Noel Maurer
- Published in print:
- 2013
- Published Online:
- October 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780691155821
- eISBN:
- 9781400846603
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Princeton University Press
- DOI:
- 10.23943/princeton/9780691155821.003.0008
- Subject:
- Economics and Finance, International
This chapter analyzes how the empire trap continued to drive policy in the context of the worldwide contest with the Soviet Union. The Cold War had two opposing effects on the empire trap. On one ...
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This chapter analyzes how the empire trap continued to drive policy in the context of the worldwide contest with the Soviet Union. The Cold War had two opposing effects on the empire trap. On one hand, it raised the strategic cost of intervention. American pressure on a foreign government, if unsuccessful, could push that country into the Soviet bloc. On the other hand, the advent of the Cold War also raised the domestic costs of acquiescing to foreign nationalizations. Private interests rapidly learned that the fear of communist expansion made it easier to manipulate intelligence and mobilize public and congressional opinion. The Kennedy administration tried to ignore Third World expropriations, only to have Congress mandate the imposition of crushing sanctions in the event.Less
This chapter analyzes how the empire trap continued to drive policy in the context of the worldwide contest with the Soviet Union. The Cold War had two opposing effects on the empire trap. On one hand, it raised the strategic cost of intervention. American pressure on a foreign government, if unsuccessful, could push that country into the Soviet bloc. On the other hand, the advent of the Cold War also raised the domestic costs of acquiescing to foreign nationalizations. Private interests rapidly learned that the fear of communist expansion made it easier to manipulate intelligence and mobilize public and congressional opinion. The Kennedy administration tried to ignore Third World expropriations, only to have Congress mandate the imposition of crushing sanctions in the event.
William Leon Megginson
- Published in print:
- 2005
- Published Online:
- October 2005
- ISBN:
- 9780195150629
- eISBN:
- 9780199835768
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0195150627.003.0005
- Subject:
- Economics and Finance, Financial Economics
This chapter examines the impact of privatization on transition economies. It looks at how the 26 countries that emerged from the former Soviet bloc adapted to the new era of political freedom and ...
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This chapter examines the impact of privatization on transition economies. It looks at how the 26 countries that emerged from the former Soviet bloc adapted to the new era of political freedom and market economics that rose after 1989, and the privatization experience of China. All 26 countries that emerged from the Soviet bloc have begun the political and economic process of transition, but the process has been painful and incomplete. In contrast, China’s transition experience has been immensely successful. Over the past quarter-century, China has enjoyed rapid and almost uninterrupted economic growth, and has attracted more foreign direct investment than any country in the world except the United States.Less
This chapter examines the impact of privatization on transition economies. It looks at how the 26 countries that emerged from the former Soviet bloc adapted to the new era of political freedom and market economics that rose after 1989, and the privatization experience of China. All 26 countries that emerged from the Soviet bloc have begun the political and economic process of transition, but the process has been painful and incomplete. In contrast, China’s transition experience has been immensely successful. Over the past quarter-century, China has enjoyed rapid and almost uninterrupted economic growth, and has attracted more foreign direct investment than any country in the world except the United States.
Mark Kramer
- Published in print:
- 2014
- Published Online:
- August 2014
- ISBN:
- 9780199945566
- eISBN:
- 9780199392605
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199945566.003.0013
- Subject:
- History, European Modern History, Military History
Until mid-1949, the whole of eastern Europe seemed to be under tight Soviet control, but the unexpected announcement of a sharp rift between Yugoslavia and the Soviet Union altered the nature of the ...
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Until mid-1949, the whole of eastern Europe seemed to be under tight Soviet control, but the unexpected announcement of a sharp rift between Yugoslavia and the Soviet Union altered the nature of the Soviet bloc. Seeking to forestall any wider adverse repercussions in the Soviet bloc, Stalin employed a variety of means in his dealings with Yugoslavia in the hope of bringing Yugoslavia back under Soviet domination. For more than two years, the Soviet leader relied on nonmilitary means, but in the final two years of his life, he was moving steadily toward a military solution.Less
Until mid-1949, the whole of eastern Europe seemed to be under tight Soviet control, but the unexpected announcement of a sharp rift between Yugoslavia and the Soviet Union altered the nature of the Soviet bloc. Seeking to forestall any wider adverse repercussions in the Soviet bloc, Stalin employed a variety of means in his dealings with Yugoslavia in the hope of bringing Yugoslavia back under Soviet domination. For more than two years, the Soviet leader relied on nonmilitary means, but in the final two years of his life, he was moving steadily toward a military solution.
