Bernard Capp
- Published in print:
- 1994
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780198203759
- eISBN:
- 9780191675959
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198203759.003.0001
- Subject:
- History, British and Irish Early Modern History
John Taylor was a London waterman who used a natural gift for verse to carve out a novel and highly successful role for himself in early Stuart England. For more than forty years, he produced a ...
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John Taylor was a London waterman who used a natural gift for verse to carve out a novel and highly successful role for himself in early Stuart England. For more than forty years, he produced a stream of satires, verse essays, travel writing, religious reflections, bawdy jest-books, and pieces of journalism. He provides a glimpse in the world of a 17th-century Englishman of humble background and status. Coming to London as a young migrant, he was apprenticed in a menial trade with few prospects. Instead of submitting to his lot, he achieved fame and lasting public affection by creating a new identity for himself as ‘the king's water-poet’, and devising an appropriate way of life to accompany it. He also provides a useful case-study in the debate over cultural change in early modern England.Less
John Taylor was a London waterman who used a natural gift for verse to carve out a novel and highly successful role for himself in early Stuart England. For more than forty years, he produced a stream of satires, verse essays, travel writing, religious reflections, bawdy jest-books, and pieces of journalism. He provides a glimpse in the world of a 17th-century Englishman of humble background and status. Coming to London as a young migrant, he was apprenticed in a menial trade with few prospects. Instead of submitting to his lot, he achieved fame and lasting public affection by creating a new identity for himself as ‘the king's water-poet’, and devising an appropriate way of life to accompany it. He also provides a useful case-study in the debate over cultural change in early modern England.
Jenifer Hart
- Published in print:
- 1992
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780198201366
- eISBN:
- 9780191674860
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198201366.001.0001
- Subject:
- History, British and Irish Modern History, Political History
This book is a scholarly history of the proportional representation movement. The book explores its origins in the early 19th century and analyses the contribution of political thinkers such as ...
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This book is a scholarly history of the proportional representation movement. The book explores its origins in the early 19th century and analyses the contribution of political thinkers such as Thomas Hare and John Stuart Mill. It traces the history of the early campaigns, and the progress and vicissitudes of the cause during the 20th century. A final chapter takes the account up to the present day. Based on extensive research, this study throws light on many of the questions which bedevil contemporary political commentators. The book demonstrates the inadequacy of the commonly made identification of proportional representation with liberalism, and explains the failure of its supporters to achieve its adoption in the UK, with the exception of Northern Ireland.Less
This book is a scholarly history of the proportional representation movement. The book explores its origins in the early 19th century and analyses the contribution of political thinkers such as Thomas Hare and John Stuart Mill. It traces the history of the early campaigns, and the progress and vicissitudes of the cause during the 20th century. A final chapter takes the account up to the present day. Based on extensive research, this study throws light on many of the questions which bedevil contemporary political commentators. The book demonstrates the inadequacy of the commonly made identification of proportional representation with liberalism, and explains the failure of its supporters to achieve its adoption in the UK, with the exception of Northern Ireland.
Ronald Hutton
- Published in print:
- 1993
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780198203926
- eISBN:
- 9780191676048
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198203926.003.0001
- Subject:
- History, British and Irish Early Modern History, History of Religion
This introductory chapter sets out the purpose of the book, which is to ‘clear the ground’ for all future work in the period of the Stuart Restoration. On the one hand, it seeks to provide a detailed ...
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This introductory chapter sets out the purpose of the book, which is to ‘clear the ground’ for all future work in the period of the Stuart Restoration. On the one hand, it seeks to provide a detailed narrative history of England from the death of Cromwell to the fall of Clarendon, to illustrate the process by which the political and religious world of the Protectorate was transformed into that of the Restoration monarchy. It suggests answers to the traditional questions about this process, and lists the known sources for them. This book intends to identify areas for further investigation and the material upon which this might be based, and to create new debates. The central theme is the formation and implementation of national policy, and the interplay of central and local interests in this process.Less
This introductory chapter sets out the purpose of the book, which is to ‘clear the ground’ for all future work in the period of the Stuart Restoration. On the one hand, it seeks to provide a detailed narrative history of England from the death of Cromwell to the fall of Clarendon, to illustrate the process by which the political and religious world of the Protectorate was transformed into that of the Restoration monarchy. It suggests answers to the traditional questions about this process, and lists the known sources for them. This book intends to identify areas for further investigation and the material upon which this might be based, and to create new debates. The central theme is the formation and implementation of national policy, and the interplay of central and local interests in this process.
