Edward C. Page and Vincent Wright (eds)
- Published in print:
- 1999
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780198294467
- eISBN:
- 9780191600067
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0198294468.001.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics
Presents a comparative study of the senior civil service in Britain, France, Germany, Italy, Spain, Belgium, the Netherlands, Austria, Greece, Denmark, and Sweden, which provides information about ...
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Presents a comparative study of the senior civil service in Britain, France, Germany, Italy, Spain, Belgium, the Netherlands, Austria, Greece, Denmark, and Sweden, which provides information about the structures and the composition of the higher civil service, and its position in the political structure. Explores how the higher civil service has developed in the light of the massive changes in European societies over the past thirty years. These changes include the size of the top level of the civil service, the growing social diversity of its ranks, and the tendency to recruit from outside the civil service. Also examines whether wider social changes, such as the democratization of education, the growth of interest groups, and the increasing importance of the European Union have an impact on the higher levels of bureaucracy and produce similar patterns of change throughout Europe.Less
Presents a comparative study of the senior civil service in Britain, France, Germany, Italy, Spain, Belgium, the Netherlands, Austria, Greece, Denmark, and Sweden, which provides information about the structures and the composition of the higher civil service, and its position in the political structure. Explores how the higher civil service has developed in the light of the massive changes in European societies over the past thirty years. These changes include the size of the top level of the civil service, the growing social diversity of its ranks, and the tendency to recruit from outside the civil service. Also examines whether wider social changes, such as the democratization of education, the growth of interest groups, and the increasing importance of the European Union have an impact on the higher levels of bureaucracy and produce similar patterns of change throughout Europe.
Jan‐Erik Lane, David McKay, and Kenneth Newton
- Published in print:
- 1996
- Published Online:
- January 2005
- ISBN:
- 9780198280538
- eISBN:
- 9780191601934
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/019828053X.003.0025
- Subject:
- Political Science, Reference
This section provides information on the most significant features of government and politics in Spain. These include data on state structure and offices, parties, government constitutions, electoral ...
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This section provides information on the most significant features of government and politics in Spain. These include data on state structure and offices, parties, government constitutions, electoral and voting systems, and basic media materials on media, education, economic interest organisations and the budget.Less
This section provides information on the most significant features of government and politics in Spain. These include data on state structure and offices, parties, government constitutions, electoral and voting systems, and basic media materials on media, education, economic interest organisations and the budget.
David Rueda
- Published in print:
- 2007
- Published Online:
- January 2008
- ISBN:
- 9780199216352
- eISBN:
- 9780191712241
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199216352.001.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics
The analysis in this book disputes entrenched interpretations of the comparative political economy of industrialized democracies. It questions, in particular, the widely-held assumption that social ...
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The analysis in this book disputes entrenched interpretations of the comparative political economy of industrialized democracies. It questions, in particular, the widely-held assumption that social democratic governments will defend the interests of labour. The evidence shows that labour has become split into two clearly differentiated constituencies: those with secure employment (insiders) and those without (outsiders). The book focuses on three policy areas: employment protection (representing the main concern of insiders), and active and passive labour market policies (the main concern of outsiders). The main thrust of the argument is that the goals of social democratic parties are often best served by pursuing policies that benefit only insiders. The implication of the book's insider-outsider model is that social democratic government is associated with higher levels of employment protection legislation but not with labour market policy. The book also argues that there are factors that can reduce insider-outsider differences and weaken their influence on social democratic governments. These hypotheses are explored through the triangulation of different methodologies. The book provides an analysis of surveys and macrodata and a detailed comparison of three case-studies: Spain, the UK, and the Netherlands.Less
The analysis in this book disputes entrenched interpretations of the comparative political economy of industrialized democracies. It questions, in particular, the widely-held assumption that social democratic governments will defend the interests of labour. The evidence shows that labour has become split into two clearly differentiated constituencies: those with secure employment (insiders) and those without (outsiders). The book focuses on three policy areas: employment protection (representing the main concern of insiders), and active and passive labour market policies (the main concern of outsiders). The main thrust of the argument is that the goals of social democratic parties are often best served by pursuing policies that benefit only insiders. The implication of the book's insider-outsider model is that social democratic government is associated with higher levels of employment protection legislation but not with labour market policy. The book also argues that there are factors that can reduce insider-outsider differences and weaken their influence on social democratic governments. These hypotheses are explored through the triangulation of different methodologies. The book provides an analysis of surveys and macrodata and a detailed comparison of three case-studies: Spain, the UK, and the Netherlands.
Raymond P. Scheindlin
- Published in print:
- 2007
- Published Online:
- September 2008
- ISBN:
- 9780195315424
- eISBN:
- 9780199872039
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195315424.001.0001
- Subject:
- Religion, Judaism
Judah Halevi, the great medieval Hebrew poet, abandoned home and family in Spain (al-Andalus) at the end of his life and traveled east to die in the Holy Land. This book narrates his journey, quoting ...