Sonja D. Schmid
- Published in print:
- 2011
- Published Online:
- August 2013
- ISBN:
- 9780262515788
- eISBN:
- 9780262295710
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- The MIT Press
- DOI:
- 10.7551/mitpress/9780262515788.003.0006
- Subject:
- Society and Culture, Technology and Society
This chapter introduces the Soviet technopolitics of the transfer of nuclear technology and expertise to countries in Eastern Europe during the Cold War. Although the Soviet Union claimed that ...
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This chapter introduces the Soviet technopolitics of the transfer of nuclear technology and expertise to countries in Eastern Europe during the Cold War. Although the Soviet Union claimed that science and technology are politically neutral subjects, the transfer of nuclear expertise specifically to East European countries engendered a distinctive Soviet plan of colonialism and imperialism in these countries. After World War II, the Soviet Union not only took hold of the Russian Empire, but also of Eastern Europe. These Eastern Bloc countries bore the brunt of colonial rule of the Soviet Union, such as a lack of sovereign power, military occupation, an economy ruled by the dominant state, and forced education in the dominant country’s language. The chapter addresses the role of science and technology “in the communist context,” nuclear cooperation among the Soviet bloc countries, Soviet colonialism in the field of nuclear energy, and the homogeneity of Soviet imperialism in Eastern Europe.Less
This chapter introduces the Soviet technopolitics of the transfer of nuclear technology and expertise to countries in Eastern Europe during the Cold War. Although the Soviet Union claimed that science and technology are politically neutral subjects, the transfer of nuclear expertise specifically to East European countries engendered a distinctive Soviet plan of colonialism and imperialism in these countries. After World War II, the Soviet Union not only took hold of the Russian Empire, but also of Eastern Europe. These Eastern Bloc countries bore the brunt of colonial rule of the Soviet Union, such as a lack of sovereign power, military occupation, an economy ruled by the dominant state, and forced education in the dominant country’s language. The chapter addresses the role of science and technology “in the communist context,” nuclear cooperation among the Soviet bloc countries, Soviet colonialism in the field of nuclear energy, and the homogeneity of Soviet imperialism in Eastern Europe.
Besnik Pula
- Published in print:
- 2018
- Published Online:
- January 2019
- ISBN:
- 9781503605138
- eISBN:
- 9781503605985
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Stanford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.11126/stanford/9781503605138.003.0003
- Subject:
- Political Science, Political Economy
This chapter provides an historical overview of Central and Eastern Europe’s integration into the Soviet economic sphere and its effects on patterns of industrialization and trade. It is organized in ...
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This chapter provides an historical overview of Central and Eastern Europe’s integration into the Soviet economic sphere and its effects on patterns of industrialization and trade. It is organized in four parts. First, the chapter discusses the international context of the early Cold War, economic reconstruction and trade policies, and the formation of Comecon. The chapter then turns to the post-Stalin period, when Soviet leaders begin to increasingly see Comecon’s role as a tool of regional economic integration. It examines the benefits of intra-bloc trade by comparing the region with other state socialist and developing states to demonstrate how membership in Comecon aided in facilitating rapid industrialization. Finally, it discusses the challenges Soviet and Central and East European leaders saw in expanding trade with the West.Less
This chapter provides an historical overview of Central and Eastern Europe’s integration into the Soviet economic sphere and its effects on patterns of industrialization and trade. It is organized in four parts. First, the chapter discusses the international context of the early Cold War, economic reconstruction and trade policies, and the formation of Comecon. The chapter then turns to the post-Stalin period, when Soviet leaders begin to increasingly see Comecon’s role as a tool of regional economic integration. It examines the benefits of intra-bloc trade by comparing the region with other state socialist and developing states to demonstrate how membership in Comecon aided in facilitating rapid industrialization. Finally, it discusses the challenges Soviet and Central and East European leaders saw in expanding trade with the West.
Patrick Waiter and Ivana Marková
- Published in print:
- 2004
- Published Online:
- January 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780197263136
- eISBN:
- 9780191734922
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- British Academy
- DOI:
- 10.5871/bacad/9780197263136.003.0002
- Subject:
- Psychology, Social Psychology
Georg Simmel, who is well known for his study of the emerging social conditions of sociality and its forms, developed the analysis of psychosocial feelings and emotional categories in order to grasp ...
