Karen E. Campbell and Peter V. Marsden
- Published in print:
- 2012
- Published Online:
- October 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780691133317
- eISBN:
- 9781400845569
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Princeton University Press
- DOI:
- 10.23943/princeton/9780691133317.003.0004
- Subject:
- Sociology, Social Research and Statistics
Several previous General Social Survey-based studies have revealed increasing acceptance of nontraditional gender roles. This chapter builds upon and extends these findings. It shows that adults ...
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Several previous General Social Survey-based studies have revealed increasing acceptance of nontraditional gender roles. This chapter builds upon and extends these findings. It shows that adults became less predisposed toward a “separate spheres” conception holding that women should specialize in caring for children and households while men predominate in the more public arenas of employment and politics. Most growth in acceptance of broadened women's roles took place by the mid-1990s, however, mirroring trends in women's labor force participation and their representation in political office. The chapter then illustrates the regional convergence noted by Fischer and Hout (2006), showing that southerners continue to espouse more traditional views about gender, but less so over time.Less
Several previous General Social Survey-based studies have revealed increasing acceptance of nontraditional gender roles. This chapter builds upon and extends these findings. It shows that adults became less predisposed toward a “separate spheres” conception holding that women should specialize in caring for children and households while men predominate in the more public arenas of employment and politics. Most growth in acceptance of broadened women's roles took place by the mid-1990s, however, mirroring trends in women's labor force participation and their representation in political office. The chapter then illustrates the regional convergence noted by Fischer and Hout (2006), showing that southerners continue to espouse more traditional views about gender, but less so over time.
Jeff Wilson
- Published in print:
- 2012
- Published Online:
- July 2014
- ISBN:
- 9780807835456
- eISBN:
- 9781469601816
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- University of North Carolina Press
- DOI:
- 10.5149/9780807869970_wilson
- Subject:
- Religion, Religious Studies
Buddhism in the United States is often viewed in connection with practitioners in the Northeast and on the West Coast, but in fact, it has been spreading and evolving throughout the United States ...
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Buddhism in the United States is often viewed in connection with practitioners in the Northeast and on the West Coast, but in fact, it has been spreading and evolving throughout the United States since the mid-nineteenth century. This book argues that region is crucial to understanding American Buddhism. Through the lens of a multidenominational Buddhist temple in Richmond, Virginia, it explores how Buddhists are adapting to life in the conservative evangelical Christian culture of the South, and how traditional Southerners are adjusting to these newer members on the religious landscape. Introducing a host of overlooked characters, including Buddhist circuit riders, modernist Pure Land priests, and pluralistic Buddhists, the author shows how regional specificity manifests itself through such practices as meditation vigils to heal the wounds of the slave trade. He argues that southern Buddhists at once use bodily practices, iconography, and meditation tools to enact distinct sectarian identities even as they enjoy a creative hybridity.Less
Buddhism in the United States is often viewed in connection with practitioners in the Northeast and on the West Coast, but in fact, it has been spreading and evolving throughout the United States since the mid-nineteenth century. This book argues that region is crucial to understanding American Buddhism. Through the lens of a multidenominational Buddhist temple in Richmond, Virginia, it explores how Buddhists are adapting to life in the conservative evangelical Christian culture of the South, and how traditional Southerners are adjusting to these newer members on the religious landscape. Introducing a host of overlooked characters, including Buddhist circuit riders, modernist Pure Land priests, and pluralistic Buddhists, the author shows how regional specificity manifests itself through such practices as meditation vigils to heal the wounds of the slave trade. He argues that southern Buddhists at once use bodily practices, iconography, and meditation tools to enact distinct sectarian identities even as they enjoy a creative hybridity.
Elizabeth L. Jemison
- Published in print:
- 2020
- Published Online:
- January 2022
- ISBN:
- 9781469659695
- eISBN:
- 9781469659718
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- University of North Carolina Press
- DOI:
- 10.5149/northcarolina/9781469659695.001.0001
- Subject:
- Religion, Religious Studies
With emancipation, a long battle for equal citizenship began. Bringing together the histories of religion, race, and the South, Elizabeth L. Jemison shows how southerners, black and white, drew on ...
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With emancipation, a long battle for equal citizenship began. Bringing together the histories of religion, race, and the South, Elizabeth L. Jemison shows how southerners, black and white, drew on biblical narratives as the basis for very different political imaginaries during and after Reconstruction. Focusing on everyday Protestants in the Mississippi River Valley, Jemison scours their biblical thinking and religious attitudes toward race. She argues that the evangelical groups that dominated this portion of the South shaped contesting visions of black and white rights.
