South Sudan, during the 2011 secession and beyond. The aim is to establish lessons that might contribute to the realistic design of future peace settlements.Less
The 2005 Comprehensive Peace Agreement (CPA) contained a detailed economic blueprint for the “New Sudan”. The provisions of the Wealth Sharing Protocol established institutions and laid out principles to address key issues, including: oil sector management and the sharing of oil revenue; ownership and tenure of land; fiscal decentralisation; transparency and accountability; development and external assistance; currency and banking; and debt. During the Pre-Interim period and the Interim period, these provisions were implemented very selectively. This chapter looks at which parts of the economic agreement were prioritised and which sidelined, and weighs up alternative explanations for these choices. In particular, it assesses whether they can be attributed to the drafting of the original agreement (for example, because key clauses were dictated by outsiders, or had inadequate enforcement mechanisms), or to the changing interests of the parties and observers during implementation. It then considers how far the specific economic provisions and institutions established under the CPA had long-term consequences, whether positive or negative, for the two countries of Sudan and South Sudan, during the 2011 secession and beyond. The aim is to establish lessons that might contribute to the realistic design of future peace settlements.
Nada Mustafa Ali
- Published in print:
- 2020
- Published Online:
- May 2021
- ISBN:
- 9780197266953
- eISBN:
- 9780191938191
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- British Academy
- DOI:
- 10.5871/bacad/9780197266953.003.0009
- Subject:
- Political Science, Conflict Politics and Policy
This chapter discusses gender, peace, and the disarmament, demobilisation and reintegration (DDR) programs for former Sudan People’s Liberation Army (SPLA) combatants and Women Associated with the ...
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This chapter discusses gender, peace, and the disarmament, demobilisation and reintegration (DDR) programs for former Sudan People’s Liberation Army (SPLA) combatants and Women Associated with the Armed Forces (WAAF) in South Sudan, based on field research in Juba and Wau in South Sudan in 2013. The chapter examines the distinct impact of DDR on women former combatants and on (WAAF), in a militarized ‘post’-conflict setting where gender inequality prevails, and in light of the government of South Sudan’s and the international community’s endorsement of United Nations Security Council Resolution 1325 on Women, Peace and Security. A key finding is that in post-CPA South Sudan, DDR compounded social exclusion for most women ex-combatants and WAAF. The chapter calls for a rethinking of understandings of peace as mere cessation of hostilities, and as gathering of arms from former combatants. It also calls for restoring the voices of former combatants of both sexes, and of citizens in local communities directly affected by conflict, into policy and scholarly discourses on Security Sector Reform (SSR), and post-conflict reconstruction.Less
This chapter discusses gender, peace, and the disarmament, demobilisation and reintegration (DDR) programs for former Sudan People’s Liberation Army (SPLA) combatants and Women Associated with the Armed Forces (WAAF) in South Sudan, based on field research in Juba and Wau in South Sudan in 2013. The chapter examines the distinct impact of DDR on women former combatants and on (WAAF), in a militarized ‘post’-conflict setting where gender inequality prevails, and in light of the government of South Sudan’s and the international community’s endorsement of United Nations Security Council Resolution 1325 on Women, Peace and Security. A key finding is that in post-CPA South Sudan, DDR compounded social exclusion for most women ex-combatants and WAAF. The chapter calls for a rethinking of understandings of peace as mere cessation of hostilities, and as gathering of arms from former combatants. It also calls for restoring the voices of former combatants of both sexes, and of citizens in local communities directly affected by conflict, into policy and scholarly discourses on Security Sector Reform (SSR), and post-conflict reconstruction.
Sophia Dawkins
- Published in print:
- 2020
- Published Online:
- May 2021
- ISBN:
- 9780197266953
- eISBN:
- 9780191938191
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- British Academy
- DOI:
- 10.5871/bacad/9780197266953.003.0014
- Subject:
- Political Science, Conflict Politics and Policy
When civil war swept South Sudan in December 2013, mediators and political elites embarked on an eighteen-month peace process. This produced seven agreements signed and broken as belligerents ...