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Georg Simmel, who is well known for his study of the emerging social conditions of sociality and its forms, developed the analysis of psychosocial feelings and emotional categories in order to grasp the phenomenology of socialization. His ideas on trust, more than those of any other scholar, are pertinent to the study and understanding of trust/fear in totalitarian and post-Communist societies. More specifically, Simmel's concept of trust is based on the self/other dialogical interdependence and psychosocial feelings; multifaceted meanings of trust/distrust in their cultural, historical, and political historical conditions; secrets as reciprocal relations and secret societies; and inductive knowledge gained through different forms of socialization. Totalitarian and semi-totalitarian political regimes thrive on distrust and promote a socialization that displays itself in psychosocial feelings of fear and suspicion. This chapter discusses social relations rather than economic relations, trust and language, socialization of distrust, socialization and totalitarianism, and secrecy in the Soviet bloc.Less
Georg Simmel, who is well known for his study of the emerging social conditions of sociality and its forms, developed the analysis of psychosocial feelings and emotional categories in order to grasp the phenomenology of socialization. His ideas on trust, more than those of any other scholar, are pertinent to the study and understanding of trust/fear in totalitarian and post-Communist societies. More specifically, Simmel's concept of trust is based on the self/other dialogical interdependence and psychosocial feelings; multifaceted meanings of trust/distrust in their cultural, historical, and political historical conditions; secrets as reciprocal relations and secret societies; and inductive knowledge gained through different forms of socialization. Totalitarian and semi-totalitarian political regimes thrive on distrust and promote a socialization that displays itself in psychosocial feelings of fear and suspicion. This chapter discusses social relations rather than economic relations, trust and language, socialization of distrust, socialization and totalitarianism, and secrecy in the Soviet bloc.
John Mulqueen
- Published in print:
- 2019
- Published Online:
- May 2020
- ISBN:
- 9781789620641
- eISBN:
- 9781789629453
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Liverpool University Press
- DOI:
- 10.3828/liverpool/9781789620641.003.0007
- Subject:
- History, British and Irish Modern History
The Irish minister for justice, Patrick Cooney, in 1976 identified two threats to the state: the ‘Sino-Hibernian’ Official republican movement and the Provisional IRA. ‘Harsh laws’ to counter ...
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The Irish minister for justice, Patrick Cooney, in 1976 identified two threats to the state: the ‘Sino-Hibernian’ Official republican movement and the Provisional IRA. ‘Harsh laws’ to counter subversion would be widely welcomed, he claimed. The Official movement’s leadership now openly endorsed the Soviets’ agenda. This chapter focuses on the Official IRA’s determination to build a political party that stayed close to the Soviet Union but opposed its support for the Provisionals’ ‘prison war’ – the campaign to restore ‘political status’ for newly-convicted paramilitary prisoners. Now advocating ‘peace, work and class politics’ as the solution to the northern crisis, the Official movement’s political creation, Sinn Féin The Workers’ Party (SFWP), abandoned the traditional left-wing republican ‘anti-imperialist’ position. Ironically, this involved the party analysing the situation in the north along the same lines as the British prime minister, Margaret Thatcher.Less
The Irish minister for justice, Patrick Cooney, in 1976 identified two threats to the state: the ‘Sino-Hibernian’ Official republican movement and the Provisional IRA. ‘Harsh laws’ to counter subversion would be widely welcomed, he claimed. The Official movement’s leadership now openly endorsed the Soviets’ agenda. This chapter focuses on the Official IRA’s determination to build a political party that stayed close to the Soviet Union but opposed its support for the Provisionals’ ‘prison war’ – the campaign to restore ‘political status’ for newly-convicted paramilitary prisoners. Now advocating ‘peace, work and class politics’ as the solution to the northern crisis, the Official movement’s political creation, Sinn Féin The Workers’ Party (SFWP), abandoned the traditional left-wing republican ‘anti-imperialist’ position. Ironically, this involved the party analysing the situation in the north along the same lines as the British prime minister, Margaret Thatcher.
Mark Kramer
- Published in print:
- 2014
- Published Online:
- August 2014
- ISBN:
- 9780199945566
- eISBN:
- 9780199392605
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199945566.003.0012
- Subject:
- History, European Modern History, Military History
Domestic politics and postwar exigencies in the Soviet Union, along with Stalin’s postwar external ambitions, decisively shaped Soviet ties with eastern Europe after 1945. Stalin’s adoption of ...
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Domestic politics and postwar exigencies in the Soviet Union, along with Stalin’s postwar external ambitions, decisively shaped Soviet ties with eastern Europe after 1945. Stalin’s adoption of increasingly repressive and xenophobic policies at home and his determination to quell armed insurgencies in regions annexed by the Soviet Union after the war were matched by his embrace of a harder line vis-à-vis eastern Europe. The decades before the war and the war years themselves helped to shape Stalin’s policies and goals after the war. The process of establishing communism under Soviet auspices in eastern Europe during the second half of the 1940s varied from country to country, but there were many similarities.Less
Domestic politics and postwar exigencies in the Soviet Union, along with Stalin’s postwar external ambitions, decisively shaped Soviet ties with eastern Europe after 1945. Stalin’s adoption of increasingly repressive and xenophobic policies at home and his determination to quell armed insurgencies in regions annexed by the Soviet Union after the war were matched by his embrace of a harder line vis-à-vis eastern Europe. The decades before the war and the war years themselves helped to shape Stalin’s policies and goals after the war. The process of establishing communism under Soviet auspices in eastern Europe during the second half of the 1940s varied from country to country, but there were many similarities.
