Charlotte A. Quinn and Frederick Quinn
- Published in print:
- 2003
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780195063868
- eISBN:
- 9780199834587
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0195063864.001.0001
- Subject:
- Religion, Islam
Islam is spreading rapidly in sub‐Saharan Africa, home of more than 150 million Muslims. African Islam is local Islam, responsive to local histories in cultures as diverse as the countries considered ...
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Islam is spreading rapidly in sub‐Saharan Africa, home of more than 150 million Muslims. African Islam is local Islam, responsive to local histories in cultures as diverse as the countries considered in this study – Nigeria, Sudan, Senegal, Kenya, and South Africa. Islam provides a source of communal identity to those experiencing rapid change, populations affected by secularization, unemployment, corrupt and ineffectual governments, and the intrusions of global media. The spread of Islam ascends as respect for the state declines. Ironically, the same Muslim believers who rail against Western materialism are keen on adopting the most modern technologies to communicate with members, and to find access to employment and economic opportunities in the West. As for Islamic fundamentalists (Islamists) the danger is that given Africa's porous borders and weak state structures, such groups can move about easily, feeding on popular discontent. Often more political than theological in aspirations, there is no certainty that the Islamist position will advance in Africa. Opposition includes central governments, many of them with Muslims in key positions, and numerous traditional Islamic rulers and brotherhoods, more moderate in outlook. The extent to which imposition of Sharia, traditional Islamic law, is introduced in a country can be a barometer of the extent of Islamic influence. This timely study is based on extensive field research, including oral interviews, the study of contemporary local sources, and historical research by two scholars with long familiarity with the subject.Less
Islam is spreading rapidly in sub‐Saharan Africa, home of more than 150 million Muslims. African Islam is local Islam, responsive to local histories in cultures as diverse as the countries considered in this study – Nigeria, Sudan, Senegal, Kenya, and South Africa. Islam provides a source of communal identity to those experiencing rapid change, populations affected by secularization, unemployment, corrupt and ineffectual governments, and the intrusions of global media. The spread of Islam ascends as respect for the state declines. Ironically, the same Muslim believers who rail against Western materialism are keen on adopting the most modern technologies to communicate with members, and to find access to employment and economic opportunities in the West. As for Islamic fundamentalists (Islamists) the danger is that given Africa's porous borders and weak state structures, such groups can move about easily, feeding on popular discontent. Often more political than theological in aspirations, there is no certainty that the Islamist position will advance in Africa. Opposition includes central governments, many of them with Muslims in key positions, and numerous traditional Islamic rulers and brotherhoods, more moderate in outlook. The extent to which imposition of Sharia, traditional Islamic law, is introduced in a country can be a barometer of the extent of Islamic influence. This timely study is based on extensive field research, including oral interviews, the study of contemporary local sources, and historical research by two scholars with long familiarity with the subject.
Heather Bell
- Published in print:
- 1999
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780198207498
- eISBN:
- 9780191677694
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198207498.001.0001
- Subject:
- History, World Modern History, History of Science, Technology, and Medicine
Much recent work on the history of colonial medicine argues that medicine was the handmaiden of colonial power and of capitalism. Highlighting the tenuousness of colonial power, this book challenges ...
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Much recent work on the history of colonial medicine argues that medicine was the handmaiden of colonial power and of capitalism. Highlighting the tenuousness of colonial power, this book challenges this interpretation through careful investigation of the complicated relationship between medicine, politics, and capital in Anglo-Egyptian Sudan. It includes chapters on midwifery training and female circumcision, on health and racial ideology, and on the quest to find the yellow fever virus in East Africa.Less
Much recent work on the history of colonial medicine argues that medicine was the handmaiden of colonial power and of capitalism. Highlighting the tenuousness of colonial power, this book challenges this interpretation through careful investigation of the complicated relationship between medicine, politics, and capital in Anglo-Egyptian Sudan. It includes chapters on midwifery training and female circumcision, on health and racial ideology, and on the quest to find the yellow fever virus in East Africa.
Kathryn Talalay
- Published in print:
- 1998
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780195113938
- eISBN:
- 9780199853816
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195113938.003.0023
- Subject:
- History, Cultural History
Despite her busy schedule, Philippa tried her very best to listen to the indigenous sounds of Africa appreciating the startling diversity contained within. For instance, in northern Sudan, she heard ...
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Despite her busy schedule, Philippa tried her very best to listen to the indigenous sounds of Africa appreciating the startling diversity contained within. For instance, in northern Sudan, she heard music in a harem where a bride was being prepared for her wedding with a groom she had never ever seen. But the music of Buganda intrigued her the most. It was there that she met the famous ethnomusicologist Joseph Kyagambiddwa, who would later let her listened to songs such as “The Lamb Who Smoked a Pipe” and “Eating the Delicious White Ant”. But the musical climax of her African trip came from hearing a performance of King Mutesa II's private royal orchestra, which was given specifically in Philippa's honour, a rare privilege for an outsider.Less
Despite her busy schedule, Philippa tried her very best to listen to the indigenous sounds of Africa appreciating the startling diversity contained within. For instance, in northern Sudan, she heard music in a harem where a bride was being prepared for her wedding with a groom she had never ever seen. But the music of Buganda intrigued her the most. It was there that she met the famous ethnomusicologist Joseph Kyagambiddwa, who would later let her listened to songs such as “The Lamb Who Smoked a Pipe” and “Eating the Delicious White Ant”. But the musical climax of her African trip came from hearing a performance of King Mutesa II's private royal orchestra, which was given specifically in Philippa's honour, a rare privilege for an outsider.