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Judah Halevi, the great medieval Hebrew poet, abandoned home and family in Spain (al-Andalus) at the end of his life and traveled east to die in the Holy Land. This book narrates his journey, quoting from Arabic letters by Halevi and his friends, and explores its meaning through analysis of his Hebrew poems. The poems are presented both in Hebrew and in new English verse translations and are provided with full commentary. The discussion introduces Halevi’s circle of Jewish businessmen and intellectuals in al-Andalus and Egypt, examines their way of life, and describes their position vis-à-vis Arabic and Islamic culture. It also explores the interweaving of religious ideas of Jewish, Islamic, and Hellenistic origin in Halevi’s work. Although Halevi was partially motivated by a desire to repudiate the Judeo-Arabic hybrid culture and embrace purely Jewish values, the book demonstrates that his poetry and his pilgrimage continue to reflect the Judeo-Arabic milieu. His poetry and pilgrimage also show that while the Jews’ precarious situation as a tolerated minority weighed on Halevi, he was impelled to the pilgrimage not by a grand plan for ending the Jewish exile, as is widely thought, but by a personal religious quest. Chapters 1 through 3 each deal with one of the major themes of Halevi’s poetry that point in the direction of the pilgrimage. Chapters 4 through 6 are a narrative of the pilgrimage. Chapters 7 through 10 are a study of Halevi’s poems that are explicitly about the Land of Israel and about the pilgrimage. The epilogue explores the later legend of his martyrdom.Less
Judah Halevi, the great medieval Hebrew poet, abandoned home and family in Spain (al-Andalus) at the end of his life and traveled east to die in the Holy Land. This book narrates his journey, quoting from Arabic letters by Halevi and his friends, and explores its meaning through analysis of his Hebrew poems. The poems are presented both in Hebrew and in new English verse translations and are provided with full commentary. The discussion introduces Halevi’s circle of Jewish businessmen and intellectuals in al-Andalus and Egypt, examines their way of life, and describes their position vis-à-vis Arabic and Islamic culture. It also explores the interweaving of religious ideas of Jewish, Islamic, and Hellenistic origin in Halevi’s work. Although Halevi was partially motivated by a desire to repudiate the Judeo-Arabic hybrid culture and embrace purely Jewish values, the book demonstrates that his poetry and his pilgrimage continue to reflect the Judeo-Arabic milieu. His poetry and pilgrimage also show that while the Jews’ precarious situation as a tolerated minority weighed on Halevi, he was impelled to the pilgrimage not by a grand plan for ending the Jewish exile, as is widely thought, but by a personal religious quest. Chapters 1 through 3 each deal with one of the major themes of Halevi’s poetry that point in the direction of the pilgrimage. Chapters 4 through 6 are a narrative of the pilgrimage. Chapters 7 through 10 are a study of Halevi’s poems that are explicitly about the Land of Israel and about the pilgrimage. The epilogue explores the later legend of his martyrdom.
Allyson M. Poska
- Published in print:
- 2005
- Published Online:
- January 2010
- ISBN:
- 9780199265312
- eISBN:
- 9780191708763
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199265312.001.0001
- Subject:
- History, European Early Modern History
While scholars have marveled at how accused witches, mystical nuns, and aristocratic women understood and used their wealth, power, and authority to manipulate both men and institutions, most early ...
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While scholars have marveled at how accused witches, mystical nuns, and aristocratic women understood and used their wealth, power, and authority to manipulate both men and institutions, most early modern women were not privileged by money or supernatural contacts. They led the routine and often difficult lives of peasant women and wives of soldiers and tradesmen. However, a lack of connections to the typical sources of authority did not mean that the majority of early modern women were completely disempowered. In fact, in many peripheral areas of Europe, like Galicia, local traditions and gender norms provided them with extensive access to and control over economic resources and community authority. This book is an ethnohistorical examination of how peasant women in Northwestern Spain came to have significant social and economic authority in a region characterized by extremely high rates of male migration. Using a wide array of archival documentation, including Inquisition records, wills, dowry contracts, folklore, and court cases, this book examines how peasant women asserted and perceived their authority within the family and the community and how the large numbers of female-headed households in the region functioned in the absence of men. From sexual norms to property acquisition, Galician peasant women consistently defied traditional expectations of women's behavior.Less
While scholars have marveled at how accused witches, mystical nuns, and aristocratic women understood and used their wealth, power, and authority to manipulate both men and institutions, most early modern women were not privileged by money or supernatural contacts. They led the routine and often difficult lives of peasant women and wives of soldiers and tradesmen. However, a lack of connections to the typical sources of authority did not mean that the majority of early modern women were completely disempowered. In fact, in many peripheral areas of Europe, like Galicia, local traditions and gender norms provided them with extensive access to and control over economic resources and community authority. This book is an ethnohistorical examination of how peasant women in Northwestern Spain came to have significant social and economic authority in a region characterized by extremely high rates of male migration. Using a wide array of archival documentation, including Inquisition records, wills, dowry contracts, folklore, and court cases, this book examines how peasant women asserted and perceived their authority within the family and the community and how the large numbers of female-headed households in the region functioned in the absence of men. From sexual norms to property acquisition, Galician peasant women consistently defied traditional expectations of women's behavior.