Black evangelicals saw the argument for their identities as Christians and as fully endowed citizens supported by their readings of both the Bible and U.S. law. The Bible, as they saw it, prohibited racial hierarchy, and Amendments 13, 14, and 15 advanced equal rights. Countering this, white evangelicals continued to emphasize a hierarchical paternalistic order that, shorn of earlier justifications for placing whites in charge of blacks, now fell into the defense of an increasingly violent white supremacist social order. They defined aspects of Christian identity so as to suppress black equality—even praying, as Jemison documents, for wisdom in how to deny voting rights to blacks. This religious culture has played into remarkably long-lasting patterns of inequality and segregation.Less
With emancipation, a long battle for equal citizenship began. Bringing together the histories of religion, race, and the South, Elizabeth L. Jemison shows how southerners, black and white, drew on biblical narratives as the basis for very different political imaginaries during and after Reconstruction. Focusing on everyday Protestants in the Mississippi River Valley, Jemison scours their biblical thinking and religious attitudes toward race. She argues that the evangelical groups that dominated this portion of the South shaped contesting visions of black and white rights.
Black evangelicals saw the argument for their identities as Christians and as fully endowed citizens supported by their readings of both the Bible and U.S. law. The Bible, as they saw it, prohibited racial hierarchy, and Amendments 13, 14, and 15 advanced equal rights. Countering this, white evangelicals continued to emphasize a hierarchical paternalistic order that, shorn of earlier justifications for placing whites in charge of blacks, now fell into the defense of an increasingly violent white supremacist social order. They defined aspects of Christian identity so as to suppress black equality—even praying, as Jemison documents, for wisdom in how to deny voting rights to blacks. This religious culture has played into remarkably long-lasting patterns of inequality and segregation.
Wesley C. Hogan
- Published in print:
- 2019
- Published Online:
- September 2020
- ISBN:
- 9781469652481
- eISBN:
- 9781469652504
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- University of North Carolina Press
- DOI:
- 10.5149/northcarolina/9781469652481.001.0001
- Subject:
- History, African-American History
As Wesley C. Hogan sees it, the future of democracy belongs to young people. While today's generation of leaders confronts a daunting array of existential challenges, increasingly it is young people ...
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As Wesley C. Hogan sees it, the future of democracy belongs to young people. While today's generation of leaders confronts a daunting array of existential challenges, increasingly it is young people in the United States and around the world who are finding new ways of belonging, collaboration, and survival. That reality forms the backbone of this book, as Hogan documents and assesses young people's interventions in the American fight for democracy and its ideals.
Beginning with reflections on the inspiring example of Ella Baker and the Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee in the 1960s, Hogan profiles youth-led organizations and their recent work. Examples include Southerners on New Ground (SONG) in the NAFTA era; Oakland's Ella Baker Center and its fight against the school-to-prison pipeline; the Dreamers who are fighting for immigration reform; the Movement for Black Lives that is demanding a reinvestment in youth of color and an end to police violence against people of color; and the International Indigenous Youth Council, water protectors at Standing Rock who fought to stop the Dakota Access Pipeline and protect sovereign control of Indigenous lands. As Hogan reveals, the legacy of Ella Baker and the civil rights movement has often been carried forward by young people at the margins of power and wealth in U.S. society. This book foregrounds their voices and gathers their inventions--not in a comprehensive survey, but as an activist mix tape--with lively, fresh perspectives on the promise of twenty-first-century U.S. democracy.Less
As Wesley C. Hogan sees it, the future of democracy belongs to young people. While today's generation of leaders confronts a daunting array of existential challenges, increasingly it is young people in the United States and around the world who are finding new ways of belonging, collaboration, and survival. That reality forms the backbone of this book, as Hogan documents and assesses young people's interventions in the American fight for democracy and its ideals.
Beginning with reflections on the inspiring example of Ella Baker and the Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee in the 1960s, Hogan profiles youth-led organizations and their recent work. Examples include Southerners on New Ground (SONG) in the NAFTA era; Oakland's Ella Baker Center and its fight against the school-to-prison pipeline; the Dreamers who are fighting for immigration reform; the Movement for Black Lives that is demanding a reinvestment in youth of color and an end to police violence against people of color; and the International Indigenous Youth Council, water protectors at Standing Rock who fought to stop the Dakota Access Pipeline and protect sovereign control of Indigenous lands. As Hogan reveals, the legacy of Ella Baker and the civil rights movement has often been carried forward by young people at the margins of power and wealth in U.S. society. This book foregrounds their voices and gathers their inventions--not in a comprehensive survey, but as an activist mix tape--with lively, fresh perspectives on the promise of twenty-first-century U.S. democracy.
Edward L. Ayers
- Published in print:
- 1996
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780195086898
- eISBN:
- 9780199854226
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195086898.003.0004
- Subject:
- History, American History: 19th Century
This chapter discusses the political climate affecting the New South. Patronage was a constant and party loyalty was the basis on which everything else stood. This chapter also discusses the effects ...
