Austin Carson
- Published in print:
- 2018
- Published Online:
- May 2019
- ISBN:
- 9780691181769
- eISBN:
- 9780691184241
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Princeton University Press
- DOI:
- 10.23943/princeton/9780691181769.003.0004
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
This chapter analyzes foreign combat participation in the Spanish Civil War. Fought from 1936 to 1939, the war hosted covert interventions by Germany, Italy, and the Soviet Union. The chapter ...
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This chapter analyzes foreign combat participation in the Spanish Civil War. Fought from 1936 to 1939, the war hosted covert interventions by Germany, Italy, and the Soviet Union. The chapter leverages variation in intervention form among those three states, as well as variation over time in the Italian intervention, to assess the role of escalation concerns and limited war in the use of secrecy. Adolf Hitler's German intervention provides especially interesting support for a theory on escalation control. An unusually candid view of Berlin's thinking suggests that Germany managed the visibility of its covert “Condor Legion” with an eye toward the relative power of domestic hawkish voices in France and Great Britain. The chapter also shows the unique role of direct communication and international organizations. The Non-Intervention Committee, an ad hoc organization that allowed private discussions of foreign involvement in Spain, helped the three interveners and Britain and France keep the war limited in ways that echo key claims of the theory.Less
This chapter analyzes foreign combat participation in the Spanish Civil War. Fought from 1936 to 1939, the war hosted covert interventions by Germany, Italy, and the Soviet Union. The chapter leverages variation in intervention form among those three states, as well as variation over time in the Italian intervention, to assess the role of escalation concerns and limited war in the use of secrecy. Adolf Hitler's German intervention provides especially interesting support for a theory on escalation control. An unusually candid view of Berlin's thinking suggests that Germany managed the visibility of its covert “Condor Legion” with an eye toward the relative power of domestic hawkish voices in France and Great Britain. The chapter also shows the unique role of direct communication and international organizations. The Non-Intervention Committee, an ad hoc organization that allowed private discussions of foreign involvement in Spain, helped the three interveners and Britain and France keep the war limited in ways that echo key claims of the theory.
Stanley G. Payne
- Published in print:
- 2004
- Published Online:
- October 2013
- ISBN:
- 9780300100686
- eISBN:
- 9780300130782
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Yale University Press
- DOI:
- 10.12987/yale/9780300100686.001.0001
- Subject:
- History, European Modern History
This book, which offers a comprehensive narrative of Soviet and Communist intervention in the revolution and civil war in Spain, documents in detail Soviet strategies, Comintern activities, and the ...
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This book, which offers a comprehensive narrative of Soviet and Communist intervention in the revolution and civil war in Spain, documents in detail Soviet strategies, Comintern activities, and the role of the Communist party in Spain from the early 1930s to the end of the civil war in 1939. Drawing on a very broad range of Soviet and Spanish primary sources, including many only recently available, it changes our understanding of Soviet and Communist intentions in Spain, of Stalin's decision to intervene in the Spanish war, of the widely accepted characterization of the conflict as the struggle of fascism against democracy, and of the claim that Spain's war constituted the opening round of World War II. The author arrives at a new view of the Spanish Civil War and concludes not only that the Democratic Republic had many undemocratic components but also that the position of the Communist party was by no means counterrevolutionary.Less
This book, which offers a comprehensive narrative of Soviet and Communist intervention in the revolution and civil war in Spain, documents in detail Soviet strategies, Comintern activities, and the role of the Communist party in Spain from the early 1930s to the end of the civil war in 1939. Drawing on a very broad range of Soviet and Spanish primary sources, including many only recently available, it changes our understanding of Soviet and Communist intentions in Spain, of Stalin's decision to intervene in the Spanish war, of the widely accepted characterization of the conflict as the struggle of fascism against democracy, and of the claim that Spain's war constituted the opening round of World War II. The author arrives at a new view of the Spanish Civil War and concludes not only that the Democratic Republic had many undemocratic components but also that the position of the Communist party was by no means counterrevolutionary.
David Wingeate Pike
- Published in print:
- 1993
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780198203155
- eISBN:
- 9780191675751
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198203155.001.0001
- Subject:
- History, European Modern History
This is the epic story of the tens of thousands of communists exiled from Spain after Franco’s victory in the Spanish Civil War. With their iron discipline and fervent dedication to Stalin’s cause, ...