Suzanne F. Cawsey
- Published in print:
- 2002
- Published Online:
- January 2010
- ISBN:
- 9780199251858
- eISBN:
- 9780191719073
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199251858.001.0001
- Subject:
- History, European Modern History
In the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries, the Crown of Aragon in Spain was a rapidly expanding and powerful political unit with an original form of representative government. Throughout this ...
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In the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries, the Crown of Aragon in Spain was a rapidly expanding and powerful political unit with an original form of representative government. Throughout this period, a series of energetic and talented rulers sought to maintain royal authority and govern their realms effectively. Their persuasive rhetoric, and that of their advisers, is preserved in the archives of the Crown of Aragon in Barcelona, which provide a rich and under-exploited vein of source material for historians. There are long letters to their subjects, historical works, and the proceedings of the courts, where the kings and queens persuaded their reluctant subjects to grant taxes and to support their decisions. This book examines the tradition of royal eloquence, thereby illuminating the nature of political discourse and persuasion in Aragon during the medieval period and exploring the key ideas shared by the king and the political classes of the kingdom.Less
In the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries, the Crown of Aragon in Spain was a rapidly expanding and powerful political unit with an original form of representative government. Throughout this period, a series of energetic and talented rulers sought to maintain royal authority and govern their realms effectively. Their persuasive rhetoric, and that of their advisers, is preserved in the archives of the Crown of Aragon in Barcelona, which provide a rich and under-exploited vein of source material for historians. There are long letters to their subjects, historical works, and the proceedings of the courts, where the kings and queens persuaded their reluctant subjects to grant taxes and to support their decisions. This book examines the tradition of royal eloquence, thereby illuminating the nature of political discourse and persuasion in Aragon during the medieval period and exploring the key ideas shared by the king and the political classes of the kingdom.
Sebastian Balfour
- Published in print:
- 1997
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780198205074
- eISBN:
- 9780191676482
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198205074.001.0001
- Subject:
- History, European Modern History
This book provides a full account of Spain's disastrous war with the United States in 1898, in which she lost the remnants of her old empire. It also gives a comprehensive analysis of the ensuing ...
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This book provides a full account of Spain's disastrous war with the United States in 1898, in which she lost the remnants of her old empire. It also gives a comprehensive analysis of the ensuing political and social crisis in Spain from the loss of empire through the First World War to the military coup of 1923.Less
This book provides a full account of Spain's disastrous war with the United States in 1898, in which she lost the remnants of her old empire. It also gives a comprehensive analysis of the ensuing political and social crisis in Spain from the loss of empire through the First World War to the military coup of 1923.
Sonia Alonso
- Published in print:
- 2012
- Published Online:
- September 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780199691579
- eISBN:
- 9780191741234
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199691579.001.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics, European Union
How do state parties react to the challenge of peripheral parties demanding political power to be devolved to their culturally distinct territories? Is devolution the best response to these demands? ...
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How do state parties react to the challenge of peripheral parties demanding political power to be devolved to their culturally distinct territories? Is devolution the best response to these demands? Why do governments implement devolution given the high risk that devolution will encourage peripheral parties to demand ever more devolved powers? The aim of this book is to answer these questions through a comparative analysis of devolution in four European countries: Belgium, Italy, Spain, and the United Kingdom. The book argues that electoral competition between state and peripheral parties pushes some state parties to prefer devolution when their state-wide majorities or pluralities are seriously at risk. Devolution is an electoral strategy adopted in order to make it more difficult in the long term for peripheral parties to increase their electoral support by claiming the monopoly of representation of the peripheral territory and the people in it. The strategy of devolution is preferred over short-term tactics of convergence towards the peripheral programmatic agenda because the pro-periphery tactics of state parties in unitary centralized states are not credible in the eyes of voters. The price that state parties pay for making their electoral tactics credible is the ‘entrenchment’ of the devolution programmatic agenda in the electoral arena. The final implication of this argument is that in democratic systems devolution is not a decision to protect the state from the secessionist threat. It is, instead, a decision by state parties to protect their needed electoral majoritiesLess
How do state parties react to the challenge of peripheral parties demanding political power to be devolved to their culturally distinct territories? Is devolution the best response to these demands? Why do governments implement devolution given the high risk that devolution will encourage peripheral parties to demand ever more devolved powers? The aim of this book is to answer these questions through a comparative analysis of devolution in four European countries: Belgium, Italy, Spain, and the United Kingdom. The book argues that electoral competition between state and peripheral parties pushes some state parties to prefer devolution when their state-wide majorities or pluralities are seriously at risk. Devolution is an electoral strategy adopted in order to make it more difficult in the long term for peripheral parties to increase their electoral support by claiming the monopoly of representation of the peripheral territory and the people in it. The strategy of devolution is preferred over short-term tactics of convergence towards the peripheral programmatic agenda because the pro-periphery tactics of state parties in unitary centralized states are not credible in the eyes of voters. The price that state parties pay for making their electoral tactics credible is the ‘entrenchment’ of the devolution programmatic agenda in the electoral arena. The final implication of this argument is that in democratic systems devolution is not a decision to protect the state from the secessionist threat. It is, instead, a decision by state parties to protect their needed electoral majorities
Jill Edwards
- Published in print:
- 1999
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780198228714
- eISBN:
- 9780191678813
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198228714.003.0016
- Subject:
- History, European Modern History
The particular circumstances of the Cold War that swiftly succeeded World War II highlighted the problem of an unpalatable regime in a country with a desirable attribute, in this case, Spain's ...