Joel Feinberg
- Published in print:
- 1987
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780195046649
- eISBN:
- 9780199868728
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0195046641.001.0001
- Subject:
- Philosophy, Moral Philosophy
Harm to Others is the first volume in a four‐volume work entitled The Moral Limits of the Criminal Law that addresses the question, What acts may the state rightly make criminal? ...
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Harm to Others is the first volume in a four‐volume work entitled The Moral Limits of the Criminal Law that addresses the question, What acts may the state rightly make criminal? Feinberg identifies four liberty‐limiting, or coercion‐legitimizing, principles, each of which is the subject of a volume of his book. In the first volume, Feinberg looks at the principle of harm to others – or the harm principle – which John Stuart Mill identified as the only liberty‐limiting principle. The other principles that Feinberg considers in subsequent volumes are (1) the offense principle: it is necessary to prevent hurt or offense (as opposed to harm) to others; (2) legal paternalism: it is necessary to prevent harm to the actor herself; and (3) legal moralism: it is necessary to prevent immoral conduct whether or not it harms anyone. As a thinker who favors liberalism, Feinberg rejects legal paternalism and legal moralism, maintaining that the harm principle and the offense principle exhaust the class of morally relevant reasons for criminal prohibitions. Feinberg's examination of the harm principle begins with an account of the concept of harm and its relation to other concepts like interests, wants, hurts, offenses, rights, and consent. After addressing difficult examples such as moral harm, vicious harm, prenatal harm, and posthumous harm, Feinberg considers both the moral status of a failure to prevent harm and the problems related to assessing, comparing, and imputing harms.Less
Harm to Others is the first volume in a four‐volume work entitled The Moral Limits of the Criminal Law that addresses the question, What acts may the state rightly make criminal? Feinberg identifies four liberty‐limiting, or coercion‐legitimizing, principles, each of which is the subject of a volume of his book. In the first volume, Feinberg looks at the principle of harm to others – or the harm principle – which John Stuart Mill identified as the only liberty‐limiting principle. The other principles that Feinberg considers in subsequent volumes are (1) the offense principle: it is necessary to prevent hurt or offense (as opposed to harm) to others; (2) legal paternalism: it is necessary to prevent harm to the actor herself; and (3) legal moralism: it is necessary to prevent immoral conduct whether or not it harms anyone. As a thinker who favors liberalism, Feinberg rejects legal paternalism and legal moralism, maintaining that the harm principle and the offense principle exhaust the class of morally relevant reasons for criminal prohibitions. Feinberg's examination of the harm principle begins with an account of the concept of harm and its relation to other concepts like interests, wants, hurts, offenses, rights, and consent. After addressing difficult examples such as moral harm, vicious harm, prenatal harm, and posthumous harm, Feinberg considers both the moral status of a failure to prevent harm and the problems related to assessing, comparing, and imputing harms.
Isaiah Berlin
- Published in print:
- 2002
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780199249893
- eISBN:
- 9780191598807
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/019924989X.003.0005
- Subject:
- Political Science, Political Theory
This lecture explored the tension between liberty and one view of knowledge. Berlin presented Mill not only as an exponent of determinism and an associated consequentialism, but also as someone who ...
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This lecture explored the tension between liberty and one view of knowledge. Berlin presented Mill not only as an exponent of determinism and an associated consequentialism, but also as someone who came to recognize that this doctrine did not fit the facts of experience, and who emphasized, especially, free choice and the importance of negative liberty in society.Less
This lecture explored the tension between liberty and one view of knowledge. Berlin presented Mill not only as an exponent of determinism and an associated consequentialism, but also as someone who came to recognize that this doctrine did not fit the facts of experience, and who emphasized, especially, free choice and the importance of negative liberty in society.
Eamonn Callan
- Published in print:
- 1997
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780198292586
- eISBN:
- 9780191598913
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0198292589.003.0008
- Subject:
- Political Science, Political Theory
Moral dialogue in schools would seem necessary if we are to cultivate the respect for reasonable differences, as well as the consensus on matters of basic justice, that a liberal political education ...