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This is the epic story of the tens of thousands of communists exiled from Spain after Franco’s victory in the Spanish Civil War. With their iron discipline and fervent dedication to Stalin’s cause, they did not hesitate, when the moment came in the Second World War, to throw themselves again into the struggle against fascism. This book is the first full scholarly study of their experiences. The author examines the contribution of the Spanish communists to the resistance in France and recounts their sufferings in Mauthausen — the concentration camp in Austria to which most who were captured were consigned. He also traces the experiences of those thousands who were admitted into the Soviet Union, where they fought in the Red Army or languished and perished in the prisons and slave camps of the Gulag. The author’s unparalleled access to the archives, many previously unexplored, and the information derived from his interviews with survivors combine to make this both an important addition to our knowledge of the Second World War and an enthralling, often moving account of the experiences of some of its participants.Less
This is the epic story of the tens of thousands of communists exiled from Spain after Franco’s victory in the Spanish Civil War. With their iron discipline and fervent dedication to Stalin’s cause, they did not hesitate, when the moment came in the Second World War, to throw themselves again into the struggle against fascism. This book is the first full scholarly study of their experiences. The author examines the contribution of the Spanish communists to the resistance in France and recounts their sufferings in Mauthausen — the concentration camp in Austria to which most who were captured were consigned. He also traces the experiences of those thousands who were admitted into the Soviet Union, where they fought in the Red Army or languished and perished in the prisons and slave camps of the Gulag. The author’s unparalleled access to the archives, many previously unexplored, and the information derived from his interviews with survivors combine to make this both an important addition to our knowledge of the Second World War and an enthralling, often moving account of the experiences of some of its participants.
Christian Leitz
- Published in print:
- 1996
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780198206453
- eISBN:
- 9780191677137
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198206453.003.0004
- Subject:
- History, European Modern History, Economic History
This chapter discusses Franco's complete victory over the Republic of Spain, and how both the British and the French governments announced their recognition of Franco's regime as the legitimate ...
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This chapter discusses Franco's complete victory over the Republic of Spain, and how both the British and the French governments announced their recognition of Franco's regime as the legitimate government of Spain. It further discusses the Nazi regime's gains from the outcome of the Spanish Civil War from the political and strategic point of view of the Axis. It signifies that the result of the Civil War was particularly important for Germany in view of the new regime's relationship to France. It explains that French military planning for a future conflict with Germany would have to take into account the possibility of a hostile Spain at its southern flank and in Morocco. It also argues that Britain and France tried to use their economic and financial power to unsettle Germany's apparently strong economic position in Spain.Less
This chapter discusses Franco's complete victory over the Republic of Spain, and how both the British and the French governments announced their recognition of Franco's regime as the legitimate government of Spain. It further discusses the Nazi regime's gains from the outcome of the Spanish Civil War from the political and strategic point of view of the Axis. It signifies that the result of the Civil War was particularly important for Germany in view of the new regime's relationship to France. It explains that French military planning for a future conflict with Germany would have to take into account the possibility of a hostile Spain at its southern flank and in Morocco. It also argues that Britain and France tried to use their economic and financial power to unsettle Germany's apparently strong economic position in Spain.
Christian Leitz
- Published in print:
- 1996
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780198206453
- eISBN:
- 9780191677137
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198206453.003.0002
- Subject:
- History, European Modern History, Economic History
This chapter discusses Germany's intervention in the Spanish Civil War. It describes the involvement of Johannes E. F. Bernhardt, a German citizen resident in Tetuán, in the insurrection which ...
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This chapter discusses Germany's intervention in the Spanish Civil War. It describes the involvement of Johannes E. F. Bernhardt, a German citizen resident in Tetuán, in the insurrection which commenced in Spanish Morocco and broke out on the Spanish mainland. It states Bernhardt's offer of assistance to General Francisco Franco, one of the leaders of the Spanish rebellion against the Spanish republican government in Madrid. It discusses the founding of a private company known as Hisma which, being officially Spanish, would handle the camouflaging of the German supply and transport operations It also discusses the foundation of another organization which would deal with the German end of the economic relationship between Germany and Spain. It names the organization as Rohstoff–Warren–Kompensation Handelsgessellschaft AG (Rowak), which was intended to complete Goering's control over Germany's economic relations with Nationalist Spain.Less
This chapter discusses Germany's intervention in the Spanish Civil War. It describes the involvement of Johannes E. F. Bernhardt, a German citizen resident in Tetuán, in the insurrection which commenced in Spanish Morocco and broke out on the Spanish mainland. It states Bernhardt's offer of assistance to General Francisco Franco, one of the leaders of the Spanish rebellion against the Spanish republican government in Madrid. It discusses the founding of a private company known as Hisma which, being officially Spanish, would handle the camouflaging of the German supply and transport operations It also discusses the foundation of another organization which would deal with the German end of the economic relationship between Germany and Spain. It names the organization as Rohstoff–Warren–Kompensation Handelsgessellschaft AG (Rowak), which was intended to complete Goering's control over Germany's economic relations with Nationalist Spain.
FEARGHAL McGARRY
- Published in print:
- 2008
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780199226672
- eISBN:
- 9780191696268
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199226672.003.0010
- Subject:
- History, British and Irish Modern History
This chapter examines Eoin O'Duffy's resignation as leader of Fine Gael in September 1934. It discusses his later decision to lead the League of Youth as an independent movement and his participation ...