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The particular circumstances of the Cold War that swiftly succeeded World War II highlighted the problem of an unpalatable regime in a country with a desirable attribute, in this case, Spain's geostrategic importance. Dean Acheson's assertion that in relation to foreign policy towards Spain, Britain had become the ‘tail of the kite’, was not entirely accurate. Britain held firm convictions on the matter which, backed by strong political feeling in France, Belgium, and Norway, were sufficient to prevent the inclusion of Spain in the Marshall Plan or NATO. Thus, the bilateral agreements between the United States and Spain were largely a reflection of the implacable opposition of those governments towards a regime aptly described by one Spaniard as ‘a country occupied by its own army’. Spain's role in Anglo-American relations in the post-war period illustrates the far wider problems which still lie behind United Nations efforts to deal with pariah regimes and which, more than fifty years on, neither the international community nor its leading powers have been able to resolve.Less
The particular circumstances of the Cold War that swiftly succeeded World War II highlighted the problem of an unpalatable regime in a country with a desirable attribute, in this case, Spain's geostrategic importance. Dean Acheson's assertion that in relation to foreign policy towards Spain, Britain had become the ‘tail of the kite’, was not entirely accurate. Britain held firm convictions on the matter which, backed by strong political feeling in France, Belgium, and Norway, were sufficient to prevent the inclusion of Spain in the Marshall Plan or NATO. Thus, the bilateral agreements between the United States and Spain were largely a reflection of the implacable opposition of those governments towards a regime aptly described by one Spaniard as ‘a country occupied by its own army’. Spain's role in Anglo-American relations in the post-war period illustrates the far wider problems which still lie behind United Nations efforts to deal with pariah regimes and which, more than fifty years on, neither the international community nor its leading powers have been able to resolve.
Luis Moreno
- Published in print:
- 2004
- Published Online:
- January 2005
- ISBN:
- 9780199267262
- eISBN:
- 9780191602023
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/019926726X.003.0006
- Subject:
- Political Science, Political Economy
Mediterranean welfare states, of which Spain is a major example, have traditionally relied on family support and in particular on the unwaged work of women to provide child and elder care and to ...
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Mediterranean welfare states, of which Spain is a major example, have traditionally relied on family support and in particular on the unwaged work of women to provide child and elder care and to support members who have a weak labour market position. During the 1980s and 1990s, social spending has increased and the regional system has played an important role in driving reform and welfare state expansion. However, greater labour market flexibility and demands on women to work have placed even more stress on the family system.Less
Mediterranean welfare states, of which Spain is a major example, have traditionally relied on family support and in particular on the unwaged work of women to provide child and elder care and to support members who have a weak labour market position. During the 1980s and 1990s, social spending has increased and the regional system has played an important role in driving reform and welfare state expansion. However, greater labour market flexibility and demands on women to work have placed even more stress on the family system.
Manuel Jiménez
- Published in print:
- 2003
- Published Online:
- April 2004
- ISBN:
- 9780199252060
- eISBN:
- 9780191601064
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199252068.003.0007
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics
The recent evolution of environmental protest in Spain is considered against the background of the consolidation of the environmental movement and the institutionalization of an environmental policy ...
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The recent evolution of environmental protest in Spain is considered against the background of the consolidation of the environmental movement and the institutionalization of an environmental policy domain. The chapter analyses environmental protest events reported in El País between 1988 and 1997. The first section introduces the protest event data, briefly outlines the characteristics of the source and the problems of selection bias confronted by media event analysis, and comments on the evolution over time of the level of protest and volume of participants. The second section deals with the issues that have proved most conflictual during these 10 years, while the third focuses on the main features of the political repertoire of protesters and the scenarios of conflicts. In the final section, the actors are introduced into the analysis, and special attention is paid to the main characteristics of the organizational network of protests, and the features of the leading environmental movement organizations.Less
The recent evolution of environmental protest in Spain is considered against the background of the consolidation of the environmental movement and the institutionalization of an environmental policy domain. The chapter analyses environmental protest events reported in El País between 1988 and 1997. The first section introduces the protest event data, briefly outlines the characteristics of the source and the problems of selection bias confronted by media event analysis, and comments on the evolution over time of the level of protest and volume of participants. The second section deals with the issues that have proved most conflictual during these 10 years, while the third focuses on the main features of the political repertoire of protesters and the scenarios of conflicts. In the final section, the actors are introduced into the analysis, and special attention is paid to the main characteristics of the organizational network of protests, and the features of the leading environmental movement organizations.
Leonardo Morlino
- Published in print:
- 1998
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780198280828
- eISBN:
- 9780191599965
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0198280823.001.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, Democratization
What are the key factors to describe and explain the consolidation of a democracy or its possible internal crisis? After providing a few conceptual guidelines and the empirical indicators of ...