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This chapter discusses the political climate affecting the New South. Patronage was a constant and party loyalty was the basis on which everything else stood. This chapter also discusses the effects of the redemption in politics particularly the dynamics between the Democrats and the Republicans. The tradition of black Southerners to vote only for Republicans is made evident in this chapter and the effect of this towards the political climate is likewise discussed. That is not to say that vote-buying did not exist as it did but not for money but more for the benefit it may have afforded the blacks. The battle over the prohibition of alcohol likewise had an impact in the ensuing political debates. The currency crisis that emerged during that time served to contribute to political conflict. Political life in the New South was complicated.Less
This chapter discusses the political climate affecting the New South. Patronage was a constant and party loyalty was the basis on which everything else stood. This chapter also discusses the effects of the redemption in politics particularly the dynamics between the Democrats and the Republicans. The tradition of black Southerners to vote only for Republicans is made evident in this chapter and the effect of this towards the political climate is likewise discussed. That is not to say that vote-buying did not exist as it did but not for money but more for the benefit it may have afforded the blacks. The battle over the prohibition of alcohol likewise had an impact in the ensuing political debates. The currency crisis that emerged during that time served to contribute to political conflict. Political life in the New South was complicated.
Rob Christensen
- Published in print:
- 2019
- Published Online:
- May 2020
- ISBN:
- 9781469651040
- eISBN:
- 9781469651064
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- University of North Carolina Press
- DOI:
- 10.5149/northcarolina/9781469651040.001.0001
- Subject:
- History, American History: 20th Century
Louisiana had the Longs, Virginia had the Byrds, Georgia had the Talmadges, and North Carolina had the Scotts. In this history of North Carolina’s most influential political family, Rob Christensen ...
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Louisiana had the Longs, Virginia had the Byrds, Georgia had the Talmadges, and North Carolina had the Scotts. In this history of North Carolina’s most influential political family, Rob Christensen tells the story of the Scotts and how they dominated Tar Heel politics. Three generations of Scotts – W. Kerr Scott, Robert Scott, and Meg Scott Phipps – held statewide office. Despite stereotypes about rural white southerners, the Scotts led a populist and progressive movement strongly supported by rural North Carolinians – the so-called Branchhead Boys, the rural grassroots voters who lived at the heads of tributaries throughout the heat of North Carolina. Though the Scotts held power in various government positions in North Carolina for generations, they were instrumental in their own downfall. From Kerr Scott’s regression into reactionary race politics to Meg Scott Phipps’s corruption trial and subsequent prison sentence, the Scott family lost favor in their home state, their influence dimmed and their legacy in question.
Weaving together interviews from dozens of political luminaries and deep archival research, Christensen offers an engaging and definitive historical account of not only the Scott family’s legacy but also how race and populism informed North Carolina politics during the twentieth century.Less
Louisiana had the Longs, Virginia had the Byrds, Georgia had the Talmadges, and North Carolina had the Scotts. In this history of North Carolina’s most influential political family, Rob Christensen tells the story of the Scotts and how they dominated Tar Heel politics. Three generations of Scotts – W. Kerr Scott, Robert Scott, and Meg Scott Phipps – held statewide office. Despite stereotypes about rural white southerners, the Scotts led a populist and progressive movement strongly supported by rural North Carolinians – the so-called Branchhead Boys, the rural grassroots voters who lived at the heads of tributaries throughout the heat of North Carolina. Though the Scotts held power in various government positions in North Carolina for generations, they were instrumental in their own downfall. From Kerr Scott’s regression into reactionary race politics to Meg Scott Phipps’s corruption trial and subsequent prison sentence, the Scott family lost favor in their home state, their influence dimmed and their legacy in question.
Weaving together interviews from dozens of political luminaries and deep archival research, Christensen offers an engaging and definitive historical account of not only the Scott family’s legacy but also how race and populism informed North Carolina politics during the twentieth century.
Anne Sarah Rubin
- Published in print:
- 2005
- Published Online:
- July 2014
- ISBN:
- 9780807829288
- eISBN:
- 9781469604831
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- University of North Carolina Press
- DOI:
- 10.5149/9780807888957_rubin
- Subject:
- History, American History: Civil War
Historians often assert that Confederate nationalism had its origins in pre-Civil War sectional conflict with the North, reached its apex at the start of the war, and then dropped off quickly after ...