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This chapter examines Eoin O'Duffy's resignation as leader of Fine Gael in September 1934. It discusses his later decision to lead the League of Youth as an independent movement and his participation in the Spanish Civil War on the side of Francisco Franco. The chapter highlights the failure of the Irish Brigade after less than two months in action, O'Duffy's efforts to make a hero out of himself and his troops, and their return to Ireland in June 1937.Less
This chapter examines Eoin O'Duffy's resignation as leader of Fine Gael in September 1934. It discusses his later decision to lead the League of Youth as an independent movement and his participation in the Spanish Civil War on the side of Francisco Franco. The chapter highlights the failure of the Irish Brigade after less than two months in action, O'Duffy's efforts to make a hero out of himself and his troops, and their return to Ireland in June 1937.
Thomas S. Davis
- Published in print:
- 2015
- Published Online:
- May 2016
- ISBN:
- 9780231169424
- eISBN:
- 9780231537889
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Columbia University Press
- DOI:
- 10.7312/columbia/9780231169424.003.0004
- Subject:
- Literature, Criticism/Theory
This chapter turns to travel narratives from global hot zones where the examination of everyday life reveals the emergence of a new form of warfare shifting the balance of power in Europe and Asia.
This chapter turns to travel narratives from global hot zones where the examination of everyday life reveals the emergence of a new form of warfare shifting the balance of power in Europe and Asia.
Christian Leitz
- Published in print:
- 1996
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780198206453
- eISBN:
- 9780191677137
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198206453.001.0001
- Subject:
- History, European Modern History, Economic History
This is the first study of the economic relationship between Nazi Germany and Franco's Spain, between the outbreak of the Spanish Civil War and the end of the Second World War. It demonstrates how, ...
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This is the first study of the economic relationship between Nazi Germany and Franco's Spain, between the outbreak of the Spanish Civil War and the end of the Second World War. It demonstrates how, during the Spanish Civil War, the Nazi regime helped General Franco to victory, but at the same time tried to turn Spain into an economic colony. Despite the involved techniques employed by the Nazis to control German trade with Spain—and determined efforts to influence the Spanish mining industry—the Germans were never able to intimidate Franco into completely surrendering control of his national assets. The German situation was weakened in September 1939, when the war against Britain and France effectively cut Spain off from the Third Reich. This book is based on documents in German and Spanish as well as British and American archives.Less
This is the first study of the economic relationship between Nazi Germany and Franco's Spain, between the outbreak of the Spanish Civil War and the end of the Second World War. It demonstrates how, during the Spanish Civil War, the Nazi regime helped General Franco to victory, but at the same time tried to turn Spain into an economic colony. Despite the involved techniques employed by the Nazis to control German trade with Spain—and determined efforts to influence the Spanish mining industry—the Germans were never able to intimidate Franco into completely surrendering control of his national assets. The German situation was weakened in September 1939, when the war against Britain and France effectively cut Spain off from the Third Reich. This book is based on documents in German and Spanish as well as British and American archives.
Sarah Cole
- Published in print:
- 2012
- Published Online:
- January 2013
- ISBN:
- 9780195389616
- eISBN:
- 9780199979226
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195389616.003.0005
- Subject:
- Literature, 20th-century Literature and Modernism, 20th-century and Contemporary Literature
This chapter makes the case for reading Woolf's works—from her first novel to her last, with a special emphasis on her three primary works of the 1930s, The Years, Three Guineas, and Between the ...
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This chapter makes the case for reading Woolf's works—from her first novel to her last, with a special emphasis on her three primary works of the 1930s, The Years, Three Guineas, and Between the Acts—as a great theorist of literary violence. It places Woolf in two primary relations to her contemporary culture with respect to violence: deeply, intimately exploring and formalizing its registers of violence; veering away from her peers and constructing an entirely original set of patterns to accommodate the visceral facts of ubiquitous, mass violence. The first half of the chapter elaborates three major topics in the cultural history of violence in the 1930s: the widespread debate about whether violence is or must be a determining feature of humanity, versus the view that civilization might yet prevail (discussion of Freud, Russell, Leonard Woolf, and V. Woolf); the Spanish Civil War, especially as it was reflected and understood in England (discussion of various writers on the war, as well as visual artists such as Picasso and Capa); the logics of action, as expressed by fascists, and the crisis around pacifism in the 1930s (discussion of Mussolini, British journal Action, and the history and language of British pacifism). The second half offers a reading of a full range of Woolf's writings (The Voyage Out, Jacob's Room, Mrs. Dalloway, To the Lighthouse) culminating in a detailed account of violence in her final three works.Less
This chapter makes the case for reading Woolf's works—from her first novel to her last, with a special emphasis on her three primary works of the 1930s, The Years, Three Guineas, and Between the Acts—as a great theorist of literary violence. It places Woolf in two primary relations to her contemporary culture with respect to violence: deeply, intimately exploring and formalizing its registers of violence; veering away from her peers and constructing an entirely original set of patterns to accommodate the visceral facts of ubiquitous, mass violence. The first half of the chapter elaborates three major topics in the cultural history of violence in the 1930s: the widespread debate about whether violence is or must be a determining feature of humanity, versus the view that civilization might yet prevail (discussion of Freud, Russell, Leonard Woolf, and V. Woolf); the Spanish Civil War, especially as it was reflected and understood in England (discussion of various writers on the war, as well as visual artists such as Picasso and Capa); the logics of action, as expressed by fascists, and the crisis around pacifism in the 1930s (discussion of Mussolini, British journal Action, and the history and language of British pacifism). The second half offers a reading of a full range of Woolf's writings (The Voyage Out, Jacob's Room, Mrs. Dalloway, To the Lighthouse) culminating in a detailed account of violence in her final three works.