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Moral dialogue in schools would seem necessary if we are to cultivate the respect for reasonable differences, as well as the consensus on matters of basic justice, that a liberal political education requires. This chapter shows how the fact of reasonable pluralism creates insuperable difficulties for the practice of moral dialogue in schools if dialogue is modelled on Noddings's ethic of care or Mill's conception of the marketplace of ideas. Rawls's notion of reasonable agreement as the object of politico‐moral dialogue is shown to represent a better alternative to Noddings or Mill, albeit one that makes dialogue a difficult and delicate endeavour that may be beyond the competence of many teachers.Less
Moral dialogue in schools would seem necessary if we are to cultivate the respect for reasonable differences, as well as the consensus on matters of basic justice, that a liberal political education requires. This chapter shows how the fact of reasonable pluralism creates insuperable difficulties for the practice of moral dialogue in schools if dialogue is modelled on Noddings's ethic of care or Mill's conception of the marketplace of ideas. Rawls's notion of reasonable agreement as the object of politico‐moral dialogue is shown to represent a better alternative to Noddings or Mill, albeit one that makes dialogue a difficult and delicate endeavour that may be beyond the competence of many teachers.
Axel Hadenius
- Published in print:
- 2001
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780199246663
- eISBN:
- 9780191599392
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199246661.003.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, Democratization
Illuminates broadly the relationship between active democratic citizenship and institutions conditions. It draws in particular on Tocqueville's comparison between the conditions in USA and France. ...
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Illuminates broadly the relationship between active democratic citizenship and institutions conditions. It draws in particular on Tocqueville's comparison between the conditions in USA and France. Other contributors to the institutionalist‐cum‐republican tradition, such as Rousseau, Mill, Kornhauser, and Putnam are presented.Less
Illuminates broadly the relationship between active democratic citizenship and institutions conditions. It draws in particular on Tocqueville's comparison between the conditions in USA and France. Other contributors to the institutionalist‐cum‐republican tradition, such as Rousseau, Mill, Kornhauser, and Putnam are presented.
Terence Ball
- Published in print:
- 1994
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780198279952
- eISBN:
- 9780191598753
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0198279957.003.0006
- Subject:
- Political Science, Political Theory
This chapter compares and contrasts the schemes for a civil religion advanced by Auguste Comte and James Mill, which contrasts the former's illiberal and priestly views with the latter's liberal and ...
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This chapter compares and contrasts the schemes for a civil religion advanced by Auguste Comte and James Mill, which contrasts the former's illiberal and priestly views with the latter's liberal and low‐church conception of the role of religion in a modern and largely secular society. The purpose of Mill's civil religion is pedagogical: it seeks to impart civically useful knowledge and to instil a sense of civic responsibility and restraint. This stands in stark contrast to Comte's civil religion, which seeks to stifle criticism, manipulate the emotions, and procure assent to an authoritarian and undemocratic system of priestly rule.Less
This chapter compares and contrasts the schemes for a civil religion advanced by Auguste Comte and James Mill, which contrasts the former's illiberal and priestly views with the latter's liberal and low‐church conception of the role of religion in a modern and largely secular society. The purpose of Mill's civil religion is pedagogical: it seeks to impart civically useful knowledge and to instil a sense of civic responsibility and restraint. This stands in stark contrast to Comte's civil religion, which seeks to stifle criticism, manipulate the emotions, and procure assent to an authoritarian and undemocratic system of priestly rule.
Terence Ball
- Published in print:
- 1994
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780198279952
- eISBN:
- 9780191598753
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0198279957.003.0008
- Subject:
- Political Science, Political Theory
Here, I re‐examine the sources of John Stuart Mill's feminist sympathies. After looking closely at two oft‐touted candidates—Jeremy Bentham and Harriet Taylor Mill—I conclude that neither played the ...
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Here, I re‐examine the sources of John Stuart Mill's feminist sympathies. After looking closely at two oft‐touted candidates—Jeremy Bentham and Harriet Taylor Mill—I conclude that neither played the role attributed to them by some modern feminists. A third and heretofore unsuspected thinker—namely his own father, James Mill—proves to be a much more plausible and probable source of the younger Mill's feminist views.Less
Here, I re‐examine the sources of John Stuart Mill's feminist sympathies. After looking closely at two oft‐touted candidates—Jeremy Bentham and Harriet Taylor Mill—I conclude that neither played the role attributed to them by some modern feminists. A third and heretofore unsuspected thinker—namely his own father, James Mill—proves to be a much more plausible and probable source of the younger Mill's feminist views.