Helga Fleischhacker and Curtis F. Doebbler
- Published in print:
- 1999
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780198296454
- eISBN:
- 9780191600036
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0198296452.003.0047
- Subject:
- Political Science, Reference
This chapter on elections and electoral systems in Sudan follows the same format as all the other country chapters in the book. The first section is introductory and contains a historical overview, ...
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This chapter on elections and electoral systems in Sudan follows the same format as all the other country chapters in the book. The first section is introductory and contains a historical overview, discussion of the evolution of electoral provisions, an account of the current electoral provisions, and a comment on the electoral statistics. The second section consists of ten tables. These are: 2.1 Dates of National Elections, Referendums, and Coups d’Etat; 2.2 Electoral Body 1953–1998 (data on population size, registered voters and votes cast); 2.3 Abbreviations (abbreviations and full names of political parties and alliances used in tables 2.6, 2.7, and 2.9); 2.4 Electoral Participation of Parties and Alliances 1953–1986 (participation of political parties and alliances in chronological order and including the years and number of contested elections); 2.5 Referendum 1998 (details of registered voters and votes cast); 2.6 Elections for Constitutional Assembly 1965–1986 (details of registered voters and votes cast); 2.7 Parliamentary Elections (no detailed results available); 2.8 Composition of Parliament 1953–1996; 2.9 Presidential Elections 1971–1996 (details of registered voters and votes cast); and 2.10 List of Power Holders 1953–1998.Less
This chapter on elections and electoral systems in Sudan follows the same format as all the other country chapters in the book. The first section is introductory and contains a historical overview, discussion of the evolution of electoral provisions, an account of the current electoral provisions, and a comment on the electoral statistics. The second section consists of ten tables. These are: 2.1 Dates of National Elections, Referendums, and Coups d’Etat; 2.2 Electoral Body 1953–1998 (data on population size, registered voters and votes cast); 2.3 Abbreviations (abbreviations and full names of political parties and alliances used in tables 2.6, 2.7, and 2.9); 2.4 Electoral Participation of Parties and Alliances 1953–1986 (participation of political parties and alliances in chronological order and including the years and number of contested elections); 2.5 Referendum 1998 (details of registered voters and votes cast); 2.6 Elections for Constitutional Assembly 1965–1986 (details of registered voters and votes cast); 2.7 Parliamentary Elections (no detailed results available); 2.8 Composition of Parliament 1953–1996; 2.9 Presidential Elections 1971–1996 (details of registered voters and votes cast); and 2.10 List of Power Holders 1953–1998.
Gil Loescher
- Published in print:
- 2001
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780199246915
- eISBN:
- 9780191599781
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199246912.003.0006
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
During the 1970s under Prince Sadruddin Aga Khan, the fourth High Commissioner, UNHCR embarked on new assistance programmes in a number of refugee and refugee‐like situations around the world. The ...
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During the 1970s under Prince Sadruddin Aga Khan, the fourth High Commissioner, UNHCR embarked on new assistance programmes in a number of refugee and refugee‐like situations around the world. The most notable of these were in Bangladesh, Uganda, and Indo‐China. There were also highly politicized refugee crises in Chile and Argentina. The UNHCR was active in the repatriation and reintegration of refugees and internally displaced persons in southern Sudan and in Angola, Guinea Bissau, and Mozambique. In addition, there were mass exoduses of refugees from Cuba and Vietnam.Less
During the 1970s under Prince Sadruddin Aga Khan, the fourth High Commissioner, UNHCR embarked on new assistance programmes in a number of refugee and refugee‐like situations around the world. The most notable of these were in Bangladesh, Uganda, and Indo‐China. There were also highly politicized refugee crises in Chile and Argentina. The UNHCR was active in the repatriation and reintegration of refugees and internally displaced persons in southern Sudan and in Angola, Guinea Bissau, and Mozambique. In addition, there were mass exoduses of refugees from Cuba and Vietnam.
Allen D. Hertzke
- Published in print:
- 2009
- Published Online:
- January 2009
- ISBN:
- 9780195374360
- eISBN:
- 9780199871902
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195374360.003.0005
- Subject:
- Religion, Religion and Society
This chapter describes the most important human rights story since the end of the Cold War, the growth in the U.S. of a broad movement for international human rights that draws in evangelicals, ...