Lisa E. Davenport
- Published in print:
- 2009
- Published Online:
- March 2014
- ISBN:
- 9781604732689
- eISBN:
- 9781604733440
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University Press of Mississippi
- DOI:
- 10.14325/mississippi/9781604732689.003.0006
- Subject:
- Music, History, American
As both modern and traditional jazz gained greater respectability, internationalist impulses dramatically intensified in the Soviet bloc. American and Soviet officials acknowledged the strong appeal ...
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As both modern and traditional jazz gained greater respectability, internationalist impulses dramatically intensified in the Soviet bloc. American and Soviet officials acknowledged the strong appeal of jazz among the Soviets even as Soviet jazz debates raged and often revolved around jazz music as Soviet intellectual property. The Bureau of Educational and Cultural Affairs increasingly viewed Soviet jazz in the context of cultural internationalism and accordingly changed its approach to cultural diplomacy with Soviet bloc nations. Cultural activities as part of jazz diplomacy began to target those countries that had grown increasingly independent from Moscow by espousing national communism in the 1950s and 1960s. A turning point in the Cold War cultural divide between Americans and the Soviets was the visit of the Polish jazz group the Wreckers to the United States in July and August 1962 to perform at the International Jazz Festival in Washington, D.C.Less
As both modern and traditional jazz gained greater respectability, internationalist impulses dramatically intensified in the Soviet bloc. American and Soviet officials acknowledged the strong appeal of jazz among the Soviets even as Soviet jazz debates raged and often revolved around jazz music as Soviet intellectual property. The Bureau of Educational and Cultural Affairs increasingly viewed Soviet jazz in the context of cultural internationalism and accordingly changed its approach to cultural diplomacy with Soviet bloc nations. Cultural activities as part of jazz diplomacy began to target those countries that had grown increasingly independent from Moscow by espousing national communism in the 1950s and 1960s. A turning point in the Cold War cultural divide between Americans and the Soviets was the visit of the Polish jazz group the Wreckers to the United States in July and August 1962 to perform at the International Jazz Festival in Washington, D.C.
Lisa E. Davenport
- Published in print:
- 2009
- Published Online:
- March 2014
- ISBN:
- 9781604732689
- eISBN:
- 9781604733440
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University Press of Mississippi
- DOI:
- 10.14325/mississippi/9781604732689.003.0007
- Subject:
- Music, History, American
In the late 1960s several prominent figures associated with American jazz music traveled to the Soviet bloc and promoted the cause of cultural internationalism, turning the Soviet jazz world on its ...
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In the late 1960s several prominent figures associated with American jazz music traveled to the Soviet bloc and promoted the cause of cultural internationalism, turning the Soviet jazz world on its head and giving new meaning to the sentiments of renowned Soviet writer Maxim Gorky that jazz was “bedlam from the decadent West.” Charles Lloyd, Gerry Mulligan, and Willis Conover showcased the redemptive aspects of American society to the Soviets even as the United States was being hounded by protests against the Vietnam War. The war continually intensified tensions between America and the Soviet Union, shattering the Cold War liberal consensus that had shaped American policy for most of the 1950s and 1960s. President Lyndon B. Johnson could no longer justify a foreign policy that was in conflict with a pluralistic democracy. In addition to the momentous travels of Lloyd, Mulligan, and Conover, two other pivotal events ignited the jazz fervor in the Eastern bloc: the official tour of the Earl Hines New Orleans-style jazz band in 1966; and the death of John Coltrane.Less
In the late 1960s several prominent figures associated with American jazz music traveled to the Soviet bloc and promoted the cause of cultural internationalism, turning the Soviet jazz world on its head and giving new meaning to the sentiments of renowned Soviet writer Maxim Gorky that jazz was “bedlam from the decadent West.” Charles Lloyd, Gerry Mulligan, and Willis Conover showcased the redemptive aspects of American society to the Soviets even as the United States was being hounded by protests against the Vietnam War. The war continually intensified tensions between America and the Soviet Union, shattering the Cold War liberal consensus that had shaped American policy for most of the 1950s and 1960s. President Lyndon B. Johnson could no longer justify a foreign policy that was in conflict with a pluralistic democracy. In addition to the momentous travels of Lloyd, Mulligan, and Conover, two other pivotal events ignited the jazz fervor in the Eastern bloc: the official tour of the Earl Hines New Orleans-style jazz band in 1966; and the death of John Coltrane.