Sasha D. Pack
- Published in print:
- 2019
- Published Online:
- May 2019
- ISBN:
- 9781503606678
- eISBN:
- 9781503607538
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Stanford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.11126/stanford/9781503606678.003.0011
- Subject:
- History, Imperialism and Colonialism
This chapter examines the fate of trans-Gibraltar region during Spanish Civil War and the early stages of World War II. Although the insurgent army of Francisco Franco quickly took control of ...
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This chapter examines the fate of trans-Gibraltar region during Spanish Civil War and the early stages of World War II. Although the insurgent army of Francisco Franco quickly took control of northern Morocco and southern Spain and invited its Nazi and Fascist allies to the strategically crucial region, the Entente order of 1904 proved resilient. New evidence is introduced detailing the Franco movement’s success in marshaling anti-French, anti-Semitic, and pro-German sentiments to recruit Muslim support, promising the construction of a new Hispano-Moroccan bulwark in the western Mediterranean. Other new documents indicate how quickly this enthusiasm cooled, however, as it became clear that Nazi agents were preparing to seize a position in northwest Africa without giving consideration for Spanish interests, while the British and much of the Jewish community of Tangier remained supportive of Spanish interests in Morocco.Less
This chapter examines the fate of trans-Gibraltar region during Spanish Civil War and the early stages of World War II. Although the insurgent army of Francisco Franco quickly took control of northern Morocco and southern Spain and invited its Nazi and Fascist allies to the strategically crucial region, the Entente order of 1904 proved resilient. New evidence is introduced detailing the Franco movement’s success in marshaling anti-French, anti-Semitic, and pro-German sentiments to recruit Muslim support, promising the construction of a new Hispano-Moroccan bulwark in the western Mediterranean. Other new documents indicate how quickly this enthusiasm cooled, however, as it became clear that Nazi agents were preparing to seize a position in northwest Africa without giving consideration for Spanish interests, while the British and much of the Jewish community of Tangier remained supportive of Spanish interests in Morocco.
Gayle Rogers
- Published in print:
- 2012
- Published Online:
- January 2013
- ISBN:
- 9780199914975
- eISBN:
- 9780199980192
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199914975.003.0004
- Subject:
- Literature, European Literature, 20th-century and Contemporary Literature
Chapter Four maps a feminist geography grounded in the collaborations between Victoria Ocampo and Virginia Woolf. It takes as its point of departure Woolf’s plan to “fight… English tyranny” in ...
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Chapter Four maps a feminist geography grounded in the collaborations between Victoria Ocampo and Virginia Woolf. It takes as its point of departure Woolf’s plan to “fight… English tyranny” in response to the death of beloved nephew Julian Bell in the Spanish war. She attempts to illuminate in Three Guineas (1938) the connections between fighting Spanish fascism and dismantling the English patriarchal system. I outline the ways in which Woolf, within an acrimonious and politicized British literary culture in the 1930s, comes to envision an intellectual space for cosmopolitan feminism and to attach it to Spain’s war. Here, she models the literary-political critiques and activism of her colleague Ocampo, with whom she conversed about fascism and masculinity as she composed Three Guineas, and an overlooked feminist editor and financier of modernism, especially through her review Sur in Buenos Aires. Ocampo also employed the form of the public epistle, marshaling Woolf’s feminism to fight battles far beyond those that Woolf conceived in her essay-letters. I follow Ocampo’s work through Argentina’s “Infamous Decade,” through her work with the North American writer and friend of Ortega’s Waldo Frank, through her autobiography, and finally through her dissidence and imprisonment during Juan Perón’s regime. Ocampo animated the cosmopolitan feminism that Woolf articulated, and their common ideals were staked in the 1930s to the survival of the Spanish Republic—the last, endangered hope for a European New Spain and its women.Less
Chapter Four maps a feminist geography grounded in the collaborations between Victoria Ocampo and Virginia Woolf. It takes as its point of departure Woolf’s plan to “fight… English tyranny” in response to the death of beloved nephew Julian Bell in the Spanish war. She attempts to illuminate in Three Guineas (1938) the connections between fighting Spanish fascism and dismantling the English patriarchal system. I outline the ways in which Woolf, within an acrimonious and politicized British literary culture in the 1930s, comes to envision an intellectual space for cosmopolitan feminism and to attach it to Spain’s war. Here, she models the literary-political critiques and activism of her colleague Ocampo, with whom she conversed about fascism and masculinity as she composed Three Guineas, and an overlooked feminist editor and financier of modernism, especially through her review Sur in Buenos Aires. Ocampo also employed the form of the public epistle, marshaling Woolf’s feminism to fight battles far beyond those that Woolf conceived in her essay-letters. I follow Ocampo’s work through Argentina’s “Infamous Decade,” through her work with the North American writer and friend of Ortega’s Waldo Frank, through her autobiography, and finally through her dissidence and imprisonment during Juan Perón’s regime. Ocampo animated the cosmopolitan feminism that Woolf articulated, and their common ideals were staked in the 1930s to the survival of the Spanish Republic—the last, endangered hope for a European New Spain and its women.