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This chapter describes the most important human rights story since the end of the Cold War, the growth in the U.S. of a broad movement for international human rights that draws in evangelicals, Catholics, Jews, Buddhists, Baha’is, African-Americans, and feminists. This movement has pushed successfully for legislation and active policy on international religious freedom, Sudan, sexual trafficking, debt forgiveness, AIDS, and North Korea. Despite its repeated successes, it has often been ignored by journalists, or else its programs and personnel have been misstated, so that the broadest coalition in foreign policy is sometimes reduced to the purported politics of the “Christian right.” The result is that this major evolution in American human rights concerns and in U.S. foreign policy has been missed or misunderstood.Less
This chapter describes the most important human rights story since the end of the Cold War, the growth in the U.S. of a broad movement for international human rights that draws in evangelicals, Catholics, Jews, Buddhists, Baha’is, African-Americans, and feminists. This movement has pushed successfully for legislation and active policy on international religious freedom, Sudan, sexual trafficking, debt forgiveness, AIDS, and North Korea. Despite its repeated successes, it has often been ignored by journalists, or else its programs and personnel have been misstated, so that the broadest coalition in foreign policy is sometimes reduced to the purported politics of the “Christian right.” The result is that this major evolution in American human rights concerns and in U.S. foreign policy has been missed or misunderstood.
Heather Sharkey
- Published in print:
- 2003
- Published Online:
- March 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780520235588
- eISBN:
- 9780520929364
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- University of California Press
- DOI:
- 10.1525/california/9780520235588.001.0001
- Subject:
- History, Middle East History
Histories written in the aftermath of empire have often featured conquerors and peasant rebels but have said little about the vast staffs of locally recruited clerks, technicians, teachers, and ...
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Histories written in the aftermath of empire have often featured conquerors and peasant rebels but have said little about the vast staffs of locally recruited clerks, technicians, teachers, and medics who made colonialism work day to day. Even as these workers maintained the colonial state, they dreamed of displacing imperial power. This book examines the history of the Anglo-Egyptian Sudan (1898–1956) and the Republic of Sudan that followed in order to understand how colonialism worked on the ground, affected local cultures, influenced the rise of nationalism, and shaped the postcolonial nation-state. Relying on a rich cache of Sudanese Arabic literary sources—including poetry, essays, and memoirs, as well as colonial documents and photographs—it examines colonialism from the viewpoint of those who lived and worked in its midst. By integrating the case of Sudan with material on other countries, particularly India, the book has broad comparative appeal. The author shows that colonial legacies—such as inflexible borders, atomized multi-ethnic populations, and autocratic governing structures—have persisted, hobbling postcolonial nation-states. Thus countries like Sudan are still living with colonialism, struggling to achieve consensus and stability within borders that a fallen empire has left behind.Less
Histories written in the aftermath of empire have often featured conquerors and peasant rebels but have said little about the vast staffs of locally recruited clerks, technicians, teachers, and medics who made colonialism work day to day. Even as these workers maintained the colonial state, they dreamed of displacing imperial power. This book examines the history of the Anglo-Egyptian Sudan (1898–1956) and the Republic of Sudan that followed in order to understand how colonialism worked on the ground, affected local cultures, influenced the rise of nationalism, and shaped the postcolonial nation-state. Relying on a rich cache of Sudanese Arabic literary sources—including poetry, essays, and memoirs, as well as colonial documents and photographs—it examines colonialism from the viewpoint of those who lived and worked in its midst. By integrating the case of Sudan with material on other countries, particularly India, the book has broad comparative appeal. The author shows that colonial legacies—such as inflexible borders, atomized multi-ethnic populations, and autocratic governing structures—have persisted, hobbling postcolonial nation-states. Thus countries like Sudan are still living with colonialism, struggling to achieve consensus and stability within borders that a fallen empire has left behind.
Alfredo González-Ruibal
- Published in print:
- 2011
- Published Online:
- January 2013
- ISBN:
- 9780197264782
- eISBN:
- 9780191754012
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- British Academy
- DOI:
- 10.5871/bacad/9780197264782.003.0012
- Subject:
- History, World Early Modern History
The Turco‐Egyptian conquest of Sudan in 1820–1 was a tragic turning point in the history of the peripheral regions of the Ethiopian and Sudanese states. With the commencement of Turco‐Egyptian ...
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The Turco‐Egyptian conquest of Sudan in 1820–1 was a tragic turning point in the history of the peripheral regions of the Ethiopian and Sudanese states. With the commencement of Turco‐Egyptian overrule, the indigenous peoples of Benishangul, Gambela, Bahr al-Jabal, and Bahr al-Ghazal became integrated into a wider political-economic order in which they had much to lose and little to win. The panorama of social disruption that followed this integration is similar to that of other African regions, which were treated as mere reservoirs of raw materials and forced labour by neighbouring states. This chapter presents an archaeological site that is most likely related to the Turco‐Egyptian control of Benishangul (western Ethiopia). It describes the structures, proposes a chronology based on historical inferences, and interprets them in the context of the economic exploitation of the region during the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. Finally, it addresses the issue of monumentality and its implications in a traditional African landscape.Less
The Turco‐Egyptian conquest of Sudan in 1820–1 was a tragic turning point in the history of the peripheral regions of the Ethiopian and Sudanese states. With the commencement of Turco‐Egyptian overrule, the indigenous peoples of Benishangul, Gambela, Bahr al-Jabal, and Bahr al-Ghazal became integrated into a wider political-economic order in which they had much to lose and little to win. The panorama of social disruption that followed this integration is similar to that of other African regions, which were treated as mere reservoirs of raw materials and forced labour by neighbouring states. This chapter presents an archaeological site that is most likely related to the Turco‐Egyptian control of Benishangul (western Ethiopia). It describes the structures, proposes a chronology based on historical inferences, and interprets them in the context of the economic exploitation of the region during the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. Finally, it addresses the issue of monumentality and its implications in a traditional African landscape.