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When civil war swept South Sudan in December 2013, mediators and political elites embarked on an eighteen-month peace process. This produced seven agreements signed and broken as belligerents targeted civilians. The final accord crumbled as violence escalated within the year. This chapter asks: Why negotiate and why mediate when talks beget slaughter? When belligerents seem uncommitted to a negotiated settlement, under what conditions do conflict parties and mediators retain a mutual interest in turning up at the peace table? The chapter sets the dynamics of elite negotiation against realities on the ground, piecing together civilian experiences from fatality counts and human rights reports. It uses these data to evaluate three theories about why mediators and negotiators kept South Sudan’s talks afloat: peace processes offer access to money, power and status; peace processes sustain neo-patrimonial bargaining; and peace processes empower stakeholders to condition each other’s commitments – for better or for worse.Less
When civil war swept South Sudan in December 2013, mediators and political elites embarked on an eighteen-month peace process. This produced seven agreements signed and broken as belligerents targeted civilians. The final accord crumbled as violence escalated within the year. This chapter asks: Why negotiate and why mediate when talks beget slaughter? When belligerents seem uncommitted to a negotiated settlement, under what conditions do conflict parties and mediators retain a mutual interest in turning up at the peace table? The chapter sets the dynamics of elite negotiation against realities on the ground, piecing together civilian experiences from fatality counts and human rights reports. It uses these data to evaluate three theories about why mediators and negotiators kept South Sudan’s talks afloat: peace processes offer access to money, power and status; peace processes sustain neo-patrimonial bargaining; and peace processes empower stakeholders to condition each other’s commitments – for better or for worse.
Aly Verjee
- Published in print:
- 2020
- Published Online:
- May 2021
- ISBN:
- 9780197266953
- eISBN:
- 9780191938191
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- British Academy
- DOI:
- 10.5871/bacad/9780197266953.003.0015
- Subject:
- Political Science, Conflict Politics and Policy
Both contemporary and retrospective analyses of the 2013-15 regionally-led Intergovernmental Authority on Development (IGAD) mediation for South Sudan tend to overlook or oversimplify the multiple, ...
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Both contemporary and retrospective analyses of the 2013-15 regionally-led Intergovernmental Authority on Development (IGAD) mediation for South Sudan tend to overlook or oversimplify the multiple, overlapping, and competing conceptions of peace as held by the mediators who led the process until they stepped down after a peace deal was signed in August 2015. Far from an undifferentiated, homogenous entity, the mediation comprised multiple institutions, states, and officials, each with different values, goals, and understandings of peace, which also varied over time. This article identifies six conceptions of peace as held by the mediators, to help explain why the mediators were motivated and acted as they did. Such understandings and conceptions were often contradictory. To fully assess the 2013-15 process’s effectiveness such understandings can unpeel the layers of IGAD’s differentiated institutional structure and can supplement and better contextualise common critiques about the poor execution and implementation of mediation strategy, internecine regional politics, and a generalised lack of political will to resolve the conflict.Less
Both contemporary and retrospective analyses of the 2013-15 regionally-led Intergovernmental Authority on Development (IGAD) mediation for South Sudan tend to overlook or oversimplify the multiple, overlapping, and competing conceptions of peace as held by the mediators who led the process until they stepped down after a peace deal was signed in August 2015. Far from an undifferentiated, homogenous entity, the mediation comprised multiple institutions, states, and officials, each with different values, goals, and understandings of peace, which also varied over time. This article identifies six conceptions of peace as held by the mediators, to help explain why the mediators were motivated and acted as they did. Such understandings and conceptions were often contradictory. To fully assess the 2013-15 process’s effectiveness such understandings can unpeel the layers of IGAD’s differentiated institutional structure and can supplement and better contextualise common critiques about the poor execution and implementation of mediation strategy, internecine regional politics, and a generalised lack of political will to resolve the conflict.
Mareike Schomerus and Anouk S. Rigterink
- Published in print:
- 2020
- Published Online:
- May 2021
- ISBN:
- 9780197266953
- eISBN:
- 9780191938191
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- British Academy
- DOI:
- 10.5871/bacad/9780197266953.003.0016
- Subject:
- Political Science, Conflict Politics and Policy
South Sudan’s peace agreements offer two versions of justice: The Comprehensive Peace Agreement includes justice as a description of a better future with more equality. The Agreement for the ...