Derek J. Penslar
- Published in print:
- 2013
- Published Online:
- October 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780691138879
- eISBN:
- 9781400848577
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Princeton University Press
- DOI:
- 10.23943/princeton/9780691138879.003.0007
- Subject:
- History, European Modern History
This chapter demonstrates the effect of the mobilization of ideas and manpower on the Zionist movement during the two world wars as well as a smaller international conflict that adumbrated World War ...
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This chapter demonstrates the effect of the mobilization of ideas and manpower on the Zionist movement during the two world wars as well as a smaller international conflict that adumbrated World War II. During World War I, the Zionist movement sponsored the formation of Jewish units for the British armed forces, and although these units' military accomplishments were modest, they had a galvanizing effect on Jewish collective solidarity throughout the western world. A very different type of international mobilization sent thousands of Jews into the International Brigades in the Spanish Civil War. Ideologically, these wars were perceived as serving Jewish interests, albeit often conflicting ones such as Zionism, on the one hand, and international socialism, on the other. Operationally, these were, for Jews, international conflicts, involving mass movements of Jews not only as refugees or inducted soldiers but also as volunteer fighters.Less
This chapter demonstrates the effect of the mobilization of ideas and manpower on the Zionist movement during the two world wars as well as a smaller international conflict that adumbrated World War II. During World War I, the Zionist movement sponsored the formation of Jewish units for the British armed forces, and although these units' military accomplishments were modest, they had a galvanizing effect on Jewish collective solidarity throughout the western world. A very different type of international mobilization sent thousands of Jews into the International Brigades in the Spanish Civil War. Ideologically, these wars were perceived as serving Jewish interests, albeit often conflicting ones such as Zionism, on the one hand, and international socialism, on the other. Operationally, these were, for Jews, international conflicts, involving mass movements of Jews not only as refugees or inducted soldiers but also as volunteer fighters.
Keith Hodgson
- Published in print:
- 2010
- Published Online:
- July 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780719080555
- eISBN:
- 9781781702406
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Manchester University Press
- DOI:
- 10.7228/manchester/9780719080555.003.0007
- Subject:
- History, World Modern History
As the 1930s progressed, the left had new opportunities to observe fascism and deepen its understanding of the phenomenon. In Spain in 1936, there was another assault from the right on a European ...
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As the 1930s progressed, the left had new opportunities to observe fascism and deepen its understanding of the phenomenon. In Spain in 1936, there was another assault from the right on a European democracy. Despite the differing perspectives the left parties had of the Spanish Civil War, there was broad agreement on the nature and purpose of the fascist challenge there. In Italy, Mussolini's regime had become firmly established, the final centres of opposition were nullified and the actions of a ‘mature’ fascist state could be seen. In Germany, Hitler had moved far more quickly than his Italian counterpart to impose a dictatorship, and the nature of a functioning economy under Nazism soon became apparent. The early claims of fascist and Nazi movements as to the kind of societies they would create and the balance of class relations they would oversee could now be tested against reality.Less
As the 1930s progressed, the left had new opportunities to observe fascism and deepen its understanding of the phenomenon. In Spain in 1936, there was another assault from the right on a European democracy. Despite the differing perspectives the left parties had of the Spanish Civil War, there was broad agreement on the nature and purpose of the fascist challenge there. In Italy, Mussolini's regime had become firmly established, the final centres of opposition were nullified and the actions of a ‘mature’ fascist state could be seen. In Germany, Hitler had moved far more quickly than his Italian counterpart to impose a dictatorship, and the nature of a functioning economy under Nazism soon became apparent. The early claims of fascist and Nazi movements as to the kind of societies they would create and the balance of class relations they would oversee could now be tested against reality.
Jessica Berman
- Published in print:
- 2012
- Published Online:
- November 2015
- ISBN:
- 9780231149518
- eISBN:
- 9780231520393
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Columbia University Press
- DOI:
- 10.7312/columbia/9780231149518.003.0005
- Subject:
- Literature, 20th-century Literature and Modernism
This chapter situates the Spanish Civil War narrative into modernism and politics. It examines the works of Spanish writer Max Aub, whose six-novel Civil War cycle El laberinto mágico (The Magic ...