József Böröcz
- Published in print:
- 2012
- Published Online:
- September 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780199895977
- eISBN:
- 9780199980116
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199895977.003.0029
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics
This chapter focuses on two important dimensions of the consequences of 1989 as a major transformation in the ways in which the former-state-socialist states have been integrated into the capitalist ...
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This chapter focuses on two important dimensions of the consequences of 1989 as a major transformation in the ways in which the former-state-socialist states have been integrated into the capitalist world economy. In contrast to the exclusive focus of the literature on economic performance on per capita rates this chapter opens up the analysis of over-time trajectories of states to incorporate an additional dimension by providing a comparative analysis of both relative wealth (per capita rates of performance) and relative global economic weight (share in the gross world product). The results indicate that after the 1989 transformation, a vast majority of the global economic positions of the region's states collapsed, along basically a single precipitous pattern, followed by a somewhat feebler “rebound”. It appears that the state socialist period showed much more variation among members of the Soviet ‘Bloc’ than post-state-socialism. This chapter sheds light on important patterns that remain hidden if observed exclusively through the “rates” lens.Less
This chapter focuses on two important dimensions of the consequences of 1989 as a major transformation in the ways in which the former-state-socialist states have been integrated into the capitalist world economy. In contrast to the exclusive focus of the literature on economic performance on per capita rates this chapter opens up the analysis of over-time trajectories of states to incorporate an additional dimension by providing a comparative analysis of both relative wealth (per capita rates of performance) and relative global economic weight (share in the gross world product). The results indicate that after the 1989 transformation, a vast majority of the global economic positions of the region's states collapsed, along basically a single precipitous pattern, followed by a somewhat feebler “rebound”. It appears that the state socialist period showed much more variation among members of the Soviet ‘Bloc’ than post-state-socialism. This chapter sheds light on important patterns that remain hidden if observed exclusively through the “rates” lens.
Roger Owen
- Published in print:
- 1991
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780198202417
- eISBN:
- 9780191675348
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198202417.003.0021
- Subject:
- History, British and Irish Modern History, Middle East History
This chapter makes clear that, despite American and Soviet views about Nasser's Aswan decisions, the High Dam eventually stored enough water to save Egypt's agriculture from disaster after the ...
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This chapter makes clear that, despite American and Soviet views about Nasser's Aswan decisions, the High Dam eventually stored enough water to save Egypt's agriculture from disaster after the decline of the Blue Nile water supply in the mid-1960s. The short-term economic arrangements with the Soviet Union and China also proved to be beneficial to the Egyptian economy: by 1958 Egypt sent half her exports to the Soviet bloc and China and received, on the basis of barter agreements, one-third of her imports; and eastern Europe opened up as a market for Egypt's expanding exports of manufactured goods.Less
This chapter makes clear that, despite American and Soviet views about Nasser's Aswan decisions, the High Dam eventually stored enough water to save Egypt's agriculture from disaster after the decline of the Blue Nile water supply in the mid-1960s. The short-term economic arrangements with the Soviet Union and China also proved to be beneficial to the Egyptian economy: by 1958 Egypt sent half her exports to the Soviet bloc and China and received, on the basis of barter agreements, one-third of her imports; and eastern Europe opened up as a market for Egypt's expanding exports of manufactured goods.
Patryk Babiracki
- Published in print:
- 2015
- Published Online:
- January 2016
- ISBN:
- 9781469620893
- eISBN:
- 9781469623085
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- University of North Carolina Press
- DOI:
- 10.5149/northcarolina/9781469620893.001.0001
- Subject:
- History, European Modern History
Concentrating on the formative years of the Cold War from 1943 to 1957, this book reveals little-known Soviet efforts to build a postwar East European empire through culture. The text argues that the ...