Jeremy Waldron
- Published in print:
- 1998
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780198294962
- eISBN:
- 9780191598708
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0198294964.003.0003
- Subject:
- Political Science, Political Theory
It is a pity that Sandel neglects the sociological side of John Stuart Mill’s argument in On Liberty–not just because he fails therefore to do justice to the liberal case for neutrality, but also ...
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It is a pity that Sandel neglects the sociological side of John Stuart Mill’s argument in On Liberty–not just because he fails therefore to do justice to the liberal case for neutrality, but also because the question of how traditional moral ideals fare in modern circumstances of mass society (and also global society) is in fact supposed to be a dominant theme of Sandel’s book. Sandel suggests that the liberal ideals of freedom and autonomy are sociologically not availablein modern circumstances; however, under modern circumstances, the Aristotelian ideal of a polity devoted to the inculcation of genuine full-blooded virtue may not be sociologically available either. We cannot pretend that the United States has the population of quattrocento Florence. If the scale of political organization is so different as to enable only civic agency of a different sort, then it is likely that our thinking about “the qualities of character necessary to the common good of self-government” will have to be different too. If the premises of Benjamin Constant’s discussion of the reality and the phenomenology of politics in the modern world are taken seriously, they may necessitate a rethinking of civic virtue: both of what it is and how, more structurally, it is related to the agency conditions of collective action.Less
It is a pity that Sandel neglects the sociological side of John Stuart Mill’s argument in On Liberty–not just because he fails therefore to do justice to the liberal case for neutrality, but also because the question of how traditional moral ideals fare in modern circumstances of mass society (and also global society) is in fact supposed to be a dominant theme of Sandel’s book. Sandel suggests that the liberal ideals of freedom and autonomy are sociologically not availablein modern circumstances; however, under modern circumstances, the Aristotelian ideal of a polity devoted to the inculcation of genuine full-blooded virtue may not be sociologically available either. We cannot pretend that the United States has the population of quattrocento Florence. If the scale of political organization is so different as to enable only civic agency of a different sort, then it is likely that our thinking about “the qualities of character necessary to the common good of self-government” will have to be different too. If the premises of Benjamin Constant’s discussion of the reality and the phenomenology of politics in the modern world are taken seriously, they may necessitate a rethinking of civic virtue: both of what it is and how, more structurally, it is related to the agency conditions of collective action.
Rex Martin
- Published in print:
- 1997
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780198292937
- eISBN:
- 9780191599811
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0198292937.003.0014
- Subject:
- Political Science, Political Theory
The internal coherence of any system of political institutions and ideas is only one of the considerations we must have in mind in an account of ultimate justification; there is also the idea of a ...
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The internal coherence of any system of political institutions and ideas is only one of the considerations we must have in mind in an account of ultimate justification; there is also the idea of a critical moral justification for it. Thus, the book turns, last of all, to the subject of the possibility and character of such vindication for a system of rights.Two principal theories are canvassed in this regard: the indirect utilitarianism of J. S. Mill and more recent utilitarian thinkers and the contractarian moral justification elaborated by John Rawls in his Theory of Justice (and for several years thereafter). The utilitarian theory is set aside first; it is fundamentally unable to provide a principled justification for the priority of basic rights over policies justified by considerations of aggregate benefit or general well being. And Rawls's contractarianism is set aside as failing in one of its own self‐appointed tasks: it cannot provide an objective basis for assessing competing political or moral theoriesThese two failures to provide, from among leading contemporary moral theories, a critical moral grounding for a democratic system of rights do not serve to establish the creditability of philosophical anarchism; but it is clear, nonetheless, that more than was initially thought to be involved will be required in order to do the job effectively.The chapter and the book, conclude with a brief survey of the tasks of political theory and of what has been accomplished to date. The idea of a system of rights is one of the great ideas of political philosophy and, unlike many of these ideas, it is still a living one; so, some suggestions are made about the way forward.Less
The internal coherence of any system of political institutions and ideas is only one of the considerations we must have in mind in an account of ultimate justification; there is also the idea of a critical moral justification for it. Thus, the book turns, last of all, to the subject of the possibility and character of such vindication for a system of rights.
Two principal theories are canvassed in this regard: the indirect utilitarianism of J. S. Mill and more recent utilitarian thinkers and the contractarian moral justification elaborated by John Rawls in his Theory of Justice (and for several years thereafter). The utilitarian theory is set aside first; it is fundamentally unable to provide a principled justification for the priority of basic rights over policies justified by considerations of aggregate benefit or general well being. And Rawls's contractarianism is set aside as failing in one of its own self‐appointed tasks: it cannot provide an objective basis for assessing competing political or moral theories
These two failures to provide, from among leading contemporary moral theories, a critical moral grounding for a democratic system of rights do not serve to establish the creditability of philosophical anarchism; but it is clear, nonetheless, that more than was initially thought to be involved will be required in order to do the job effectively.