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South Sudan’s peace agreements offer two versions of justice: The Comprehensive Peace Agreement includes justice as a description of a better future with more equality. The Agreement for the Resolution of the Conflict in the Republic of South Sudan focuses on justice as individual criminal accountability for war crimes. However, the South Sudanese demand for justice combines and goes beyond these two conceptions of justice. Using structured and open-ended interviews conducted in January 2014, the chapter argues that justice is used to describe holistic accountability. This means accountability is understood not as individual accountability for crimes, but additionally as holding leaders formally to account for failing to deliver socio-economic justice and equality, as evoked by the spirit of the CPA. It is a request of sorts to bring leaders to justice for their lack of collective social and economic responsibility in a system where elections do not function as a way to hold leaders to account.Less
South Sudan’s peace agreements offer two versions of justice: The Comprehensive Peace Agreement includes justice as a description of a better future with more equality. The Agreement for the Resolution of the Conflict in the Republic of South Sudan focuses on justice as individual criminal accountability for war crimes. However, the South Sudanese demand for justice combines and goes beyond these two conceptions of justice. Using structured and open-ended interviews conducted in January 2014, the chapter argues that justice is used to describe holistic accountability. This means accountability is understood not as individual accountability for crimes, but additionally as holding leaders formally to account for failing to deliver socio-economic justice and equality, as evoked by the spirit of the CPA. It is a request of sorts to bring leaders to justice for their lack of collective social and economic responsibility in a system where elections do not function as a way to hold leaders to account.
Gil Loescher
- Published in print:
- 2001
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780199246915
- eISBN:
- 9780191599781
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199246912.003.0006
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
During the 1970s under Prince Sadruddin Aga Khan, the fourth High Commissioner, UNHCR embarked on new assistance programmes in a number of refugee and refugee‐like situations around the world. The ...
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During the 1970s under Prince Sadruddin Aga Khan, the fourth High Commissioner, UNHCR embarked on new assistance programmes in a number of refugee and refugee‐like situations around the world. The most notable of these were in Bangladesh, Uganda, and Indo‐China. There were also highly politicized refugee crises in Chile and Argentina. The UNHCR was active in the repatriation and reintegration of refugees and internally displaced persons in southern Sudan and in Angola, Guinea Bissau, and Mozambique. In addition, there were mass exoduses of refugees from Cuba and Vietnam.Less
During the 1970s under Prince Sadruddin Aga Khan, the fourth High Commissioner, UNHCR embarked on new assistance programmes in a number of refugee and refugee‐like situations around the world. The most notable of these were in Bangladesh, Uganda, and Indo‐China. There were also highly politicized refugee crises in Chile and Argentina. The UNHCR was active in the repatriation and reintegration of refugees and internally displaced persons in southern Sudan and in Angola, Guinea Bissau, and Mozambique. In addition, there were mass exoduses of refugees from Cuba and Vietnam.
Allen D. Hertzke
- Published in print:
- 2009
- Published Online:
- January 2009
- ISBN:
- 9780195374360
- eISBN:
- 9780199871902
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195374360.003.0005
- Subject:
- Religion, Religion and Society
This chapter describes the most important human rights story since the end of the Cold War, the growth in the U.S. of a broad movement for international human rights that draws in evangelicals, ...
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This chapter describes the most important human rights story since the end of the Cold War, the growth in the U.S. of a broad movement for international human rights that draws in evangelicals, Catholics, Jews, Buddhists, Baha’is, African-Americans, and feminists. This movement has pushed successfully for legislation and active policy on international religious freedom, Sudan, sexual trafficking, debt forgiveness, AIDS, and North Korea. Despite its repeated successes, it has often been ignored by journalists, or else its programs and personnel have been misstated, so that the broadest coalition in foreign policy is sometimes reduced to the purported politics of the “Christian right.” The result is that this major evolution in American human rights concerns and in U.S. foreign policy has been missed or misunderstood.Less
This chapter describes the most important human rights story since the end of the Cold War, the growth in the U.S. of a broad movement for international human rights that draws in evangelicals, Catholics, Jews, Buddhists, Baha’is, African-Americans, and feminists. This movement has pushed successfully for legislation and active policy on international religious freedom, Sudan, sexual trafficking, debt forgiveness, AIDS, and North Korea. Despite its repeated successes, it has often been ignored by journalists, or else its programs and personnel have been misstated, so that the broadest coalition in foreign policy is sometimes reduced to the purported politics of the “Christian right.” The result is that this major evolution in American human rights concerns and in U.S. foreign policy has been missed or misunderstood.