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Concentrating on the formative years of the Cold War from 1943 to 1957, this book reveals little-known Soviet efforts to build a postwar East European empire through culture. The text argues that the Soviets involved in foreign cultural outreach tried to use “soft power” in order to galvanize broad support for the postwar order in the emerging Soviet bloc. The book shows that the Stalinist system ultimately undermined Soviet efforts to secure popular legitimacy abroad through persuasive propaganda. It also highlights the limitations and contradictions of Soviet international cultural outreach, which help explain why the Soviet empire in Eastern Europe crumbled so easily after less than a half-century of existence.Less
Concentrating on the formative years of the Cold War from 1943 to 1957, this book reveals little-known Soviet efforts to build a postwar East European empire through culture. The text argues that the Soviets involved in foreign cultural outreach tried to use “soft power” in order to galvanize broad support for the postwar order in the emerging Soviet bloc. The book shows that the Stalinist system ultimately undermined Soviet efforts to secure popular legitimacy abroad through persuasive propaganda. It also highlights the limitations and contradictions of Soviet international cultural outreach, which help explain why the Soviet empire in Eastern Europe crumbled so easily after less than a half-century of existence.
Sara Lorenzini
- Published in print:
- 2019
- Published Online:
- May 2020
- ISBN:
- 9780691180151
- eISBN:
- 9780691185569
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Princeton University Press
- DOI:
- 10.23943/princeton/9780691180151.003.0010
- Subject:
- History, American History: 20th Century
This chapter explains how new concepts and strategies had to be devised to face the new North–South divide that seemed to be replacing the classic Cold War conflict. By the 1970s, the United States ...
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This chapter explains how new concepts and strategies had to be devised to face the new North–South divide that seemed to be replacing the classic Cold War conflict. By the 1970s, the United States and the Soviet Union were conservative status quo powers that had more in common with each other than with the Global South. The Cold War was embedded in the international system and worked at much lower levels of tension than in earlier years. Would an East–West cooperation to deal with the Global South be viable? The Soviet Bloc did not appear to be keen on discussing a joint path out of the global economic turmoil, which it interpreted as the long-awaited crisis of capitalism. It was the European Economic Community (EEC), instead, that stood up as a distinctive actor, claiming to be distant from its members' imperial past and to offer a third way for the Third World, with goals that were not those of the Cold War superpowers.Less
This chapter explains how new concepts and strategies had to be devised to face the new North–South divide that seemed to be replacing the classic Cold War conflict. By the 1970s, the United States and the Soviet Union were conservative status quo powers that had more in common with each other than with the Global South. The Cold War was embedded in the international system and worked at much lower levels of tension than in earlier years. Would an East–West cooperation to deal with the Global South be viable? The Soviet Bloc did not appear to be keen on discussing a joint path out of the global economic turmoil, which it interpreted as the long-awaited crisis of capitalism. It was the European Economic Community (EEC), instead, that stood up as a distinctive actor, claiming to be distant from its members' imperial past and to offer a third way for the Third World, with goals that were not those of the Cold War superpowers.
Bin Cheng
- Published in print:
- 1997
- Published Online:
- March 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780198257301
- eISBN:
- 9780191681745
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198257301.003.0002
- Subject:
- Law, Public International Law
This chapter, the appearance of which coincided with the launching of Sputnik I, assesses the legal aspects of the then raging controversy provoked by the release in the West of unmanned high ...
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This chapter, the appearance of which coincided with the launching of Sputnik I, assesses the legal aspects of the then raging controversy provoked by the release in the West of unmanned high altitude ‘meteorological’ balloons over various Soviet-bloc countries. These balloons, likened to miniature satellites, carried sophisticated photographic and other recording equipment, and were designed to fly over a number of Soviet-bloc countries, before landing their equipment and recordings somewhere in the Pacific or in North America. The controversy provided a foretaste of the disputes to come.Less
This chapter, the appearance of which coincided with the launching of Sputnik I, assesses the legal aspects of the then raging controversy provoked by the release in the West of unmanned high altitude ‘meteorological’ balloons over various Soviet-bloc countries. These balloons, likened to miniature satellites, carried sophisticated photographic and other recording equipment, and were designed to fly over a number of Soviet-bloc countries, before landing their equipment and recordings somewhere in the Pacific or in North America. The controversy provided a foretaste of the disputes to come.
Lewis H. Siegelbaum (ed.)
- Published in print:
- 2011
- Published Online:
- August 2016
- ISBN:
- 9780801449918
- eISBN:
- 9780801463211
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Cornell University Press
- DOI:
- 10.7591/cornell/9780801449918.001.0001
- Subject:
- History, Russian and Former Soviet Union History
Across the Soviet Bloc, from the 1960s until the collapse of communism, the automobile exemplified the tension between the ideological imperatives of political authorities and the aspirations of ...