The chapter and the book, conclude with a brief survey of the tasks of political theory and of what has been accomplished to date. The idea of a system of rights is one of the great ideas of political philosophy and, unlike many of these ideas, it is still a living one; so, some suggestions are made about the way forward.
S. J. Connolly
- Published in print:
- 2007
- Published Online:
- January 2008
- ISBN:
- 9780198208167
- eISBN:
- 9780191716546
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198208167.001.0001
- Subject:
- History, British and Irish Early Modern History
This book is a study of the multiple transformations that reshaped the character of early modern Ireland. It covers the extension across the whole island of English state power, a process often ...
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This book is a study of the multiple transformations that reshaped the character of early modern Ireland. It covers the extension across the whole island of English state power, a process often referred to as the Tudor conquest, as well as Ireland's early years as part of the Stuart composite monarchy. It also explores the associated shift from a society based on consumption and distribution, to a primitive but rapidly developing market economy. The arrival, as part of the process of conquest and assimilation of growing numbers of English and Scottish settlers, brought new ethnic complexity to an island already divided in language and culture between the Gaelic Irish and the Old English descendants of medieval colonists. The failure of the Reformation to win significant support among either the Irish or the Old English meant that rivalries between native and newcomer were also conflicts between Catholic and Protestant. At the same time, political and personal alliances, and the interaction of languages and cultures created relationships across lines of political, ethnic, and religious division. By the end of the period, members of all three groups: New English, Old English, and Gaelic Irish, can be seen reassessing their sense of their own identity and their relationship to other groups, in an Ireland unrecognizable from that of a century earlier.Less
This book is a study of the multiple transformations that reshaped the character of early modern Ireland. It covers the extension across the whole island of English state power, a process often referred to as the Tudor conquest, as well as Ireland's early years as part of the Stuart composite monarchy. It also explores the associated shift from a society based on consumption and distribution, to a primitive but rapidly developing market economy. The arrival, as part of the process of conquest and assimilation of growing numbers of English and Scottish settlers, brought new ethnic complexity to an island already divided in language and culture between the Gaelic Irish and the Old English descendants of medieval colonists. The failure of the Reformation to win significant support among either the Irish or the Old English meant that rivalries between native and newcomer were also conflicts between Catholic and Protestant. At the same time, political and personal alliances, and the interaction of languages and cultures created relationships across lines of political, ethnic, and religious division. By the end of the period, members of all three groups: New English, Old English, and Gaelic Irish, can be seen reassessing their sense of their own identity and their relationship to other groups, in an Ireland unrecognizable from that of a century earlier.
David Russell
- Published in print:
- 2019
- Published Online:
- May 2020
- ISBN:
- 9780691196923
- eISBN:
- 9781400887903
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Princeton University Press
- DOI:
- 10.23943/princeton/9780691196923.001.0001
- Subject:
- Literature, European Literature
The social practice of tact was an invention of the nineteenth century, a period when Britain was witnessing unprecedented urbanization, industrialization, and population growth. In an era when more ...