Raymond Noronha
- Published in print:
- 2000
- Published Online:
- September 2007
- ISBN:
- 9780199240692
- eISBN:
- 9780191714269
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199240692.003.0003
- Subject:
- Economics and Finance, Development, Growth, and Environmental
This chapter considers four examples of ‘common property resources’: Kerala in southern India, the Sudan, southern Bahia in Brazil, and forest dwellers. ‘Traditional’ systems of management appear to ...
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This chapter considers four examples of ‘common property resources’: Kerala in southern India, the Sudan, southern Bahia in Brazil, and forest dwellers. ‘Traditional’ systems of management appear to be confined only to economically marginal segments of national populations. In all cases, the groups are relatively small. Within the groups, there was comparative homogeneity and relative equality of economic activity. With the exception of the Kerala case, the ‘management’ systems were outside the formal legal framework of society. Are traditional societies exemplars par excellence of conservation? Romanticism can lead to a ‘museum pieces’ approach with four elements (or assumptions): that people in such societies have knowledge of their physical environments and resources; the life of these societies is ‘adapted’ to their respective environments; there is ‘care’ of natural resources; and this care results in economic systems that are ‘sustainable’. These are examined with reference to the four cases, and some inferences are drawn.Less
This chapter considers four examples of ‘common property resources’: Kerala in southern India, the Sudan, southern Bahia in Brazil, and forest dwellers. ‘Traditional’ systems of management appear to be confined only to economically marginal segments of national populations. In all cases, the groups are relatively small. Within the groups, there was comparative homogeneity and relative equality of economic activity. With the exception of the Kerala case, the ‘management’ systems were outside the formal legal framework of society. Are traditional societies exemplars par excellence of conservation? Romanticism can lead to a ‘museum pieces’ approach with four elements (or assumptions): that people in such societies have knowledge of their physical environments and resources; the life of these societies is ‘adapted’ to their respective environments; there is ‘care’ of natural resources; and this care results in economic systems that are ‘sustainable’. These are examined with reference to the four cases, and some inferences are drawn.
Moussa Sow
- Published in print:
- 2011
- Published Online:
- January 2013
- ISBN:
- 9780197264782
- eISBN:
- 9780191754012
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- British Academy
- DOI:
- 10.5871/bacad/9780197264782.003.0003
- Subject:
- History, World Early Modern History
This chapter attempts to further the understanding of Sahelo‐Sudanic systems of slavery via enquiries into the daily life of slaves. This work is based on the memories of elders in certain villages ...
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This chapter attempts to further the understanding of Sahelo‐Sudanic systems of slavery via enquiries into the daily life of slaves. This work is based on the memories of elders in certain villages within the zone of the ancient state of Kaarta and the buffer zone between it and the state of Segou, an area corresponding to the modern Malian administrative Cercles of Kolokani and Banamba. Temporally, the focus is on the period directly before the colonial era. In particular, the mode of acquisition of slaves and the different types of local slavery are considered.Less
This chapter attempts to further the understanding of Sahelo‐Sudanic systems of slavery via enquiries into the daily life of slaves. This work is based on the memories of elders in certain villages within the zone of the ancient state of Kaarta and the buffer zone between it and the state of Segou, an area corresponding to the modern Malian administrative Cercles of Kolokani and Banamba. Temporally, the focus is on the period directly before the colonial era. In particular, the mode of acquisition of slaves and the different types of local slavery are considered.
Azzam S. Tamimi
- Published in print:
- 2001
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780195140002
- eISBN:
- 9780199834723
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0195140001.003.0002
- Subject:
- Religion, Islam
Convinced that staying at home was a more worthy cause than returning to Paris to pursue his postgraduate studies, Ghannouchi puts his foot on the road to Islamic political activism that lead him to ...
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Convinced that staying at home was a more worthy cause than returning to Paris to pursue his postgraduate studies, Ghannouchi puts his foot on the road to Islamic political activism that lead him to a clash with the authorities during the reign of Bourguiba, landing him in prison for a period of four years.Using different platforms, starting with the Qur’anic Preservation Society, then his own Al‐Jama’ah al‐Islaymiyah and the Islamic Tendency Movement (MTI) Ghannouchi seeks to tackle pressing issues within his country, ranging from the need to reform the education curriculum to the demands of political and economic reform.Interacting with local forces, both Marxist and liberal, and seeking to learn lessons from the Khomeyni‐led revolution in Iran and the Islamic movement in the Sudan, he endeavors to restore respect for the pioneers of nineteenth and twentieth century Arab reformers.In prison, Ghannouchi has an opportunity to assess the successes and failures of his movement and to document the lessons derived from the past few years.Less
Convinced that staying at home was a more worthy cause than returning to Paris to pursue his postgraduate studies, Ghannouchi puts his foot on the road to Islamic political activism that lead him to a clash with the authorities during the reign of Bourguiba, landing him in prison for a period of four years.
