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This chapter is devoted to the lengthy campaign for a subsidy, which began immediately following the establishment of the Provisional Government after the Treaty settlement in 1922. It analyses the proposals made by the Abbey directors to the government (through Desmond FitzGerald and Ernest Blythe) and evaluates the way in which the directors articulated the role of a subsidized theatre in comparison with the theatre's founding principles. Simultaneous with its petition to the government, the Abbey directors were negotiating with the Carnegie Trust for a subvention. The publication of Yeats's sexually explicit poem ‘Leda and the Swan’ and Lennox Robinson's short story ‘Madonna of Slieve Dun’ in the newspaper To‐Morrow (1924) caused the Trust to withdraw consideration of funding the Abbey. The To‐Morrow controversy did not affect the government's consideration of a subsidy, which was granted in 1925, but it did instil caution amongst the directors that financial assistance could be endangered by bold aesthetic stances.

This chapter offers a prism through which readers can compare a subsidy-in-cash with a subsidy-in-kind. A subsidy-in-kind not only provides people with no choice or lower flexibility, but also results in misallocation of resources which in turn gives rise to economic inefficiency. Nonetheless, the majority of public policies take the form of subsidies-in-kind rather than in-cash, and the adoption of such a less efficient option has something to do with the stimulation of market demand for the providers’ services. This chapter also illustrates how the adoption of subsidy-in-kind schemes is closely intertwined with politics. Economists have long warned about the adverse effects of these schemes, and they prefer directly giving cash to those in need of help in society. Yet, ironically, this method is simply not the way of politics.

The regulatory framework for international trade currently represented by the WTO affects the ability of developing countries to adopt trade related development policies. It has previously been examined how the current regulatory framework for international trade facilitates the economic development of developing countries. This examination revealed the inadequacy of the current system. Alternative provisions were proposed, intended to facilitate economic development, including Development-Facilitation Tariff (DFT) and Development-Facilitation Subsidy (DFS). The need for a new regulatory treatment of development facilitation was thus reasoned, tentatively called the “Agreement on Development Facilitation” (ADF), as well as the necessity to create a new body within the WTO to oversee trade and development issues, namely “the Council for Trade and Development” (the Development Council). This chapter, reiterating the need for the ADF and the Development Council, provides a more detailed account of the possible elements of the ADF, including DFT and DFS and the role of the proposed Council.

The predominance of rich academic analyses of the arts and its use in protest at both macro and meso levels within social movement coalitions has eclipsed work involving other actors, groups and organisations engaging in protest at micro levels outside of social movements and mainstream culture This chapter recognises that protest can and does happen in local or community contexts that may not necessarily be part of the said movements and culture. To illustrate this, the chapter provides an ethnographic account of the use of the arts and culture in the service of protest through the lens of two pioneering arts organisations. Conceptualising the organisations’ activity and practice as arts, and cultural work as protest, the chapter considers how such work offers public witness, is oppositional, and presents alternative visions of being or organising. It explores the different forms of institutional, political and market controls that fiercely challenge this work and discusses responses to those challenges. The chapter argues that, while those responses are not unproblematic and demand huge sacrifices, they demonstrate a commitment to pursuing sustainable social change through collective action and solidarity in alignment with critical and transformational approaches to community development.

This chapter gives practical suggestions for how (and why) governments should undertake cost-benefit analyses in the design of investment incentives. Drawing on relevant case studies and examples from various jurisdictions, This chapter illustrates the risks of failing to do proper cost-benefit analyses, and shows examples of how such analyses are being undertaken.

Chapter 7 focuses on two concrete recommendations for policy makers interested in protecting media localism and encouraging local news. The first advocates for comprehensive local media policy frameworks. These frameworks must take into account the different platforms providing local news and local media, and the different funding systems as well. The second recommendation is larger in scope and argues that we need to reclassify local news from a public good to a merit good. Based on the work of Richard Musgrave, the designation of “merit good” would allow us to justify greater regulatory interventions, such as encouraging cross-media subsidies to support local news on a variety of platforms.

This chapter concludes the book by summarizing four main findings regarding how the HOLC affected borrowers, lenders, housing markets, and taxpayers. The HOLC gave lenders a good deal by buying loans at or close to the full debts owed. The HOLC aided borrowers by offering low interest rates, longer repayment periods, and by not foreclosing quickly when borrowers fell behind on HOLC payments. The program helped prevent some additional declines in home values and home ownership rates. The loss to the taxpayer from the HOLC was about 2 percent of the value of the loans, while the government guarantee of HOLC bonds provided additional subsidies of 10 to 20 percent of the value of the loans. The HOLC policies are compared with recent housing policies in the Great Recession

This chapter considers the how the lord lieutenancies covered the costs of the tasks they were entrusted with carrying out. It begins by looking at the overall burden of wartime taxation on the counties, primarily in the form of the lay subsidy, and considering the decline in the yield of the subsidy during the war years. More detailed case studies are then made of the yield of both national and local taxation in Cheshire, Kent and Norfolk, showing that local taxes added significantly to the burden of national taxes. It them discusses local financial management, looking at the procedures put in place in the counties to raise taxes, handle money and account for spending, arguing that the lieutenancies’ financial practices, although rudimentary and informal, tended to work reasonably effectively.

This chapter explains the Milton Friedman's economic theory model for Jewish religious elementary education, proposing a set of standards for Torah elementary education and to fund poor families who send their children to qualifying schools. It presents a discourse on Yehoshua B. Gamla's ordinance involving religious educational standards, the Religious Education Subsidy Program (RESP), and competitions based on standards. It also sets out a proposal that urges the government to prioritize Torah education for the youth.