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Historians often assert that Confederate nationalism had its origins in pre-Civil War sectional conflict with the North, reached its apex at the start of the war, and then dropped off quickly after the end of hostilities. This book argues instead that white Southerners did not actually begin to formulate a national identity until it became evident that the Confederacy was destined to fight a lengthy war against the Union. It also demonstrates that an attachment to a symbolic or sentimental Confederacy existed independent of the political Confederacy and was therefore able to persist well after the collapse of the Confederate state. White Southerners redefined symbols and figures of the failed state as emotional touchstones and political rallying points in the struggle to retain local (and racial) control, even as former Confederates took the loyalty oath and applied for pardons in droves. Exploring the creation, maintenance, and transformation of Confederate identity during the tumultuous years of the Civil War and Reconstruction, the book sheds light on the ways in which Confederates felt connected to their national creation, and provides an example of what happens when a nation disintegrates and leaves its people behind to forge a new identity.Less
Historians often assert that Confederate nationalism had its origins in pre-Civil War sectional conflict with the North, reached its apex at the start of the war, and then dropped off quickly after the end of hostilities. This book argues instead that white Southerners did not actually begin to formulate a national identity until it became evident that the Confederacy was destined to fight a lengthy war against the Union. It also demonstrates that an attachment to a symbolic or sentimental Confederacy existed independent of the political Confederacy and was therefore able to persist well after the collapse of the Confederate state. White Southerners redefined symbols and figures of the failed state as emotional touchstones and political rallying points in the struggle to retain local (and racial) control, even as former Confederates took the loyalty oath and applied for pardons in droves. Exploring the creation, maintenance, and transformation of Confederate identity during the tumultuous years of the Civil War and Reconstruction, the book sheds light on the ways in which Confederates felt connected to their national creation, and provides an example of what happens when a nation disintegrates and leaves its people behind to forge a new identity.
Andrew L. Slap
- Published in print:
- 2007
- Published Online:
- March 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780823227099
- eISBN:
- 9780823234998
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Fordham University Press
- DOI:
- 10.5422/fso/9780823227099.003.0004
- Subject:
- History, Political History
This chapter discusses the liberal republicans' goals for Reconstruction—restoring republican government, incorporating freed slaves into Southern society with basic ...
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This chapter discusses the liberal republicans' goals for Reconstruction—restoring republican government, incorporating freed slaves into Southern society with basic protections, and changing the basis of that society—and the reasons they failed to implement their program fully. The liberal republicans had a dilemma: How was it possible to have the strong federal government necessary for implementing Reconstruction without destroying the republican institutions they considered so essential? How could they institute changes and create republican institutions without using the strong-armed tactics that they opposed? In the end, the intransigence of President Andrew Johnson and white Southerners generally in the face of attempts at change led liberal republicans to support a more extensive Reconstruction that made it necessary to use seemingly tyrannical power. Ultimately, they concluded that the South had been reconstructed as much as it could be without destroying republican government in the country, and the compromise they reached was unsatisfying.Less
This chapter discusses the liberal republicans' goals for Reconstruction—restoring republican government, incorporating freed slaves into Southern society with basic protections, and changing the basis of that society—and the reasons they failed to implement their program fully. The liberal republicans had a dilemma: How was it possible to have the strong federal government necessary for implementing Reconstruction without destroying the republican institutions they considered so essential? How could they institute changes and create republican institutions without using the strong-armed tactics that they opposed? In the end, the intransigence of President Andrew Johnson and white Southerners generally in the face of attempts at change led liberal republicans to support a more extensive Reconstruction that made it necessary to use seemingly tyrannical power. Ultimately, they concluded that the South had been reconstructed as much as it could be without destroying republican government in the country, and the compromise they reached was unsatisfying.
Greta de Jong
- Published in print:
- 2016
- Published Online:
- May 2017
- ISBN:
- 9781469629308
- eISBN:
- 9781469629322
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- University of North Carolina Press
- DOI:
- 10.5149/northcarolina/9781469629308.001.0001
- Subject:
- History, African-American History
Two revolutions roiled the rural South after the mid-1960s: the political revolution wrought by the passage of civil rights legislation, and the ongoing economic revolution brought about by ...
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Two revolutions roiled the rural South after the mid-1960s: the political revolution wrought by the passage of civil rights legislation, and the ongoing economic revolution brought about by increasing agricultural mechanization. Political empowerment for black southerners coincided with the transformation of southern agriculture and the displacement of thousands of former sharecroppers from the land. Focusing on the plantation regions of Alabama, Louisiana, and Mississippi, Greta de Jong analyzes how social justice activists responded to mass unemployment by lobbying political leaders, initiating antipoverty projects, and forming cooperative enterprises that fostered economic and political autonomy, efforts that encountered strong opposition from free market proponents who opposed government action to solve the crisis.