Using different platforms, starting with the Qur’anic Preservation Society, then his own Al‐Jama’ah al‐Islaymiyah and the Islamic Tendency Movement (MTI) Ghannouchi seeks to tackle pressing issues within his country, ranging from the need to reform the education curriculum to the demands of political and economic reform.
Interacting with local forces, both Marxist and liberal, and seeking to learn lessons from the Khomeyni‐led revolution in Iran and the Islamic movement in the Sudan, he endeavors to restore respect for the pioneers of nineteenth and twentieth century Arab reformers.
In prison, Ghannouchi has an opportunity to assess the successes and failures of his movement and to document the lessons derived from the past few years.
Charlotte A. Quinn and Frederick Quinn
- Published in print:
- 2003
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780195063868
- eISBN:
- 9780199834587
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0195063864.003.0003
- Subject:
- Religion, Islam
Sudan, at the crossroads between Africa and the Arab world, is an oil‐rich, largely barren country with a Muslim North, home to numerous factions and brotherhoods, and a Christian South, with many ...
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Sudan, at the crossroads between Africa and the Arab world, is an oil‐rich, largely barren country with a Muslim North, home to numerous factions and brotherhoods, and a Christian South, with many ethnic and linguistic groups represented. Under Turco‐Egyptian suzerainty during much of the nineteenth century, the most important Islamic figure to emerge in that era was the Mahdi, Muhammad Ahmad ibn ’Adballah. During the postindependence period, Sudan has suffered from destructive competition among sectarian groups, including Islamic groups and their political parties that paralyzed the decision‐making process during rare periods of civilian rule. Imposition of a sweeping version of Sharia has become the symbol of Muslim–Christian conflict in Africa. With the ideologue Hasan al‐Turabi sidelined, there are indications that the government led by General Umar Hasan al‐Bashir is moving toward a more pragmatic direction by both opening up the electoral process and discussing the ending of one of the world's longest standing civil wars.Less
Sudan, at the crossroads between Africa and the Arab world, is an oil‐rich, largely barren country with a Muslim North, home to numerous factions and brotherhoods, and a Christian South, with many ethnic and linguistic groups represented. Under Turco‐Egyptian suzerainty during much of the nineteenth century, the most important Islamic figure to emerge in that era was the Mahdi, Muhammad Ahmad ibn ’Adballah. During the postindependence period, Sudan has suffered from destructive competition among sectarian groups, including Islamic groups and their political parties that paralyzed the decision‐making process during rare periods of civilian rule. Imposition of a sweeping version of Sharia has become the symbol of Muslim–Christian conflict in Africa. With the ideologue Hasan al‐Turabi sidelined, there are indications that the government led by General Umar Hasan al‐Bashir is moving toward a more pragmatic direction by both opening up the electoral process and discussing the ending of one of the world's longest standing civil wars.
Philip Jenkins
- Published in print:
- 2002
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780195146165
- eISBN:
- 9780199834341
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0195146166.003.0008
- Subject:
- Religion, Religion and Society
This chapter looks at how the international politics of the coming decades are likely to revolve around interfaith conflict, above all, the clash between Christianity and Islam. Across the regions ...
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This chapter looks at how the international politics of the coming decades are likely to revolve around interfaith conflict, above all, the clash between Christianity and Islam. Across the regions that will be the most populous in the twenty-first century there are already vast religious conflicts and contests in progress, although they impinge very little on Western opinion makers and the parochialism of Western public opinion is striking. Demographic projections suggest that these religious feuds will not only continue but become worse, although it is pointed out that, for various reasons, it is very difficult to obtain and project accurate numbers of the people belonging to different religions in any particular country. Nevertheless, of the world’s twenty-five largest nations, by the mid-twentieth-first century, if the current religious balance continues, nine are likely to be wholly or predominantly Muslim, eight wholly or predominantly Christian and three deeply divided between the two; it is suggested that by 2050 there could be ten of the largest nations profoundly divided between these two religions and, therefore, subject to instability as a result of inter-religious violence. The last part of the chapter considers some of the main fronts of religious conflicts, with discussion of Sudan, Egypt, Nigeria, Asia (as represented by Pakistan, Indonesia, the Philippines) and Europe, the cycles of violence in Christian–Muslim conflicts, the place of Judaism in Christian–Muslim relations, conflicts between Hinduism and Buddhism, and various possible future scenarios based on religious conflict in different countries.Less
This chapter looks at how the international politics of the coming decades are likely to revolve around interfaith conflict, above all, the clash between Christianity and Islam. Across the regions that will be the most populous in the twenty-first century there are already vast religious conflicts and contests in progress, although they impinge very little on Western opinion makers and the parochialism of Western public opinion is striking. Demographic projections suggest that these religious feuds will not only continue but become worse, although it is pointed out that, for various reasons, it is very difficult to obtain and project accurate numbers of the people belonging to different religions in any particular country. Nevertheless, of the world’s twenty-five largest nations, by the mid-twentieth-first century, if the current religious balance continues, nine are likely to be wholly or predominantly Muslim, eight wholly or predominantly Christian and three deeply divided between the two; it is suggested that by 2050 there could be ten of the largest nations profoundly divided between these two religions and, therefore, subject to instability as a result of inter-religious violence. The last part of the chapter considers some of the main fronts of religious conflicts, with discussion of Sudan, Egypt, Nigeria, Asia (as represented by Pakistan, Indonesia, the Philippines) and Europe, the cycles of violence in Christian–Muslim conflicts, the place of Judaism in Christian–Muslim relations, conflicts between Hinduism and Buddhism, and various possible future scenarios based on religious conflict in different countries.