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Across the Soviet Bloc, from the 1960s until the collapse of communism, the automobile exemplified the tension between the ideological imperatives of political authorities and the aspirations of ordinary citizens. For the latter, the automobile was the ticket to personal freedom and a piece of the imagined consumer paradise of the West. For the authorities, the personal car was a private, mobile space that challenged the most basic assumptions of the collectivity. The “Socialist Car”—and the car culture that built up around it—was the result of an always unstable compromise between official ideology, available resources, and the desires of an increasingly restless citizenry. This book explores the interface between the motor car and the state socialist countries of Eastern Europe, including the USSR. In addition to the metal, glass, upholstery, and plastic from which the Ladas, Dacias, Trabants, and other still extant but aging models were fabricated, the Socialist Car embodied East Europeans’ longings and compromises, hopes and disappointments. The Socialist Car represented both aspirations of overcoming the technological gap between the capitalist first and socialist second worlds and dreams of enhancing personal mobility and status. Certain features of automobility—shortages and privileges, waiting lists and lack of readily available credit, the inadequacy of streets and highways—prevailed across the Soviet Bloc. This collective history puts aside both ridicule and nostalgia in the interest of trying to understand the Socialist Car in its own context.Less
Across the Soviet Bloc, from the 1960s until the collapse of communism, the automobile exemplified the tension between the ideological imperatives of political authorities and the aspirations of ordinary citizens. For the latter, the automobile was the ticket to personal freedom and a piece of the imagined consumer paradise of the West. For the authorities, the personal car was a private, mobile space that challenged the most basic assumptions of the collectivity. The “Socialist Car”—and the car culture that built up around it—was the result of an always unstable compromise between official ideology, available resources, and the desires of an increasingly restless citizenry. This book explores the interface between the motor car and the state socialist countries of Eastern Europe, including the USSR. In addition to the metal, glass, upholstery, and plastic from which the Ladas, Dacias, Trabants, and other still extant but aging models were fabricated, the Socialist Car embodied East Europeans’ longings and compromises, hopes and disappointments. The Socialist Car represented both aspirations of overcoming the technological gap between the capitalist first and socialist second worlds and dreams of enhancing personal mobility and status. Certain features of automobility—shortages and privileges, waiting lists and lack of readily available credit, the inadequacy of streets and highways—prevailed across the Soviet Bloc. This collective history puts aside both ridicule and nostalgia in the interest of trying to understand the Socialist Car in its own context.
Cristina Vatulescu
- Published in print:
- 2010
- Published Online:
- June 2013
- ISBN:
- 9780804760805
- eISBN:
- 9780804775724
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Stanford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.11126/stanford/9780804760805.001.0001
- Subject:
- Literature, World Literature
The documents emerging from the secret police archives of the former Soviet bloc have caused scandal after scandal, compromising revered cultural figures and abruptly ending political careers. This ...
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The documents emerging from the secret police archives of the former Soviet bloc have caused scandal after scandal, compromising revered cultural figures and abruptly ending political careers. This book offers a revealing and responsible approach to such materials. Taking advantage of the partial opening of the secret police archives in Russia and Romania, the author focuses on their most infamous holdings—the personal files—as well as on movies the police sponsored, scripted, or authored. Through the archives, she gains new insights into the writing of literature and raises new questions about the ethics of reading, showing how police files and films influenced literature and cinema, from autobiographies to novels, and from high-culture classics to avant-garde experiments and popular blockbusters. In so doing, the author opens a fresh chapter in the heated debate about the relationship between culture and politics in twentieth-century police states.Less
The documents emerging from the secret police archives of the former Soviet bloc have caused scandal after scandal, compromising revered cultural figures and abruptly ending political careers. This book offers a revealing and responsible approach to such materials. Taking advantage of the partial opening of the secret police archives in Russia and Romania, the author focuses on their most infamous holdings—the personal files—as well as on movies the police sponsored, scripted, or authored. Through the archives, she gains new insights into the writing of literature and raises new questions about the ethics of reading, showing how police files and films influenced literature and cinema, from autobiographies to novels, and from high-culture classics to avant-garde experiments and popular blockbusters. In so doing, the author opens a fresh chapter in the heated debate about the relationship between culture and politics in twentieth-century police states.
Jeffrey A. Engel (ed.)
- Published in print:
- 2012
- Published Online:
- March 2015
- ISBN:
- 9780199832446
- eISBN:
- 9780190254490
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:osobl/9780199832446.003.0001
- Subject:
- History, European Modern History
This introductory chapter focuses on the fall of the Berlin Wall in 1989 and its aftermath. More specifically, it examines how leaders in the world's four principal strategic centers—Europe, the ...