Making clear the relationship between the civil rights movement and the War on Poverty, this history of rural organizing shows how responses to labor displacement in the South shaped the experiences of other Americans who were affected by mass layoffs in the late twentieth century, shedding light on a debate that continues to reverberate today.Less
Two revolutions roiled the rural South after the mid-1960s: the political revolution wrought by the passage of civil rights legislation, and the ongoing economic revolution brought about by increasing agricultural mechanization. Political empowerment for black southerners coincided with the transformation of southern agriculture and the displacement of thousands of former sharecroppers from the land. Focusing on the plantation regions of Alabama, Louisiana, and Mississippi, Greta de Jong analyzes how social justice activists responded to mass unemployment by lobbying political leaders, initiating antipoverty projects, and forming cooperative enterprises that fostered economic and political autonomy, efforts that encountered strong opposition from free market proponents who opposed government action to solve the crisis.
Making clear the relationship between the civil rights movement and the War on Poverty, this history of rural organizing shows how responses to labor displacement in the South shaped the experiences of other Americans who were affected by mass layoffs in the late twentieth century, shedding light on a debate that continues to reverberate today.
Jeff Strickland
- Published in print:
- 2015
- Published Online:
- January 2016
- ISBN:
- 9780813060798
- eISBN:
- 9780813050867
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- University Press of Florida
- DOI:
- 10.5744/florida/9780813060798.001.0001
- Subject:
- History, American History: 19th Century
Charleston, South Carolina, was a cosmopolitan city during the mid-to-late nineteenth century. Germans, Irish, and a host of European and Latin American immigrants shared the same workplaces, ...
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Charleston, South Carolina, was a cosmopolitan city during the mid-to-late nineteenth century. Germans, Irish, and a host of European and Latin American immigrants shared the same workplaces, neighborhoods, streets, residences, and even households. Charleston was a slave society, and its economy relied on the forced labor of thousands of slaves. Immigrants also worked as entrepreneurs, skilled artisans, and laborers. Immigrants and African Americans interacted on a daily basis, and their relations were often positive. White southerners found those positive relations threatening, and nativist sentiments prevailed during the 1850s. Slaveholding meant economic and political power, and although some immigrants owned slaves many found it objectionable. The Civil War presented slaveholding immigrants, and those that aspired to it, the opportunity to side with the Confederacy. While many German and Irish immigrants enlisted in the fight to preserve slavery, others avoided the conflict. Following the Civil War, German immigrants that had continued to operate their businesses during the war led efforts to rebuild the city. Reconstruction afforded German and Irish immigrants and African Americans political opportunities previously limited or denied. The majority of European immigrants supported the Democratic Party, the party of white supremacy, and African Americans chose the Republican Party.Less
Charleston, South Carolina, was a cosmopolitan city during the mid-to-late nineteenth century. Germans, Irish, and a host of European and Latin American immigrants shared the same workplaces, neighborhoods, streets, residences, and even households. Charleston was a slave society, and its economy relied on the forced labor of thousands of slaves. Immigrants also worked as entrepreneurs, skilled artisans, and laborers. Immigrants and African Americans interacted on a daily basis, and their relations were often positive. White southerners found those positive relations threatening, and nativist sentiments prevailed during the 1850s. Slaveholding meant economic and political power, and although some immigrants owned slaves many found it objectionable. The Civil War presented slaveholding immigrants, and those that aspired to it, the opportunity to side with the Confederacy. While many German and Irish immigrants enlisted in the fight to preserve slavery, others avoided the conflict. Following the Civil War, German immigrants that had continued to operate their businesses during the war led efforts to rebuild the city. Reconstruction afforded German and Irish immigrants and African Americans political opportunities previously limited or denied. The majority of European immigrants supported the Democratic Party, the party of white supremacy, and African Americans chose the Republican Party.
Emory M. Thomas
- Published in print:
- 2011
- Published Online:
- March 2015
- ISBN:
- 9780195174700
- eISBN:
- 9780190254612
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:osobl/9780195174700.001.0001
- Subject:
- History, American History: 19th Century
In 1861, Americans thought that the war looming on their horizon would be brief. None foresaw that they were embarking on our nation's worst calamity, a four-year bloodbath that cost the lives of ...