Heather Sharkey
- Published in print:
- 2003
- Published Online:
- March 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780520235588
- eISBN:
- 9780520929364
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- University of California Press
- DOI:
- 10.1525/california/9780520235588.001.0001
- Subject:
- History, Middle East History
Histories written in the aftermath of empire have often featured conquerors and peasant rebels but have said little about the vast staffs of locally recruited clerks, technicians, teachers, and ...
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Histories written in the aftermath of empire have often featured conquerors and peasant rebels but have said little about the vast staffs of locally recruited clerks, technicians, teachers, and medics who made colonialism work day to day. Even as these workers maintained the colonial state, they dreamed of displacing imperial power. This book examines the history of the Anglo-Egyptian Sudan (1898–1956) and the Republic of Sudan that followed in order to understand how colonialism worked on the ground, affected local cultures, influenced the rise of nationalism, and shaped the postcolonial nation-state. Relying on a rich cache of Sudanese Arabic literary sources—including poetry, essays, and memoirs, as well as colonial documents and photographs—it examines colonialism from the viewpoint of those who lived and worked in its midst. By integrating the case of Sudan with material on other countries, particularly India, the book has broad comparative appeal. The author shows that colonial legacies—such as inflexible borders, atomized multi-ethnic populations, and autocratic governing structures—have persisted, hobbling postcolonial nation-states. Thus countries like Sudan are still living with colonialism, struggling to achieve consensus and stability within borders that a fallen empire has left behind.Less
Histories written in the aftermath of empire have often featured conquerors and peasant rebels but have said little about the vast staffs of locally recruited clerks, technicians, teachers, and medics who made colonialism work day to day. Even as these workers maintained the colonial state, they dreamed of displacing imperial power. This book examines the history of the Anglo-Egyptian Sudan (1898–1956) and the Republic of Sudan that followed in order to understand how colonialism worked on the ground, affected local cultures, influenced the rise of nationalism, and shaped the postcolonial nation-state. Relying on a rich cache of Sudanese Arabic literary sources—including poetry, essays, and memoirs, as well as colonial documents and photographs—it examines colonialism from the viewpoint of those who lived and worked in its midst. By integrating the case of Sudan with material on other countries, particularly India, the book has broad comparative appeal. The author shows that colonial legacies—such as inflexible borders, atomized multi-ethnic populations, and autocratic governing structures—have persisted, hobbling postcolonial nation-states. Thus countries like Sudan are still living with colonialism, struggling to achieve consensus and stability within borders that a fallen empire has left behind.
Alfredo González-Ruibal
- Published in print:
- 2011
- Published Online:
- January 2013
- ISBN:
- 9780197264782
- eISBN:
- 9780191754012
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- British Academy
- DOI:
- 10.5871/bacad/9780197264782.003.0012
- Subject:
- History, World Early Modern History
The Turco‐Egyptian conquest of Sudan in 1820–1 was a tragic turning point in the history of the peripheral regions of the Ethiopian and Sudanese states. With the commencement of Turco‐Egyptian ...
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The Turco‐Egyptian conquest of Sudan in 1820–1 was a tragic turning point in the history of the peripheral regions of the Ethiopian and Sudanese states. With the commencement of Turco‐Egyptian overrule, the indigenous peoples of Benishangul, Gambela, Bahr al-Jabal, and Bahr al-Ghazal became integrated into a wider political-economic order in which they had much to lose and little to win. The panorama of social disruption that followed this integration is similar to that of other African regions, which were treated as mere reservoirs of raw materials and forced labour by neighbouring states. This chapter presents an archaeological site that is most likely related to the Turco‐Egyptian control of Benishangul (western Ethiopia). It describes the structures, proposes a chronology based on historical inferences, and interprets them in the context of the economic exploitation of the region during the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. Finally, it addresses the issue of monumentality and its implications in a traditional African landscape.Less
The Turco‐Egyptian conquest of Sudan in 1820–1 was a tragic turning point in the history of the peripheral regions of the Ethiopian and Sudanese states. With the commencement of Turco‐Egyptian overrule, the indigenous peoples of Benishangul, Gambela, Bahr al-Jabal, and Bahr al-Ghazal became integrated into a wider political-economic order in which they had much to lose and little to win. The panorama of social disruption that followed this integration is similar to that of other African regions, which were treated as mere reservoirs of raw materials and forced labour by neighbouring states. This chapter presents an archaeological site that is most likely related to the Turco‐Egyptian control of Benishangul (western Ethiopia). It describes the structures, proposes a chronology based on historical inferences, and interprets them in the context of the economic exploitation of the region during the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. Finally, it addresses the issue of monumentality and its implications in a traditional African landscape.