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This introductory chapter focuses on the fall of the Berlin Wall in 1989 and its aftermath. More specifically, it examines how leaders in the world's four principal strategic centers—Europe, the Soviet bloc, China, and the United States—viewed the reforms, protests, revolutions, and suppressions they witnessed, fostered, and even fell victim to. It also considers how Mikhail Gorbachev of the Soviet Union, Deng Xiaoping of China, George Bush of the United States, Helmut Kohl of Germany, and Margaret Thatcher of Britain thought the end of the long-running Cold War would affect their nations and the world. Finally, the chapter explains how the global battle of communism versus capitalism framed these leaders's worldview.Less
This introductory chapter focuses on the fall of the Berlin Wall in 1989 and its aftermath. More specifically, it examines how leaders in the world's four principal strategic centers—Europe, the Soviet bloc, China, and the United States—viewed the reforms, protests, revolutions, and suppressions they witnessed, fostered, and even fell victim to. It also considers how Mikhail Gorbachev of the Soviet Union, Deng Xiaoping of China, George Bush of the United States, Helmut Kohl of Germany, and Margaret Thatcher of Britain thought the end of the long-running Cold War would affect their nations and the world. Finally, the chapter explains how the global battle of communism versus capitalism framed these leaders's worldview.
James E. David
- Published in print:
- 2015
- Published Online:
- May 2015
- ISBN:
- 9780813049991
- eISBN:
- 9780813050430
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University Press of Florida
- DOI:
- 10.5744/florida/9780813049991.003.0002
- Subject:
- History, American History: 20th Century
NASA developed extremely close ties with the national security community in several areas during its early years. It played an active and public role in the U-2 cover story until the shoot down of ...
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NASA developed extremely close ties with the national security community in several areas during its early years. It played an active and public role in the U-2 cover story until the shoot down of Gary Powers’ aircraft in May 1960. NASA cooperated closely with the DoD in establishing separate command and control networks for satellites and in acquiring and disseminating space surveillance data. It regularly received intelligence on the Soviet space program from the CIA and discussed but did not implement measures to share its expertise with the intelligence agencies in analyzing the program. In the first case of national security affecting a NASA program, the CIA and other agencies unsuccessfully attempted to delay the launch of the Tiros weather satellites and to prohibit imaging of the Sino-Soviet bloc. As a solution, for a short time several security agencies previewed the satellite photographs before authorizing their public release by NASA.Less
NASA developed extremely close ties with the national security community in several areas during its early years. It played an active and public role in the U-2 cover story until the shoot down of Gary Powers’ aircraft in May 1960. NASA cooperated closely with the DoD in establishing separate command and control networks for satellites and in acquiring and disseminating space surveillance data. It regularly received intelligence on the Soviet space program from the CIA and discussed but did not implement measures to share its expertise with the intelligence agencies in analyzing the program. In the first case of national security affecting a NASA program, the CIA and other agencies unsuccessfully attempted to delay the launch of the Tiros weather satellites and to prohibit imaging of the Sino-Soviet bloc. As a solution, for a short time several security agencies previewed the satellite photographs before authorizing their public release by NASA.
Piero Gleijeses
- Published in print:
- 2013
- Published Online:
- July 2014
- ISBN:
- 9781469609683
- eISBN:
- 9781469612515
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University of North Carolina Press
- DOI:
- 10.5149/northcarolina/9781469609683.003.0002
- Subject:
- History, World Modern History
This chapter shows that Mikhail Gorbachev did not consider Castro a relic of the past. In Havana, Gorbachev was a tactful and respectful guest. The Cubans appreciated that he did not try to lecture ...
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This chapter shows that Mikhail Gorbachev did not consider Castro a relic of the past. In Havana, Gorbachev was a tactful and respectful guest. The Cubans appreciated that he did not try to lecture them, give them advice, or criticize them. At the press conference after the talks, when a journalist asked “What advice did the charming Gorbachev give the Cubans?” Castro quipped, “Gorbachev is charming precisely because he does not tell other countries what to do.” The Soviet leader assured the Cubans of continuing support. “Cuba—it is our revolutionary duty, our destiny to help her,” Gorbachev wrote after leaving the island. His promises rang hollow, however, against the backdrop of the rapidly deteriorating situation in the Soviet Union and in the Soviet bloc.Less
This chapter shows that Mikhail Gorbachev did not consider Castro a relic of the past. In Havana, Gorbachev was a tactful and respectful guest. The Cubans appreciated that he did not try to lecture them, give them advice, or criticize them. At the press conference after the talks, when a journalist asked “What advice did the charming Gorbachev give the Cubans?” Castro quipped, “Gorbachev is charming precisely because he does not tell other countries what to do.” The Soviet leader assured the Cubans of continuing support. “Cuba—it is our revolutionary duty, our destiny to help her,” Gorbachev wrote after leaving the island. His promises rang hollow, however, against the backdrop of the rapidly deteriorating situation in the Soviet Union and in the Soviet bloc.