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In 1861, Americans thought that the war looming on their horizon would be brief. None foresaw that they were embarking on our nation's worst calamity, a four-year bloodbath that cost the lives of more than half a million people. But as this book points out in this stimulating and provocative book, once the dogs of war are unleashed, it is almost impossible to rein them in. This book highlights the delusions that dominated each side's thinking. Lincoln believed that most Southerners loved the Union, and would be dragged unwillingly into secession by the planter class. Jefferson Davis could not quite believe that Northern resolve would survive the first battle. Once the Yankees witnessed Southern determination, he hoped, they would acknowledge Confederate independence. These two leaders, in turn, reflected widely held myths. This book weaves its exploration of these misconceptions into a tense narrative of the months leading up to the war, from the “Great Secession Winter” to a fast-paced account of the Fort Sumter crisis in 1861. This book demonstrates a vast range of major Civil War scholarship, from The Confederacy as a Revolutionary Experience and ?The Confederate Nation, to definitive biographies of Robert E. Lee and J.E.B. Stuart.Less
In 1861, Americans thought that the war looming on their horizon would be brief. None foresaw that they were embarking on our nation's worst calamity, a four-year bloodbath that cost the lives of more than half a million people. But as this book points out in this stimulating and provocative book, once the dogs of war are unleashed, it is almost impossible to rein them in. This book highlights the delusions that dominated each side's thinking. Lincoln believed that most Southerners loved the Union, and would be dragged unwillingly into secession by the planter class. Jefferson Davis could not quite believe that Northern resolve would survive the first battle. Once the Yankees witnessed Southern determination, he hoped, they would acknowledge Confederate independence. These two leaders, in turn, reflected widely held myths. This book weaves its exploration of these misconceptions into a tense narrative of the months leading up to the war, from the “Great Secession Winter” to a fast-paced account of the Fort Sumter crisis in 1861. This book demonstrates a vast range of major Civil War scholarship, from The Confederacy as a Revolutionary Experience and ?The Confederate Nation, to definitive biographies of Robert E. Lee and J.E.B. Stuart.
Wesley C. Hogan
- Published in print:
- 2019
- Published Online:
- September 2020
- ISBN:
- 9781469652481
- eISBN:
- 9781469652504
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University of North Carolina Press
- DOI:
- 10.5149/northcarolina/9781469652481.003.0001
- Subject:
- History, African-American History
When it became clear that the civil rights movement had not quite managed to drag segregation behind the barn and shoot it to death, others stepped in and picked up the fight. SONG created some room ...
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When it became clear that the civil rights movement had not quite managed to drag segregation behind the barn and shoot it to death, others stepped in and picked up the fight. SONG created some room to move in the vital crawl spaces across the South in the 1990s, modeling intersectional organizing that would come to full bloom in the 2010s. The Ella Baker Center in Oakland has spent the better part of three decades figuring out how to grow successive generations of youth organizers to redirect public monies toward education, not prison. Youth immigrant organizers have taught the nation to value family emancipation and reunification as an essential right. The Movement for Black Lives and youth water protectors at Standing Rock have shined a brilliant spotlight on the mounting reality of government and corporate authoritarianism—surveillance, beating, shooting, warrantless taps, repeat arrests, mass incarceration. All of these organizations have advanced visions for a just and open society, doing so where adult society has dismally failed. In each case, it has been young people, not corporations or established parties or law enforcement, who pushed the nation a step further toward its self-proclaimed ideal of “liberty and justice for all.”Less
When it became clear that the civil rights movement had not quite managed to drag segregation behind the barn and shoot it to death, others stepped in and picked up the fight. SONG created some room to move in the vital crawl spaces across the South in the 1990s, modeling intersectional organizing that would come to full bloom in the 2010s. The Ella Baker Center in Oakland has spent the better part of three decades figuring out how to grow successive generations of youth organizers to redirect public monies toward education, not prison. Youth immigrant organizers have taught the nation to value family emancipation and reunification as an essential right. The Movement for Black Lives and youth water protectors at Standing Rock have shined a brilliant spotlight on the mounting reality of government and corporate authoritarianism—surveillance, beating, shooting, warrantless taps, repeat arrests, mass incarceration. All of these organizations have advanced visions for a just and open society, doing so where adult society has dismally failed. In each case, it has been young people, not corporations or established parties or law enforcement, who pushed the nation a step further toward its self-proclaimed ideal of “liberty and justice for all.”
Wesley C. Hogan
- Published in print:
- 2019
- Published Online:
- September 2020
- ISBN:
- 9781469652481
- eISBN:
- 9781469652504
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University of North Carolina Press
- DOI:
- 10.5149/northcarolina/9781469652481.003.0003
- Subject:
- History, African-American History
At its core, Southerners on New Ground (SONG) was formed in the 1990s as both political exploration and call for action. The centuries-old tendency for opponents to use “divide and conquer” kept ...