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What are the key factors to describe and explain the consolidation of a democracy or its possible internal crisis? After providing a few conceptual guidelines and the empirical indicators of consolidation and crisis, a systematic comparative analysis of the following aspects in the four Southern European countries (Italy, Spain, Portugal, and Greece) is unfolded: consensus and legitimation, party systems and party organizations, and relationships of organized and non‐organized interests with parties and state institutions. The consequent models of consolidation, and the related explanations, are given. What happens later in those countries is analysed with special reference to dissatisfaction, discontent, and perceived inefficacy. The concluding remarks pay attention to the ‘quality’ of democracy.Less
What are the key factors to describe and explain the consolidation of a democracy or its possible internal crisis? After providing a few conceptual guidelines and the empirical indicators of consolidation and crisis, a systematic comparative analysis of the following aspects in the four Southern European countries (Italy, Spain, Portugal, and Greece) is unfolded: consensus and legitimation, party systems and party organizations, and relationships of organized and non‐organized interests with parties and state institutions. The consequent models of consolidation, and the related explanations, are given. What happens later in those countries is analysed with special reference to dissatisfaction, discontent, and perceived inefficacy. The concluding remarks pay attention to the ‘quality’ of democracy.
David Rueda
- Published in print:
- 2007
- Published Online:
- January 2008
- ISBN:
- 9780199216352
- eISBN:
- 9780191712241
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199216352.003.0005
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics
This chapter explores the relationship between government partisanship and employment protection in Spain, the Netherlands, and the UK since 1970. The analysis of the Spanish case shows that the ...
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This chapter explores the relationship between government partisanship and employment protection in Spain, the Netherlands, and the UK since 1970. The analysis of the Spanish case shows that the social democratic party [Partido Socialista Obrero Español (PSOE)] was decidedly pro-insider. Facing increasing economic challenges (unemployment, inflation, etc.), the PSOE responded by staunchly maintaining the high protection of insiders and by facilitating the entry into the labour market of outsiders. Regarding the Netherlands, the analysis shows very similar developments to those described in the Spanish analysis. The analysis of the UK displays the consequences of unfettered conservative government. In the 1980s and 1990s, prime ministers Thatcher and Major engineered a dramatic attack on insiders in the UK. Labour's return to power since has meant a very timid attempt to promote insider protection.Less
This chapter explores the relationship between government partisanship and employment protection in Spain, the Netherlands, and the UK since 1970. The analysis of the Spanish case shows that the social democratic party [Partido Socialista Obrero Español (PSOE)] was decidedly pro-insider. Facing increasing economic challenges (unemployment, inflation, etc.), the PSOE responded by staunchly maintaining the high protection of insiders and by facilitating the entry into the labour market of outsiders. Regarding the Netherlands, the analysis shows very similar developments to those described in the Spanish analysis. The analysis of the UK displays the consequences of unfettered conservative government. In the 1980s and 1990s, prime ministers Thatcher and Major engineered a dramatic attack on insiders in the UK. Labour's return to power since has meant a very timid attempt to promote insider protection.
Mary Vincent
- Published in print:
- 1996
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780198206132
- eISBN:
- 9780191676987
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198206132.003.0013
- Subject:
- History, European Modern History, History of Religion
From 1931 to 1936 Church and Republic in Spain were engaged in what was effectively a dialogue of the deaf. For many protagonists, Catholic Spain and republican Spain were mutually exclusive. Despite ...
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From 1931 to 1936 Church and Republic in Spain were engaged in what was effectively a dialogue of the deaf. For many protagonists, Catholic Spain and republican Spain were mutually exclusive. Despite the determined efforts of some key individuals, as well as some small parties, by July 1936 neither side was prepared to accommodate the other. In Salamanca, this erosion of the political centre was, to a large extent, the result of the impact of the Second Republic on people's daily lives. It is one of the central tragedies of the Republic that its leaders in Madrid were unable to understand how their legislation affected the devotional lives of ordinary Catholics. A chronic underprovision of schools, hospitals, and asylums combined with a total lack of any social security system to ensure that few palliatives an even fewer remedies were available for the poor.Less
From 1931 to 1936 Church and Republic in Spain were engaged in what was effectively a dialogue of the deaf. For many protagonists, Catholic Spain and republican Spain were mutually exclusive. Despite the determined efforts of some key individuals, as well as some small parties, by July 1936 neither side was prepared to accommodate the other. In Salamanca, this erosion of the political centre was, to a large extent, the result of the impact of the Second Republic on people's daily lives. It is one of the central tragedies of the Republic that its leaders in Madrid were unable to understand how their legislation affected the devotional lives of ordinary Catholics. A chronic underprovision of schools, hospitals, and asylums combined with a total lack of any social security system to ensure that few palliatives an even fewer remedies were available for the poor.
Jeffrey Kahn
- Published in print:
- 2002
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780199246991
- eISBN:
- 9780191599606
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199246998.003.0002
- Subject:
- Political Science, Russian Politics
Theories of federalism are explored in detail, with particular attention to the work of Dahl, Lijphart, Riker, and Wheare. Issues addressed include anti‐majoritarianism, asymmetry, centralization, ...