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The social practice of tact was an invention of the nineteenth century, a period when Britain was witnessing unprecedented urbanization, industrialization, and population growth. In an era when more and more people lived more closely than ever before with people they knew less and less about, tact was a new mode of feeling one's way with others in complex modern conditions. This book traces how the essay genre came to exemplify this sensuous new ethic and aesthetic. It argues that the essay form provided the resources for the performance of tact in this period and analyzes its techniques in the writings of Charles Lamb, John Stuart Mill, Matthew Arnold, George Eliot, and Walter Pater. The book shows how their essays offer grounds for a claim about the relationship among art, education, and human freedom—an “aesthetic liberalism”—not encompassed by traditional political philosophy or in literary criticism. For these writers, tact is not about codes of politeness but about making an art of ordinary encounters with people and objects and evoking the fullest potential in each new encounter. The book demonstrates how their essays serve as a model for a critical handling of the world that is open to surprises, and from which egalitarian demands for new relationships are made. Offering fresh approaches to thinking about criticism, sociability, politics, and art, the book concludes by following a legacy of essayistic tact to the practice of British psychoanalysts like D. W. Winnicott and Marion Milner.Less
The social practice of tact was an invention of the nineteenth century, a period when Britain was witnessing unprecedented urbanization, industrialization, and population growth. In an era when more and more people lived more closely than ever before with people they knew less and less about, tact was a new mode of feeling one's way with others in complex modern conditions. This book traces how the essay genre came to exemplify this sensuous new ethic and aesthetic. It argues that the essay form provided the resources for the performance of tact in this period and analyzes its techniques in the writings of Charles Lamb, John Stuart Mill, Matthew Arnold, George Eliot, and Walter Pater. The book shows how their essays offer grounds for a claim about the relationship among art, education, and human freedom—an “aesthetic liberalism”—not encompassed by traditional political philosophy or in literary criticism. For these writers, tact is not about codes of politeness but about making an art of ordinary encounters with people and objects and evoking the fullest potential in each new encounter. The book demonstrates how their essays serve as a model for a critical handling of the world that is open to surprises, and from which egalitarian demands for new relationships are made. Offering fresh approaches to thinking about criticism, sociability, politics, and art, the book concludes by following a legacy of essayistic tact to the practice of British psychoanalysts like D. W. Winnicott and Marion Milner.
Edward Hall
- Published in print:
- 2020
- Published Online:
- May 2021
- ISBN:
- 9780226718286
- eISBN:
- 9780226718453
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- University of Chicago Press
- DOI:
- 10.7208/chicago/9780226718453.001.0001
- Subject:
- Philosophy, Political Philosophy
This study of the moral and political thought of Isaiah Berlin, Stuart Hampshire, and Bernard Williams illustrates how political realism, in its most philosophically significant form, is grounded in ...
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This study of the moral and political thought of Isaiah Berlin, Stuart Hampshire, and Bernard Williams illustrates how political realism, in its most philosophically significant form, is grounded in a rejection of moral theory as standardly conceived and emerges from the adoption of a realist spirit in ethics. It addresses the related but distinct ways that the work of Berlin, Hampshire, and Williams challenges the pretensions of mainstream moral and political philosophy, while also illustrating the first-order implications that their work has for the question of how we should think about the ethics of politics. To this end, Value, Conflict, and Order undermines the common refrain that political realism is inevitably a critical and cautionary creed, and addresses a number of vital questions at the heart of contemporary political theory concerning the nature of moral and political conflict, the ethics of compromising with adversaries and opponents, and the character of political legitimacy.Less
This study of the moral and political thought of Isaiah Berlin, Stuart Hampshire, and Bernard Williams illustrates how political realism, in its most philosophically significant form, is grounded in a rejection of moral theory as standardly conceived and emerges from the adoption of a realist spirit in ethics. It addresses the related but distinct ways that the work of Berlin, Hampshire, and Williams challenges the pretensions of mainstream moral and political philosophy, while also illustrating the first-order implications that their work has for the question of how we should think about the ethics of politics. To this end, Value, Conflict, and Order undermines the common refrain that political realism is inevitably a critical and cautionary creed, and addresses a number of vital questions at the heart of contemporary political theory concerning the nature of moral and political conflict, the ethics of compromising with adversaries and opponents, and the character of political legitimacy.
Martin Dzelzainis
- Published in print:
- 2010
- Published Online:
- January 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780197264706
- eISBN:
- 9780191734557
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- British Academy
- DOI:
- 10.5871/bacad/9780197264706.003.0005
- Subject:
- Literature, Milton Studies
This chapter discusses Milton and his idea of regicide. It discusses his The Tenure of Kings and Magistrates and the concepts of regicide, tyrranicide, and enemy found in his work. Milton's Tenure ...
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This chapter discusses Milton and his idea of regicide. It discusses his The Tenure of Kings and Magistrates and the concepts of regicide, tyrranicide, and enemy found in his work. Milton's Tenure asserts that a tyrannical ruler should no longer be regarded as one of the powers ordained by God and may be therefore be resisted like a private person who employs unjust force. The chapter also discusses his political theory and his emerging notion of resistance, including the significance of his method of not naming Charles Stuart as a public enemy or hostis in his Tenure.Less
This chapter discusses Milton and his idea of regicide. It discusses his The Tenure of Kings and Magistrates and the concepts of regicide, tyrranicide, and enemy found in his work. Milton's Tenure asserts that a tyrannical ruler should no longer be regarded as one of the powers ordained by God and may be therefore be resisted like a private person who employs unjust force. The chapter also discusses his political theory and his emerging notion of resistance, including the significance of his method of not naming Charles Stuart as a public enemy or hostis in his Tenure.