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At its core, Southerners on New Ground (SONG) was formed in the 1990s as both political exploration and call for action. The centuries-old tendency for opponents to use “divide and conquer” kept freedom movements for women, African Americans, LGBT people, workers, and immigrants from banding together. Quite simply, people were losing their rights because they were not showing up for each other’s causes. Other models such as union organizing or community organizing based on evolutions of the Saul Alinsky/IAF template had thrived in building people-power through industrial, religious, and community institutions, rooted in long-standing formal and informal social relationships. But these didn’t work in the South of the 1990s. It was hard to know how to get non-Black gay people to show up to fight for racial justice, or non-gay people to show up to fight against homophobia. In this chapter, SONG organizers set out to do just that. They created an intersectional community organizing model, and used it to fight for racial justice, against homophobia, and for an economy that worked for all at the beginning of a tightening neoliberal regime.Less
At its core, Southerners on New Ground (SONG) was formed in the 1990s as both political exploration and call for action. The centuries-old tendency for opponents to use “divide and conquer” kept freedom movements for women, African Americans, LGBT people, workers, and immigrants from banding together. Quite simply, people were losing their rights because they were not showing up for each other’s causes. Other models such as union organizing or community organizing based on evolutions of the Saul Alinsky/IAF template had thrived in building people-power through industrial, religious, and community institutions, rooted in long-standing formal and informal social relationships. But these didn’t work in the South of the 1990s. It was hard to know how to get non-Black gay people to show up to fight for racial justice, or non-gay people to show up to fight against homophobia. In this chapter, SONG organizers set out to do just that. They created an intersectional community organizing model, and used it to fight for racial justice, against homophobia, and for an economy that worked for all at the beginning of a tightening neoliberal regime.
Ivan Evans
- Published in print:
- 2009
- Published Online:
- July 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780719079047
- eISBN:
- 9781781702208
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Manchester University Press
- DOI:
- 10.7228/manchester/9780719079047.001.0001
- Subject:
- History, American History: 20th Century
This book deals with the inherent violence of race relations in two important countries that remain iconic expressions of white supremacy in the twentieth century. It does not just reconstruct the ...
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This book deals with the inherent violence of race relations in two important countries that remain iconic expressions of white supremacy in the twentieth century. It does not just reconstruct the era of violence, but contrasts the lynch culture of the American South to the bureaucratic culture of violence in South Africa. By contrasting mobs of rope-wielding white Southerners to the gun-toting policemen and administrators who formally defended white supremacy in South Africa, the book employs racial killing as an optic for examining the distinctive logic of the racial state in the two contexts. Combining the historian's eye for detail with the sociologist's search for overarching claims, it explores the systemic connections amongst three substantive areas to explain why contrasting traditions of racial violence took such firm root in the American South and South Africa.Less
This book deals with the inherent violence of race relations in two important countries that remain iconic expressions of white supremacy in the twentieth century. It does not just reconstruct the era of violence, but contrasts the lynch culture of the American South to the bureaucratic culture of violence in South Africa. By contrasting mobs of rope-wielding white Southerners to the gun-toting policemen and administrators who formally defended white supremacy in South Africa, the book employs racial killing as an optic for examining the distinctive logic of the racial state in the two contexts. Combining the historian's eye for detail with the sociologist's search for overarching claims, it explores the systemic connections amongst three substantive areas to explain why contrasting traditions of racial violence took such firm root in the American South and South Africa.
B. Brian Foster
- Published in print:
- 2020
- Published Online:
- January 2022
- ISBN:
- 9781469660424
- eISBN:
- 9781469660448
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University of North Carolina Press
- DOI:
- 10.5149/northcarolina/9781469660424.003.0002
- Subject:
- Music, History, American
This chapter considers what it means for Black residents of Clarksdale, Mississippi to not like the blues, even as they claim it as both a part of their lived experience and the property of Black ...
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This chapter considers what it means for Black residents of Clarksdale, Mississippi to not like the blues, even as they claim it as both a part of their lived experience and the property of Black southerners. Foster introduces the "backbeat" as an analytic device for making sense of this paradox, and argues for the broader utility of the backbeat concept for understanding Black identity and lived experience.Less
This chapter considers what it means for Black residents of Clarksdale, Mississippi to not like the blues, even as they claim it as both a part of their lived experience and the property of Black southerners. Foster introduces the "backbeat" as an analytic device for making sense of this paradox, and argues for the broader utility of the backbeat concept for understanding Black identity and lived experience.
John Syrett
- Published in print:
- 2005
- Published Online:
- September 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780823224890
- eISBN:
- 9780823240852
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Fordham University Press
- DOI:
- 10.5422/fordham/9780823224890.003.0004
- Subject:
- History, American History: 19th Century
Lincoln acknowledged the importance of the second act in a number of instances in the weeks after its passage. He and Attorney General Edward Bates chose not to implement the law vigorously. The ...