Elizabeth Shakman Hurd
- Published in print:
- 2015
- Published Online:
- October 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780691166094
- eISBN:
- 9781400873814
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Princeton University Press
- DOI:
- 10.23943/princeton/9780691166094.003.0003
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
This chapter develops three interrelated claims about the politics of governing social difference through religious rights and freedoms. First, conceiving and governing social difference through ...
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This chapter develops three interrelated claims about the politics of governing social difference through religious rights and freedoms. First, conceiving and governing social difference through religious rights singles out individuals and groups for legal protection as religious individuals and collectivities. Second, governing through religious rights shapes how states and other political authorities distinguish groups from each other, often in law. Third, contemporary international religious freedom advocacy emphasizes belief as the core of religion. The chapter unfolds in three parts, each elaborating on various aspects of these claims through a combination of empirical illustrations and theoretical discussion. The first section on the global political production of religious difference draws on an extended discussion of the Rohingya in Myanmar. The second section on the creation of a landscape populated by faith communities and the effects on those excluded from such designations incorporates examples from the Central African Republic, Guatemala, India, and South Sudan. A final section on the mutually supportive relations between religious freedom advocacy, the creation of a believing religious subject, and the ideology of the free religious marketplace builds on the work of anthropologists and religious studies scholars who complicate the notion of belief as the core of religion.Less
This chapter develops three interrelated claims about the politics of governing social difference through religious rights and freedoms. First, conceiving and governing social difference through religious rights singles out individuals and groups for legal protection as religious individuals and collectivities. Second, governing through religious rights shapes how states and other political authorities distinguish groups from each other, often in law. Third, contemporary international religious freedom advocacy emphasizes belief as the core of religion. The chapter unfolds in three parts, each elaborating on various aspects of these claims through a combination of empirical illustrations and theoretical discussion. The first section on the global political production of religious difference draws on an extended discussion of the Rohingya in Myanmar. The second section on the creation of a landscape populated by faith communities and the effects on those excluded from such designations incorporates examples from the Central African Republic, Guatemala, India, and South Sudan. A final section on the mutually supportive relations between religious freedom advocacy, the creation of a believing religious subject, and the ideology of the free religious marketplace builds on the work of anthropologists and religious studies scholars who complicate the notion of belief as the core of religion.
Gerald Hawting
- Published in print:
- 2008
- Published Online:
- January 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780197264348
- eISBN:
- 9780191734250
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- British Academy
- DOI:
- 10.5871/bacad/9780197264348.003.0011
- Subject:
- History, Historiography
Peter Malcolm Holt (1918–2006), a Fellow of the British Academy, was an historian of the Sudan, of the Middle East more widely, and of the development of Arabic studies in early modern England. Born ...
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Peter Malcolm Holt (1918–2006), a Fellow of the British Academy, was an historian of the Sudan, of the Middle East more widely, and of the development of Arabic studies in early modern England. Born at Leigh in Lancashire, he went to Lord Williams's Grammar School at nearby Thame, and then read History at University College, Oxford from 1937 to 1940. Having obtained a Diploma of Education (1941), he joined the Education Department of the Government of the Sudan, where he worked as a secondary school teacher and inspector. In the year before the Sudan became independent in 1956, Holt was appointed as a Lecturer in the History Department of the School of Oriental and African Studies. Articles investigating aspects of the earlier period of Sudanese history represent part of his scholarly output during the 1960s. While the main body of Holt's academic research occupied three, approximately successive, phases (the Sudan, Egypt under Ottoman rule, and the early Mamluk sultanate in Egypt and Syria), the development of Arabic studies in seventeenth-century England remained an abiding interest.Less
Peter Malcolm Holt (1918–2006), a Fellow of the British Academy, was an historian of the Sudan, of the Middle East more widely, and of the development of Arabic studies in early modern England. Born at Leigh in Lancashire, he went to Lord Williams's Grammar School at nearby Thame, and then read History at University College, Oxford from 1937 to 1940. Having obtained a Diploma of Education (1941), he joined the Education Department of the Government of the Sudan, where he worked as a secondary school teacher and inspector. In the year before the Sudan became independent in 1956, Holt was appointed as a Lecturer in the History Department of the School of Oriental and African Studies. Articles investigating aspects of the earlier period of Sudanese history represent part of his scholarly output during the 1960s. While the main body of Holt's academic research occupied three, approximately successive, phases (the Sudan, Egypt under Ottoman rule, and the early Mamluk sultanate in Egypt and Syria), the development of Arabic studies in seventeenth-century England remained an abiding interest.