Stefania Tutino
- Published in print:
- 2010
- Published Online:
- January 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780199740536
- eISBN:
- 9780199894765
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199740536.003.0004
- Subject:
- Religion, Philosophy of Religion
This chapter examines the impact of Bellarmine’s theory in the debate over the Oath of Allegiance, promulgated by James Stuart in 1606. James’s attempt to shift the boundaries of the sovereign’s ...
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This chapter examines the impact of Bellarmine’s theory in the debate over the Oath of Allegiance, promulgated by James Stuart in 1606. James’s attempt to shift the boundaries of the sovereign’s authority beyond simple civil obedience hit the heart of Bellarmine’s doctrine of the indirecta potestas, which was introduced precisely to shift the boundaries of the Pope’s spiritual jurisdiction beyond simple spiritual authority, and indirectly into political matters. This chapter shows the theoretical and political impact of Bellarmine’s theory in early Stuart England by following closely the debate between Bellarmine, James and William Barclay. This chapter, thus, offers important elements not only to understand the significance of the Jesuit’s theories but also to gain a more accurate and historically nuanced explanation of James’s absolutism and its theoretical roots.Less
This chapter examines the impact of Bellarmine’s theory in the debate over the Oath of Allegiance, promulgated by James Stuart in 1606. James’s attempt to shift the boundaries of the sovereign’s authority beyond simple civil obedience hit the heart of Bellarmine’s doctrine of the indirecta potestas, which was introduced precisely to shift the boundaries of the Pope’s spiritual jurisdiction beyond simple spiritual authority, and indirectly into political matters. This chapter shows the theoretical and political impact of Bellarmine’s theory in early Stuart England by following closely the debate between Bellarmine, James and William Barclay. This chapter, thus, offers important elements not only to understand the significance of the Jesuit’s theories but also to gain a more accurate and historically nuanced explanation of James’s absolutism and its theoretical roots.
STEPHEN BANN
- Published in print:
- 2011
- Published Online:
- January 2013
- ISBN:
- 9780197264942
- eISBN:
- 9780191754111
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- British Academy
- DOI:
- 10.5871/bacad/9780197264942.003.0010
- Subject:
- History, British and Irish Modern History
This chapter singles out two features of the cult of British historical themes in French Romantic painting, and focuses on the most prominent of the artists who cultivated such scenes involving ...
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This chapter singles out two features of the cult of British historical themes in French Romantic painting, and focuses on the most prominent of the artists who cultivated such scenes involving Tudors and Stuarts: Paul Delaroche. It argues that the pronounced nineteenth-century French interest in sixteenth- and seventeenth-century English history was a form of displacement, so that Delaroche's painting of the execution of Lady Jane Grey (1834), for example, opened up for the French viewer a space in which to negotiate memories of the Terror within the relative comfort of a more distant and foreign historical moment.Less
This chapter singles out two features of the cult of British historical themes in French Romantic painting, and focuses on the most prominent of the artists who cultivated such scenes involving Tudors and Stuarts: Paul Delaroche. It argues that the pronounced nineteenth-century French interest in sixteenth- and seventeenth-century English history was a form of displacement, so that Delaroche's painting of the execution of Lady Jane Grey (1834), for example, opened up for the French viewer a space in which to negotiate memories of the Terror within the relative comfort of a more distant and foreign historical moment.
Hans Joas and Wolfgang Knöbl
- Published in print:
- 2012
- Published Online:
- October 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780691150840
- eISBN:
- 9781400844746
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Princeton University Press
- DOI:
- 10.23943/princeton/9780691150840.003.0003
- Subject:
- Sociology, Social Theory
This chapter examines how the progressive optimism nourished by liberal doctrines gradually began to take hold and how sociology as a discipline took a particularly wide variety of institutional ...