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This chapter situates the Spanish Civil War narrative into modernism and politics. It examines the works of Spanish writer Max Aub, whose six-novel Civil War cycle El laberinto mágico (The Magic Labyrinth, 1943–1968) is a narrative innovation of chronicling war. This type of modernist narrative serves as a politically committed hyper-verisimilitude—or what Max Aub calls “transcendental realism”—that produces fiction which inscribes the war's chaos, disruption of temporal order, and challenge to social and familial relationships within the narrative proper. These narratives develop particular modernist strategies to respond to the extraordinary events of the conflict, while at the same time displaying their partisanship. The chapter then questions this partisanship during the Civil War by exploring the role of multimedia propaganda. It looks into the films The Spanish Earth (1937) directed by Joris Ivens and L'espoir (1945) directed by Andre Malraux.Less
This chapter situates the Spanish Civil War narrative into modernism and politics. It examines the works of Spanish writer Max Aub, whose six-novel Civil War cycle El laberinto mágico (The Magic Labyrinth, 1943–1968) is a narrative innovation of chronicling war. This type of modernist narrative serves as a politically committed hyper-verisimilitude—or what Max Aub calls “transcendental realism”—that produces fiction which inscribes the war's chaos, disruption of temporal order, and challenge to social and familial relationships within the narrative proper. These narratives develop particular modernist strategies to respond to the extraordinary events of the conflict, while at the same time displaying their partisanship. The chapter then questions this partisanship during the Civil War by exploring the role of multimedia propaganda. It looks into the films The Spanish Earth (1937) directed by Joris Ivens and L'espoir (1945) directed by Andre Malraux.
Gayle Rogers
- Published in print:
- 2012
- Published Online:
- January 2013
- ISBN:
- 9780199914975
- eISBN:
- 9780199980192
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199914975.003.0005
- Subject:
- Literature, European Literature, 20th-century and Contemporary Literature
This chapter examines the efforts of Stephen Spender, Manuel Altolaguirre, and several of their associates to create a European anti-fascist poetic community for which the bonds between the Auden ...
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This chapter examines the efforts of Stephen Spender, Manuel Altolaguirre, and several of their associates to create a European anti-fascist poetic community for which the bonds between the Auden Generation and the Spanish Generation of ’27 would be central. The frames for this work are the claims by Ortega, in several articles in English, and Altolaguirre, in his journal 1616: English and Spanish Poetry, that England and Spain shared a unique history that compelled cooperation; the attempts, led primarily by Spender, to channel Spanish voices of the conflict through British literary culture; and the battles over the political and cultural significance of Lorca’s assassination. Spender, one of Lorca’s earliest translators, found himself defending his view of the Spaniard’s mutable, populist figure against its misappropriation. With the aid of two Spanish collaborators, Spender influentially characterized him instead as an apolitical Spanish-European poet, and he edited the volume Poems for Spain, which intercalated British and Spanish voices on the war. At the same time, while Poems for Spain evinces the mutual influences of two literary generations, its publication in March 1939, when Franco’s victory was ensured, made it an elegy for the lost Republic. The awkward and ultimately failed literary endeavors taken up in this chapter underwent significant revisions both in Spender’s poetry and in later translations of Lorca.Less
This chapter examines the efforts of Stephen Spender, Manuel Altolaguirre, and several of their associates to create a European anti-fascist poetic community for which the bonds between the Auden Generation and the Spanish Generation of ’27 would be central. The frames for this work are the claims by Ortega, in several articles in English, and Altolaguirre, in his journal 1616: English and Spanish Poetry, that England and Spain shared a unique history that compelled cooperation; the attempts, led primarily by Spender, to channel Spanish voices of the conflict through British literary culture; and the battles over the political and cultural significance of Lorca’s assassination. Spender, one of Lorca’s earliest translators, found himself defending his view of the Spaniard’s mutable, populist figure against its misappropriation. With the aid of two Spanish collaborators, Spender influentially characterized him instead as an apolitical Spanish-European poet, and he edited the volume Poems for Spain, which intercalated British and Spanish voices on the war. At the same time, while Poems for Spain evinces the mutual influences of two literary generations, its publication in March 1939, when Franco’s victory was ensured, made it an elegy for the lost Republic. The awkward and ultimately failed literary endeavors taken up in this chapter underwent significant revisions both in Spender’s poetry and in later translations of Lorca.
Matthews James
- Published in print:
- 2012
- Published Online:
- September 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780199655748
- eISBN:
- 9780199949953
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199655748.003.0001
- Subject:
- History, European Modern History
This chapter is a conceptual and methodological introduction to the book. It examines the enduring interest in the Spanish Civil War from both an academic and popular perspective, and charts the ...