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Theories of federalism are explored in detail, with particular attention to the work of Dahl, Lijphart, Riker, and Wheare. Issues addressed include anti‐majoritarianism, asymmetry, centralization, the role of the judiciary and the rule of law, nullification, over‐representation, secessionism, self‐determination, sovereignty, and subsidiarity. A wide variety of federal systems are possible under the rubric of federalism (including confederation, federacy, etc.) and these are explored. Different constitutional and institutional choices have different effects (and paradoxes) for democracy, law, and sovereignty in federal states. The role of ethnic, linguistic, religious, and other social cleavages on the development and stability of federal systems is addressed. Empirical analysis of federalism in Brazil, Spain, Yugoslavia, the United States, and other state systems is provided. The theory of ‘non‐democratic federalism’ is disputed.Less
Theories of federalism are explored in detail, with particular attention to the work of Dahl, Lijphart, Riker, and Wheare. Issues addressed include anti‐majoritarianism, asymmetry, centralization, the role of the judiciary and the rule of law, nullification, over‐representation, secessionism, self‐determination, sovereignty, and subsidiarity. A wide variety of federal systems are possible under the rubric of federalism (including confederation, federacy, etc.) and these are explored. Different constitutional and institutional choices have different effects (and paradoxes) for democracy, law, and sovereignty in federal states. The role of ethnic, linguistic, religious, and other social cleavages on the development and stability of federal systems is addressed. Empirical analysis of federalism in Brazil, Spain, Yugoslavia, the United States, and other state systems is provided. The theory of ‘non‐democratic federalism’ is disputed.
D.A. BRADING
- Published in print:
- 2009
- Published Online:
- January 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780197264461
- eISBN:
- 9780191734625
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- British Academy
- DOI:
- 10.5871/bacad/9780197264461.003.0004
- Subject:
- Society and Culture, Latin American Studies
This chapter demonstrates that while Spain had a clear vision of what the conquered Aztec city should be, the city of the conquistadors was relatively short for it was soon transformed by its Creole ...
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This chapter demonstrates that while Spain had a clear vision of what the conquered Aztec city should be, the city of the conquistadors was relatively short for it was soon transformed by its Creole inhabitants who made their own identity pronounced on its building and culture. For 300 years, the city of Mexico was the capital of viceroyalty. It was the capital of New Spain and was the seat of the metropolitan archbishopric of Mexico. During the first decades of the seventeenth century, a generation of young Creoles entered the secular priesthood and the religious orders. They challenged the predominance of European Spaniards, affirmed their talents and identity, and started looking back to the glorious past the conquistadors had destroyed. However, the development of the city was constrained and limited by the city’s status as the viceregal capital of New Spain. Its status hence meant that the city depended on the political decisions and cultural influences emanating from the Spanish. Out of this tension, a creative process of change emerged in which different ethnic groups and cultures intermingled and conflicted to ensure that the social composition and character of Mexico City would be different from the other cities in Spanish America. However, these changes were not brought without due loss. Due to the conquest and the Old World diseases the Mexico population fell to the near brink of oblivion. These epidemics and natural calamities continued to afflict the city throughout the colonial period.Less
This chapter demonstrates that while Spain had a clear vision of what the conquered Aztec city should be, the city of the conquistadors was relatively short for it was soon transformed by its Creole inhabitants who made their own identity pronounced on its building and culture. For 300 years, the city of Mexico was the capital of viceroyalty. It was the capital of New Spain and was the seat of the metropolitan archbishopric of Mexico. During the first decades of the seventeenth century, a generation of young Creoles entered the secular priesthood and the religious orders. They challenged the predominance of European Spaniards, affirmed their talents and identity, and started looking back to the glorious past the conquistadors had destroyed. However, the development of the city was constrained and limited by the city’s status as the viceregal capital of New Spain. Its status hence meant that the city depended on the political decisions and cultural influences emanating from the Spanish. Out of this tension, a creative process of change emerged in which different ethnic groups and cultures intermingled and conflicted to ensure that the social composition and character of Mexico City would be different from the other cities in Spanish America. However, these changes were not brought without due loss. Due to the conquest and the Old World diseases the Mexico population fell to the near brink of oblivion. These epidemics and natural calamities continued to afflict the city throughout the colonial period.
Hussein Kassim, Guy Peters, and Vincent Wright (eds)
- Published in print:
- 2000
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780198296645
- eISBN:
- 9780191599613
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0198296649.001.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, European Union
This book is the first of two volumes in which leading scholars examine the way in which member states of the European Union (EU) co-ordinate their European policies. Rather than looking at the ...