Graciana del Castillo
- Published in print:
- 2008
- Published Online:
- January 2009
- ISBN:
- 9780199237739
- eISBN:
- 9780191717239
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199237739.003.0001
- Subject:
- Economics and Finance, Development, Growth, and Environmental, International
Iraq and Afghanistan are hardly alone in having to face failure in their transition to peace. Since the end of the Cold War, countries at low levels of development — ranging from Haiti to ...
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Iraq and Afghanistan are hardly alone in having to face failure in their transition to peace. Since the end of the Cold War, countries at low levels of development — ranging from Haiti to Timor-Leste, to Liberia, Sierra Leone, Burundi, and others in Africa, and several in the Balkans — have emerged from civil conflict to establish a fragile peace. Others, such as Colombia, the Palestinian territories, and Sudan, it is hoped, will begin such a transition soon. The purpose of the book is to integrate theoretical and practical issues related to post-conflict economic reconstruction in a methodical, comprehensive, consistent, and rigorous way to facilitate effective reconstruction and national reconciliation and to ensure that conflict will not recur. The book is based on personal experience but in addition provides a comprehensive review of the literature.Less
Iraq and Afghanistan are hardly alone in having to face failure in their transition to peace. Since the end of the Cold War, countries at low levels of development — ranging from Haiti to Timor-Leste, to Liberia, Sierra Leone, Burundi, and others in Africa, and several in the Balkans — have emerged from civil conflict to establish a fragile peace. Others, such as Colombia, the Palestinian territories, and Sudan, it is hoped, will begin such a transition soon. The purpose of the book is to integrate theoretical and practical issues related to post-conflict economic reconstruction in a methodical, comprehensive, consistent, and rigorous way to facilitate effective reconstruction and national reconciliation and to ensure that conflict will not recur. The book is based on personal experience but in addition provides a comprehensive review of the literature.
Frederick Cooper
- Published in print:
- 2014
- Published Online:
- October 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780691161310
- eISBN:
- 9781400850280
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Princeton University Press
- DOI:
- 10.23943/princeton/9780691161310.003.0005
- Subject:
- History, African History
This chapter explores different instances of African claim making. It first looks at the effort of the Rassemblement Démocratique Africain (RDA) in the Sudan and especially the Côte d'Ivoire to build ...
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This chapter explores different instances of African claim making. It first looks at the effort of the Rassemblement Démocratique Africain (RDA) in the Sudan and especially the Côte d'Ivoire to build up its political apparatus across the territory and the efforts of the government to combat what it saw as a countergovernment. The chapter then turns to ways in which African political leaders sought to change the very terms in which future politics was discussed—to rethink the meaning of nation and sovereignty. They were thinking about different levels of political belonging and political action. And as France entered into discussion of creating a European community, they were thinking of expanding the idea of a “Franco-African” political ensemble into something even wider, into “Eurafrica.”Less
This chapter explores different instances of African claim making. It first looks at the effort of the Rassemblement Démocratique Africain (RDA) in the Sudan and especially the Côte d'Ivoire to build up its political apparatus across the territory and the efforts of the government to combat what it saw as a countergovernment. The chapter then turns to ways in which African political leaders sought to change the very terms in which future politics was discussed—to rethink the meaning of nation and sovereignty. They were thinking about different levels of political belonging and political action. And as France entered into discussion of creating a European community, they were thinking of expanding the idea of a “Franco-African” political ensemble into something even wider, into “Eurafrica.”
Heather Bell
- Published in print:
- 1999
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780198207498
- eISBN:
- 9780191677694
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198207498.003.0007
- Subject:
- History, World Modern History, History of Science, Technology, and Medicine
Training Sudanese midwives and supervising all midwifery practice constituted a distinctive enterprise for the Sudan medical service. The Midwifery Training School, opened in Omdurman in 1921, ...