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This chapter is a conceptual and methodological introduction to the book. It examines the enduring interest in the Spanish Civil War from both an academic and popular perspective, and charts the development of military history to include studies of people at war at the lowest level. In this light, conscripts had a degree of agency, rather than as acting simply as pawns within a rigid military apparatus. The chapter also places the study of conscription within the existing historiography of the Spanish Civil War and elucidates on the scope and purpose of carrying out a comparative study. Finally, it introduces the sources used for this study and examines their strengths and limitations.Less
This chapter is a conceptual and methodological introduction to the book. It examines the enduring interest in the Spanish Civil War from both an academic and popular perspective, and charts the development of military history to include studies of people at war at the lowest level. In this light, conscripts had a degree of agency, rather than as acting simply as pawns within a rigid military apparatus. The chapter also places the study of conscription within the existing historiography of the Spanish Civil War and elucidates on the scope and purpose of carrying out a comparative study. Finally, it introduces the sources used for this study and examines their strengths and limitations.
Matt Perry
- Published in print:
- 2014
- Published Online:
- September 2014
- ISBN:
- 9780719087202
- eISBN:
- 9781781706831
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Manchester University Press
- DOI:
- 10.7228/manchester/9780719087202.003.0008
- Subject:
- History, British and Irish Modern History
The sheer scope and complexity of Wilkinson's involvement on behalf of Republican Spain is striking. Her attitude towards Spain was the result of entangled relationships with Spanish leaders, her own ...
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The sheer scope and complexity of Wilkinson's involvement on behalf of Republican Spain is striking. Her attitude towards Spain was the result of entangled relationships with Spanish leaders, her own party, her union, and more than the British Communist Party itself, and the Münzenberg-Katz circle. These pulled her in different directions in campaigning and ideological terms. What attracted Wilkinson to Spain was not so much the defence of a liberal democracy, though her antifascist commitment could not be doubted, but the ebb and flow of a great social movement. At moments, her writings on Spain exhibit a great intimacy and profound affinity with that movement and its revolutionary capacities. Yet the implications of her transnational networks and her advocacy of a Popular Front policy pulled her away from the base of that movement into the reception events for foreign visitors, the hotels filled with some of the world's most celebrated novelists and journalists. Foremost, Spain was an experience of defeat and nobody connected to it could escape its emotional cost or its challenge to one's political assumptions.Less
The sheer scope and complexity of Wilkinson's involvement on behalf of Republican Spain is striking. Her attitude towards Spain was the result of entangled relationships with Spanish leaders, her own party, her union, and more than the British Communist Party itself, and the Münzenberg-Katz circle. These pulled her in different directions in campaigning and ideological terms. What attracted Wilkinson to Spain was not so much the defence of a liberal democracy, though her antifascist commitment could not be doubted, but the ebb and flow of a great social movement. At moments, her writings on Spain exhibit a great intimacy and profound affinity with that movement and its revolutionary capacities. Yet the implications of her transnational networks and her advocacy of a Popular Front policy pulled her away from the base of that movement into the reception events for foreign visitors, the hotels filled with some of the world's most celebrated novelists and journalists. Foremost, Spain was an experience of defeat and nobody connected to it could escape its emotional cost or its challenge to one's political assumptions.
Julius Ruiz
- Published in print:
- 2005
- Published Online:
- January 2010
- ISBN:
- 9780199281831
- eISBN:
- 9780191712999
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199281831.001.0001
- Subject:
- History, European Modern History
Madrid became one of the key symbols of Republican resistance to General Franco during the Spanish Civil War following the Nationalists' failure to take the city in the winter of 1936-7. Yet despite ...