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This chapter examines how the progressive optimism nourished by liberal doctrines gradually began to take hold and how sociology as a discipline took a particularly wide variety of institutional forms and featured very different theoretical and research programs. Toward the end of the eighteenth and during the first third of the nineteenth centuries, utilitarians such as Jeremy Bentham and later James and John Stuart Mill were already singing the praises of free trade and its peace-promoting effects. This laid the foundations for at least one strand of liberal thought in the nineteenth century, on which early “sociologists” such as Auguste Comte and Herbert Spencer could then build. Despite the hegemonic status of liberal doctrines, other views were always present beneath the surface. This includes Marxism, which in many respects embraced the legacy of liberalism.Less
This chapter examines how the progressive optimism nourished by liberal doctrines gradually began to take hold and how sociology as a discipline took a particularly wide variety of institutional forms and featured very different theoretical and research programs. Toward the end of the eighteenth and during the first third of the nineteenth centuries, utilitarians such as Jeremy Bentham and later James and John Stuart Mill were already singing the praises of free trade and its peace-promoting effects. This laid the foundations for at least one strand of liberal thought in the nineteenth century, on which early “sociologists” such as Auguste Comte and Herbert Spencer could then build. Despite the hegemonic status of liberal doctrines, other views were always present beneath the surface. This includes Marxism, which in many respects embraced the legacy of liberalism.
PETER MARSHALL
- Published in print:
- 2002
- Published Online:
- January 2010
- ISBN:
- 9780198207733
- eISBN:
- 9780191716812
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198207733.003.0001
- Subject:
- History, British and Irish Early Modern History
This introductory chapter surveys the recent scholarship in the social history of death, drawing attention to a relative neglect of studies on attitudes towards the dead. It discusses the benefits ...
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This introductory chapter surveys the recent scholarship in the social history of death, drawing attention to a relative neglect of studies on attitudes towards the dead. It discusses the benefits and limitations of social anthropology for the study of this theme, and places the book's argument in the context of the current historiography of the English Reformation, and of revisionist and post-revisionist approaches to the assessment of religious change in Tudor and early Stuart England.Less
This introductory chapter surveys the recent scholarship in the social history of death, drawing attention to a relative neglect of studies on attitudes towards the dead. It discusses the benefits and limitations of social anthropology for the study of this theme, and places the book's argument in the context of the current historiography of the English Reformation, and of revisionist and post-revisionist approaches to the assessment of religious change in Tudor and early Stuart England.
Sylvia Jenkins Cook
- Published in print:
- 2008
- Published Online:
- May 2008
- ISBN:
- 9780195327809
- eISBN:
- 9780199870547
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195327809.003.0007
- Subject:
- Literature, American, 19th Century Literature
This chapter explores the later decades of the 19th century, when women's factory labor was no longer a novelty, and industrial and class tensions were becoming increasingly the focus of reforming ...
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This chapter explores the later decades of the 19th century, when women's factory labor was no longer a novelty, and industrial and class tensions were becoming increasingly the focus of reforming writers. While working women continued to seek lives that satisfied the needs of body and spirit, middle-class women novelists and male fiction writers for the Knights of Labor offered them literary models of religious sublimation rather than the more secular salvation of intellectual culture. Educated and more affluent women, like Rebecca Harding Davis, Elizabeth Stuart Phelps, and Louisa May Alcott — who sympathized keenly with working women's material deprivation, and who struggled to vindicate their own creative ambitions — nevertheless recommended Christianity and its otherworldly rewards rather than the mental and artistic subjectivity they were themselves trying to assert. One notable exception to the consolations of religion was Marie Howland's utopian and communitarian novel, The Familistere (1874), which challenged not only religious piety as a female virtue but also conventional attitudes towards sexuality, capitalism, and private property. In doing so, she anticipated some of the more radical working-class attitudes of the generation of immigrant women who followed her.Less
This chapter explores the later decades of the 19th century, when women's factory labor was no longer a novelty, and industrial and class tensions were becoming increasingly the focus of reforming writers. While working women continued to seek lives that satisfied the needs of body and spirit, middle-class women novelists and male fiction writers for the Knights of Labor offered them literary models of religious sublimation rather than the more secular salvation of intellectual culture. Educated and more affluent women, like Rebecca Harding Davis, Elizabeth Stuart Phelps, and Louisa May Alcott — who sympathized keenly with working women's material deprivation, and who struggled to vindicate their own creative ambitions — nevertheless recommended Christianity and its otherworldly rewards rather than the mental and artistic subjectivity they were themselves trying to assert. One notable exception to the consolations of religion was Marie Howland's utopian and communitarian novel, The Familistere (1874), which challenged not only religious piety as a female virtue but also conventional attitudes towards sexuality, capitalism, and private property. In doing so, she anticipated some of the more radical working-class attitudes of the generation of immigrant women who followed her.