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This book is the first of two volumes in which leading scholars examine the way in which member states of the European Union (EU) co-ordinate their European policies. Rather than looking at the ‘Europeanization’ problematic within which the issue is usually addressed, it adopts a broader, more inclusive approach, examining domestic processes and investigating co-ordination in ten member states ––Austria, Belgium, Denmark, France, Germany, Greece, Italy, Portugal, Spain and the United Kingdom –– looking at co-ordinating ambitions, the actors involved in EU policy-making, and the structures and processes by which policy is made. These particular countries were selected to cover the most important dimensions of variation among member states. From a comparative perspective, the book identifies and assesses the impact of the influences that have shaped systems of national co-ordination – the demands exerted by Union membership, the institutional structure of the national polity, the pre-existing balance between domestic institutions, administrative norms and values, and attitudes, both popular and elite, to European integration. It assesses the extent to which there has been a convergent response to the administrative challenges posed by membership on the part of the member states or whether a pattern of divergence emerges. The effectiveness of member states in influencing policy outcomes at the European level is also addressed. All the chapters except for that on Portugal and the Conclusion are substantially revised versions of papers presented at a workshop on co-ordinating EU policy held at Oxford in June 1998. The companion volume answers similar questions about national administrations in Brussels and looks at twelve member states; it is the first systematic examination of the role played by Permanent Representations in national EU policy-making.Less
This book is the first of two volumes in which leading scholars examine the way in which member states of the European Union (EU) co-ordinate their European policies. Rather than looking at the ‘Europeanization’ problematic within which the issue is usually addressed, it adopts a broader, more inclusive approach, examining domestic processes and investigating co-ordination in ten member states ––Austria, Belgium, Denmark, France, Germany, Greece, Italy, Portugal, Spain and the United Kingdom –– looking at co-ordinating ambitions, the actors involved in EU policy-making, and the structures and processes by which policy is made. These particular countries were selected to cover the most important dimensions of variation among member states. From a comparative perspective, the book identifies and assesses the impact of the influences that have shaped systems of national co-ordination – the demands exerted by Union membership, the institutional structure of the national polity, the pre-existing balance between domestic institutions, administrative norms and values, and attitudes, both popular and elite, to European integration. It assesses the extent to which there has been a convergent response to the administrative challenges posed by membership on the part of the member states or whether a pattern of divergence emerges. The effectiveness of member states in influencing policy outcomes at the European level is also addressed. All the chapters except for that on Portugal and the Conclusion are substantially revised versions of papers presented at a workshop on co-ordinating EU policy held at Oxford in June 1998. The companion volume answers similar questions about national administrations in Brussels and looks at twelve member states; it is the first systematic examination of the role played by Permanent Representations in national EU policy-making.
Enzo Pace
- Published in print:
- 2007
- Published Online:
- January 2007
- ISBN:
- 9780195305418
- eISBN:
- 9780199785094
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195305418.003.0002
- Subject:
- Religion, Religion and Society
In many European countries, religion today seems to function as guardian of the collective identity and memory, even as those same societies are becoming more multi-religious. Focusing the analysis ...
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In many European countries, religion today seems to function as guardian of the collective identity and memory, even as those same societies are becoming more multi-religious. Focusing the analysis on European Catholicism and, particularly, on the new role played by the Catholic Church in the public sphere in two historically Catholic countries — Italy and Spain — the chapter develops the hypothesis that Catholic leaders are accepting the idea that religious power must work more and more as communication. They can longer impose norms, but they can reconstruct a romantic sense of being a society, a collective identity rooted in the Christian pattern of values, projecting unity where there is social, religious, and ideological difference.Less
In many European countries, religion today seems to function as guardian of the collective identity and memory, even as those same societies are becoming more multi-religious. Focusing the analysis on European Catholicism and, particularly, on the new role played by the Catholic Church in the public sphere in two historically Catholic countries — Italy and Spain — the chapter develops the hypothesis that Catholic leaders are accepting the idea that religious power must work more and more as communication. They can longer impose norms, but they can reconstruct a romantic sense of being a society, a collective identity rooted in the Christian pattern of values, projecting unity where there is social, religious, and ideological difference.
Michele George (ed.)
- Published in print:
- 2005
- Published Online:
- January 2010
- ISBN:
- 9780199268412
- eISBN:
- 9780191708589
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199268412.001.0001
- Subject:
- Classical Studies, European History: BCE to 500CE
This book examines family life in the Roman empire and Italy, focusing on the influence of Rome on provincial family structure and attitudes towards family life as well as regional differences in ...