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Madrid became one of the key symbols of Republican resistance to General Franco during the Spanish Civil War following the Nationalists' failure to take the city in the winter of 1936-7. Yet despite the defiant cries of ‘No pasarán’, they did eventually pass on 28 March 1939. This book examines the consequences in Madrid of Franco's unconditional victory in the Spanish Civil War. Using recently available archival material, this book shows how the punishment of the vanquished was based on a cruel irony — Republicans, not the military rebels of July 1936, were held responsible for the fratricidal conflict. Military tribunals handed out sentences for the crime of ‘military rebellion’; mere passivity towards the Nationalists before 1939 was not only made a civil offence under the Law of Political Responsibilities but could cause dismissal from work; and freemasons and Communists, specifically blamed for the Civil War, were criminalized by decree in March 1940. However, contrary to much that has been written on the subject, the post-war Francoist repression was not exterminatory. Genocide did not take place in post-war Madrid. While a minimum of 3,113 judicial executions took place between 1939 and 1944, death sentences were largely based on accusations of participation in ‘blood crimes’ that occurred in Madrid in 1936. Moreover, and unlike most other accounts of the Francoist political violence, this book is concerned with the question of when and why mass repression came to an end. It shows that the sheer numbers of cases opened against Republican ‘rebels’, and the use of complex pre-war bureaucratic procedures to process them, produced a crisis that was only resolved by decisions taken by the Franco regime in 1940-1 to abandon much of the repressive system. By 1944, mass repression had come to an end.Less
Madrid became one of the key symbols of Republican resistance to General Franco during the Spanish Civil War following the Nationalists' failure to take the city in the winter of 1936-7. Yet despite the defiant cries of ‘No pasarán’, they did eventually pass on 28 March 1939. This book examines the consequences in Madrid of Franco's unconditional victory in the Spanish Civil War. Using recently available archival material, this book shows how the punishment of the vanquished was based on a cruel irony — Republicans, not the military rebels of July 1936, were held responsible for the fratricidal conflict. Military tribunals handed out sentences for the crime of ‘military rebellion’; mere passivity towards the Nationalists before 1939 was not only made a civil offence under the Law of Political Responsibilities but could cause dismissal from work; and freemasons and Communists, specifically blamed for the Civil War, were criminalized by decree in March 1940. However, contrary to much that has been written on the subject, the post-war Francoist repression was not exterminatory. Genocide did not take place in post-war Madrid. While a minimum of 3,113 judicial executions took place between 1939 and 1944, death sentences were largely based on accusations of participation in ‘blood crimes’ that occurred in Madrid in 1936. Moreover, and unlike most other accounts of the Francoist political violence, this book is concerned with the question of when and why mass repression came to an end. It shows that the sheer numbers of cases opened against Republican ‘rebels’, and the use of complex pre-war bureaucratic procedures to process them, produced a crisis that was only resolved by decisions taken by the Franco regime in 1940-1 to abandon much of the repressive system. By 1944, mass repression had come to an end.
Burnett Bolloten
- Published in print:
- 2015
- Published Online:
- May 2016
- ISBN:
- 9781469624464
- eISBN:
- 9781469624488
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- University of North Carolina Press
- DOI:
- 10.5149/northcarolina/9781469624464.001.0001
- Subject:
- History, European Modern History
This book offers a history and analysis of Republican political life during the Spanish Civil War. Completed in 1987 and first published in English in 1991, this text is the culmination of fifty ...
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This book offers a history and analysis of Republican political life during the Spanish Civil War. Completed in 1987 and first published in English in 1991, this text is the culmination of fifty years of research. This book is regarded as an authoritative political history of the war and a valuable encyclopedic guide to Republican affairs during the Spanish conflict. This new edition includes a new introduction by a Spanish Civil War scholar, an updated bibliography featuring books on the Spanish Civil War published since 1987, and seventy-three photos of the war's participants.Less
This book offers a history and analysis of Republican political life during the Spanish Civil War. Completed in 1987 and first published in English in 1991, this text is the culmination of fifty years of research. This book is regarded as an authoritative political history of the war and a valuable encyclopedic guide to Republican affairs during the Spanish conflict. This new edition includes a new introduction by a Spanish Civil War scholar, an updated bibliography featuring books on the Spanish Civil War published since 1987, and seventy-three photos of the war's participants.
Zara Steiner
- Published in print:
- 2013
- Published Online:
- March 2015
- ISBN:
- 9780199676095
- eISBN:
- 9780191804786
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:osobl/9780199676095.003.0005
- Subject:
- History, European Modern History
This chapter focuses on the years 1936–1937, when the struggle in ‘the Spanish cockpit’ led to the Spanish Civil War that was precipitated by the assassination of José Calvo Sotelo, a leading ...
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This chapter focuses on the years 1936–1937, when the struggle in ‘the Spanish cockpit’ led to the Spanish Civil War that was precipitated by the assassination of José Calvo Sotelo, a leading monarchist, by left-wing Socialists and the attempted coup d'état by a small group of army leaders to topple the Popular Front regime in Spain. It looks at how Spain became a battleground for fascism and communism, as well as the involvement of Germany, Italy, Soviet Union, Mexico, and France in the civil war. It also considers the support of Britain and France for a policy of non-intervention that successfully contained the struggle in ‘the Spanish cockpit’. Finally, the chapter examines the implications of the conflict for diplomatic affairs and Adolf Hitler's assault on the territorial status quo in 1938 that focused attention on central Europe.Less
This chapter focuses on the years 1936–1937, when the struggle in ‘the Spanish cockpit’ led to the Spanish Civil War that was precipitated by the assassination of José Calvo Sotelo, a leading monarchist, by left-wing Socialists and the attempted coup d'état by a small group of army leaders to topple the Popular Front regime in Spain. It looks at how Spain became a battleground for fascism and communism, as well as the involvement of Germany, Italy, Soviet Union, Mexico, and France in the civil war. It also considers the support of Britain and France for a policy of non-intervention that successfully contained the struggle in ‘the Spanish cockpit’. Finally, the chapter examines the implications of the conflict for diplomatic affairs and Adolf Hitler's assault on the territorial status quo in 1938 that focused attention on central Europe.