Raymond Noronha
- Published in print:
- 2000
- Published Online:
- September 2007
- ISBN:
- 9780199240692
- eISBN:
- 9780191714269
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199240692.003.0003
- Subject:
- Economics and Finance, Development, Growth, and Environmental
This chapter considers four examples of ‘common property resources’: Kerala in southern India, the Sudan, southern Bahia in Brazil, and forest dwellers. ‘Traditional’ systems of management appear to ...
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This chapter considers four examples of ‘common property resources’: Kerala in southern India, the Sudan, southern Bahia in Brazil, and forest dwellers. ‘Traditional’ systems of management appear to be confined only to economically marginal segments of national populations. In all cases, the groups are relatively small. Within the groups, there was comparative homogeneity and relative equality of economic activity. With the exception of the Kerala case, the ‘management’ systems were outside the formal legal framework of society. Are traditional societies exemplars par excellence of conservation? Romanticism can lead to a ‘museum pieces’ approach with four elements (or assumptions): that people in such societies have knowledge of their physical environments and resources; the life of these societies is ‘adapted’ to their respective environments; there is ‘care’ of natural resources; and this care results in economic systems that are ‘sustainable’. These are examined with reference to the four cases, and some inferences are drawn.Less
This chapter considers four examples of ‘common property resources’: Kerala in southern India, the Sudan, southern Bahia in Brazil, and forest dwellers. ‘Traditional’ systems of management appear to be confined only to economically marginal segments of national populations. In all cases, the groups are relatively small. Within the groups, there was comparative homogeneity and relative equality of economic activity. With the exception of the Kerala case, the ‘management’ systems were outside the formal legal framework of society. Are traditional societies exemplars par excellence of conservation? Romanticism can lead to a ‘museum pieces’ approach with four elements (or assumptions): that people in such societies have knowledge of their physical environments and resources; the life of these societies is ‘adapted’ to their respective environments; there is ‘care’ of natural resources; and this care results in economic systems that are ‘sustainable’. These are examined with reference to the four cases, and some inferences are drawn.
Moussa Sow
- Published in print:
- 2011
- Published Online:
- January 2013
- ISBN:
- 9780197264782
- eISBN:
- 9780191754012
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- British Academy
- DOI:
- 10.5871/bacad/9780197264782.003.0003
- Subject:
- History, World Early Modern History
This chapter attempts to further the understanding of Sahelo‐Sudanic systems of slavery via enquiries into the daily life of slaves. This work is based on the memories of elders in certain villages ...
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This chapter attempts to further the understanding of Sahelo‐Sudanic systems of slavery via enquiries into the daily life of slaves. This work is based on the memories of elders in certain villages within the zone of the ancient state of Kaarta and the buffer zone between it and the state of Segou, an area corresponding to the modern Malian administrative Cercles of Kolokani and Banamba. Temporally, the focus is on the period directly before the colonial era. In particular, the mode of acquisition of slaves and the different types of local slavery are considered.Less
This chapter attempts to further the understanding of Sahelo‐Sudanic systems of slavery via enquiries into the daily life of slaves. This work is based on the memories of elders in certain villages within the zone of the ancient state of Kaarta and the buffer zone between it and the state of Segou, an area corresponding to the modern Malian administrative Cercles of Kolokani and Banamba. Temporally, the focus is on the period directly before the colonial era. In particular, the mode of acquisition of slaves and the different types of local slavery are considered.