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This book examines family life in the Roman empire and Italy, focusing on the influence of Rome on provincial family structure and attitudes towards family life as well as regional differences in family structure, forms of marriage, and kinship patterns. The chapters cover Roman Egypt, Judaea, Spain, Gaul, North Africa, and Pannonia, and make use of both conventional textual sources and epigraphic evidence, as well as material that is less frequently treated, such as the medical writers and the Justinianic receipts. Notions surrounding the family are explored in the abstract and in reality, such as the idea of family as used in the forensic works of Cicero as a touchstone for elite morality, especially for men, and how the social family norms of pietas and affection informed the identity of the Roman nobility. A discussion of family portrait groups on Republican and early imperial funerary commemoration takes up the same set of attitudes toward family life and shows how the emerging urban middle class of Italy, former slaves in Rome and citizens of mixed origins in Cisalpine Gaul, used family imagery to position themselves in the mainstream culture. There is also a chapter on the harder side of ancient family life in a survey of diseases and treatments of illnesses, thus retrieving a sobering dimension of ancient experience which is radically different from the modern. The remaining chapters look at family life in the Roman world outside Italy in a systematic way focusing on specific regions.Less
This book examines family life in the Roman empire and Italy, focusing on the influence of Rome on provincial family structure and attitudes towards family life as well as regional differences in family structure, forms of marriage, and kinship patterns. The chapters cover Roman Egypt, Judaea, Spain, Gaul, North Africa, and Pannonia, and make use of both conventional textual sources and epigraphic evidence, as well as material that is less frequently treated, such as the medical writers and the Justinianic receipts. Notions surrounding the family are explored in the abstract and in reality, such as the idea of family as used in the forensic works of Cicero as a touchstone for elite morality, especially for men, and how the social family norms of pietas and affection informed the identity of the Roman nobility. A discussion of family portrait groups on Republican and early imperial funerary commemoration takes up the same set of attitudes toward family life and shows how the emerging urban middle class of Italy, former slaves in Rome and citizens of mixed origins in Cisalpine Gaul, used family imagery to position themselves in the mainstream culture. There is also a chapter on the harder side of ancient family life in a survey of diseases and treatments of illnesses, thus retrieving a sobering dimension of ancient experience which is radically different from the modern. The remaining chapters look at family life in the Roman world outside Italy in a systematic way focusing on specific regions.
Paul Webb, David Farrell, and Ian Holliday (eds)
- Published in print:
- 2002
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780199240562
- eISBN:
- 9780191600296
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199240566.001.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics
This book is one in a series (Comparative Politics) for students and teachers of political science that deals with contemporary issues in comparative government and politics. It examines political ...
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This book is one in a series (Comparative Politics) for students and teachers of political science that deals with contemporary issues in comparative government and politics. It examines political parties in contemporary democracies, asking how relevant and vital they are, whether they fulfill the functions that any stable and effective democracy might expect of them, or whether they are little more than moribund anachronisms, relics of a past age of political life, now superseded by other mechanisms of linkage between state and society. The book addresses these questions through a rigorous comparative analysis of political parties operating in the world's advanced industrial democracies. Drawing on the expertise of a team of internationally known specialists, the book engages systematically with the evidence to show that, while a degree of popular cynicism towards them is often chronic, though rarely acute, parties have adapted and survived as organizations, remodelling themselves to the needs of an era in which patterns of linkage and communication with social groups have been transformed. This has enabled them, on the one hand, to remain central to democratic systems, especially in respect of the political functions of governance, recruitment and, albeit more problematically, interest aggregation. On the other hand, the challenges they face in respect of interest articulation, communication, and participation have pushed parties into more marginal roles within Western political systems. The implications of these findings for democracy depend on the observer's normative and theoretical perspectives. Those who understand democracy primarily in terms of popular choice and control in public affairs will probably see parties as continuing to play a central role, while those who place greater store by the more demanding criteria of optimizing interests and instilling civic orientations among citizens are far more likely to be fundamentally critical. After an introductory chapter the book has 13 chapters devoted to case studies of political parties in different countries/regions (Britain, Italy, Germany, France, the Low Countries (Belgium and the Netherlands), Scandinavia (Finland, Denmark, Norway, Sweden), Ireland, Spain, Europe (parties at the European level), the United States, Canada, Australia, and New Zealand; these are followed by a concluding chapter.Less
This book is one in a series (Comparative Politics) for students and teachers of political science that deals with contemporary issues in comparative government and politics. It examines political parties in contemporary democracies, asking how relevant and vital they are, whether they fulfill the functions that any stable and effective democracy might expect of them, or whether they are little more than moribund anachronisms, relics of a past age of political life, now superseded by other mechanisms of linkage between state and society. The book addresses these questions through a rigorous comparative analysis of political parties operating in the world's advanced industrial democracies. Drawing on the expertise of a team of internationally known specialists, the book engages systematically with the evidence to show that, while a degree of popular cynicism towards them is often chronic, though rarely acute, parties have adapted and survived as organizations, remodelling themselves to the needs of an era in which patterns of linkage and communication with social groups have been transformed. This has enabled them, on the one hand, to remain central to democratic systems, especially in respect of the political functions of governance, recruitment and, albeit more problematically, interest aggregation. On the other hand, the challenges they face in respect of interest articulation, communication, and participation have pushed parties into more marginal roles within Western political systems. The implications of these findings for democracy depend on the observer's normative and theoretical perspectives. Those who understand democracy primarily in terms of popular choice and control in public affairs will probably see parties as continuing to play a central role, while those who place greater store by the more demanding criteria of optimizing interests and instilling civic orientations among citizens are far more likely to be fundamentally critical. After an introductory chapter the book has 13 chapters devoted to case studies of political parties in different countries/regions (Britain, Italy, Germany, France, the Low Countries (Belgium and the Netherlands), Scandinavia (Finland, Denmark, Norway, Sweden), Ireland, Spain, Europe (parties at the European level), the United States, Canada, Australia, and New Zealand; these are followed by a concluding chapter.