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Training Sudanese midwives and supervising all midwifery practice constituted a distinctive enterprise for the Sudan medical service. The Midwifery Training School, opened in Omdurman in 1921, recognized practitioners of traditional medicine as agents who could be reformed: it sought to create a class of modern, trained Sudanese midwives, out of, and in rivalry to, an entrenched class of traditional midwives known as dayas. Such a transformation required constant and explicit engagement with Sudanese people, and their cultural norms about gender roles and intimate practices such as childbirth and female circumcision. This chapter argues that the interaction between traditional and Western medicine, and between Sudanese and British cultures engendered by midwifery training and practice in the colonial context, was highly complex and constantly being negotiated. It shows that hierarchies of gender, race, occupation, and class disciplined the medical service's employment of non-European personnel. In addressing the government's handling of the controversial matter of female circumcision, the chapter also provides evidence of the rigid boundary sometimes drawn between medicine and politics in Sudan.Less
Training Sudanese midwives and supervising all midwifery practice constituted a distinctive enterprise for the Sudan medical service. The Midwifery Training School, opened in Omdurman in 1921, recognized practitioners of traditional medicine as agents who could be reformed: it sought to create a class of modern, trained Sudanese midwives, out of, and in rivalry to, an entrenched class of traditional midwives known as dayas. Such a transformation required constant and explicit engagement with Sudanese people, and their cultural norms about gender roles and intimate practices such as childbirth and female circumcision. This chapter argues that the interaction between traditional and Western medicine, and between Sudanese and British cultures engendered by midwifery training and practice in the colonial context, was highly complex and constantly being negotiated. It shows that hierarchies of gender, race, occupation, and class disciplined the medical service's employment of non-European personnel. In addressing the government's handling of the controversial matter of female circumcision, the chapter also provides evidence of the rigid boundary sometimes drawn between medicine and politics in Sudan.
Heather Bell
- Published in print:
- 1999
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780198207498
- eISBN:
- 9780191677694
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198207498.003.0008
- Subject:
- History, World Modern History, History of Science, Technology, and Medicine
Embroiled in the detail of medical training programmes and disease control efforts, it is easy to lose sight of the fact that the boundaries of colonial medicine in Sudan expanded in some very basic ...
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Embroiled in the detail of medical training programmes and disease control efforts, it is easy to lose sight of the fact that the boundaries of colonial medicine in Sudan expanded in some very basic ways between 1899 and 1940. Driven by the ambition of its doctors and by the changing priorities of the colonial state, the medical administration literally and figuratively carved out new spaces in which to operate. While colonial doctors burned down some Sudanese homes in the name of disease control, colonial medicine had, in what was arguably its most radical undertaking, ventured peacefully into others through trained midwifery. Essential in determining which diseases were addressed and in what way were the ambition and the interests of the doctors themselves: the projects of the Wellcome Tropical Research Laboratories, the early search for sleeping sickness cases, and above all the quest for the yellow fever virus were at least partly driven by the intellectual excitement of the doctors involved. The colonial setting helped to blur the boundary between medicine and politics in some cases.Less
Embroiled in the detail of medical training programmes and disease control efforts, it is easy to lose sight of the fact that the boundaries of colonial medicine in Sudan expanded in some very basic ways between 1899 and 1940. Driven by the ambition of its doctors and by the changing priorities of the colonial state, the medical administration literally and figuratively carved out new spaces in which to operate. While colonial doctors burned down some Sudanese homes in the name of disease control, colonial medicine had, in what was arguably its most radical undertaking, ventured peacefully into others through trained midwifery. Essential in determining which diseases were addressed and in what way were the ambition and the interests of the doctors themselves: the projects of the Wellcome Tropical Research Laboratories, the early search for sleeping sickness cases, and above all the quest for the yellow fever virus were at least partly driven by the intellectual excitement of the doctors involved. The colonial setting helped to blur the boundary between medicine and politics in some cases.
Dr. David Nersessian
- Published in print:
- 2010
- Published Online:
- September 2010
- ISBN:
- 9780199588909
- eISBN:
- 9780191594557
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199588909.003.0009
- Subject:
- Law, Human Rights and Immigration, Public International Law
This chapter proposes an optional protocol to the 1948 Genocide Convention paired and an amendment to the ICC Statute to address political genocide. It considers several potential objections to ...
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This chapter proposes an optional protocol to the 1948 Genocide Convention paired and an amendment to the ICC Statute to address political genocide. It considers several potential objections to creating the new offense, including its potential impact on legitimate military and law enforcement interests (e.g., terrorism prevention). It also considers whether the inclusion of political groups would interfere with the Convention itself or otherwise dilute the concept of genocide as a unique offense. It demonstrates that none of these considerations justify continued non-recognition of political genocide. The chapter then discusses the divergence between law ‘on the books’ and actual enforcement, using the situation in Darfur as an example of difficulties of exercising political will on the international plane. It concludes that the direct prohibition of political genocide through law is an essential first step to preventing and punishing atrocities aimed at destroying political groups ‘as such’.Less
This chapter proposes an optional protocol to the 1948 Genocide Convention paired and an amendment to the ICC Statute to address political genocide. It considers several potential objections to creating the new offense, including its potential impact on legitimate military and law enforcement interests (e.g., terrorism prevention). It also considers whether the inclusion of political groups would interfere with the Convention itself or otherwise dilute the concept of genocide as a unique offense. It demonstrates that none of these considerations justify continued non-recognition of political genocide. The chapter then discusses the divergence between law ‘on the books’ and actual enforcement, using the situation in Darfur as an example of difficulties of exercising political will on the international plane. It concludes that the direct prohibition of political genocide through law is an essential first step to preventing and punishing atrocities aimed at destroying political groups ‘as such’.