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Lincoln acknowledged the importance of the second act in a number of instances in the weeks after its passage. He and Attorney General Edward Bates chose not to implement the law vigorously. The second act proved important before it became law as a threat of change and as a symbol to both slaves and Southerners of what the government could do if it wished to reconstruct the South. There are a number of reasons why the Second Confiscation Act was an imperfect instrument. Congress's expanded role during the war was new and unexpected. Bates's administration of the laws was honest, sincere and careful; it lacked any conviction they were just or useful laws. The problems of implementing confiscation also involved the roles of the military and Treasury Department.Less
Lincoln acknowledged the importance of the second act in a number of instances in the weeks after its passage. He and Attorney General Edward Bates chose not to implement the law vigorously. The second act proved important before it became law as a threat of change and as a symbol to both slaves and Southerners of what the government could do if it wished to reconstruct the South. There are a number of reasons why the Second Confiscation Act was an imperfect instrument. Congress's expanded role during the war was new and unexpected. Bates's administration of the laws was honest, sincere and careful; it lacked any conviction they were just or useful laws. The problems of implementing confiscation also involved the roles of the military and Treasury Department.
John Syrett
- Published in print:
- 2005
- Published Online:
- September 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780823224890
- eISBN:
- 9780823240852
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Fordham University Press
- DOI:
- 10.5422/fordham/9780823224890.003.0008
- Subject:
- History, American History: 19th Century
The failure of the confiscation acts, particularly the second, owed to the inattention and declining interest of the Republicans in Congress. The public also expressed serious doubts about altering ...
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The failure of the confiscation acts, particularly the second, owed to the inattention and declining interest of the Republicans in Congress. The public also expressed serious doubts about altering the goals of the war, as reaction to Lincoln's proclamation of September 22 on freeing slaves and the fall elections in 1862 made clear. The reaction to Lincoln's September 22 preliminary emancipation proclamation revealed the North's divisions over this limited assault upon slavery. Not everyone was pleased with the effect that Lincoln's pardon policy and Bates's instructions had on confiscation. Some supporters of the Union feared that Southerners would lie, take the oath, and avoid confiscation. They were doubtful that these policies were effective strategies to end allegiance to the Confederacy or to halt the rebellion. The Republicans' unwillingness to move together on the land issue needs to be seen clearly. Republican support for the original premises of confiscation had eroded.Less
The failure of the confiscation acts, particularly the second, owed to the inattention and declining interest of the Republicans in Congress. The public also expressed serious doubts about altering the goals of the war, as reaction to Lincoln's proclamation of September 22 on freeing slaves and the fall elections in 1862 made clear. The reaction to Lincoln's September 22 preliminary emancipation proclamation revealed the North's divisions over this limited assault upon slavery. Not everyone was pleased with the effect that Lincoln's pardon policy and Bates's instructions had on confiscation. Some supporters of the Union feared that Southerners would lie, take the oath, and avoid confiscation. They were doubtful that these policies were effective strategies to end allegiance to the Confederacy or to halt the rebellion. The Republicans' unwillingness to move together on the land issue needs to be seen clearly. Republican support for the original premises of confiscation had eroded.
John Y. Simon, Harold Holzer, and Dawn Vogel
- Published in print:
- 2007
- Published Online:
- September 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780823227365
- eISBN:
- 9780823240869
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Fordham University Press
- DOI:
- 10.5422/fordham/9780823227365.003.0018
- Subject:
- History, American History: 19th Century
The tragedy of Abraham Lincoln's death gripped the North like no other event in the nation's young history. Southerners had lost their only hope for a just and magnanimous peace. However, like so ...
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The tragedy of Abraham Lincoln's death gripped the North like no other event in the nation's young history. Southerners had lost their only hope for a just and magnanimous peace. However, like so much of the story of Lincoln's assassination, this view of his death is a myth — a myth that has been manufactured. In reality, the great majority of people throughout the South rejoiced at the news of Lincoln's assassination. Contrary to the popular myth that Lincoln's death was a national tragedy, Southerners saw Lincoln's death as tyrannicide — the killing of a great tyrant. What this chapter claims is that Confederate officials were closely involved with John Wilkes Booth from the outset of his plot to remove Lincoln as president and commander in chief of the military. Confederate agents who worked for Judah P. Benjamin, Confederate Secretary of State, provided key contacts to Booth along with financial assistance to help carry out his operation.Less
The tragedy of Abraham Lincoln's death gripped the North like no other event in the nation's young history. Southerners had lost their only hope for a just and magnanimous peace. However, like so much of the story of Lincoln's assassination, this view of his death is a myth — a myth that has been manufactured. In reality, the great majority of people throughout the South rejoiced at the news of Lincoln's assassination. Contrary to the popular myth that Lincoln's death was a national tragedy, Southerners saw Lincoln's death as tyrannicide — the killing of a great tyrant. What this chapter claims is that Confederate officials were closely involved with John Wilkes Booth from the outset of his plot to remove Lincoln as president and commander in chief of the military. Confederate agents who worked for Judah P. Benjamin, Confederate Secretary of State, provided key contacts to Booth along with financial assistance to help carry out his operation.
Elizabeth L. Jemison
- Published in print:
- 2020
- Published Online:
- January 2022
- ISBN:
- 9781469659695
- eISBN:
- 9781469659718
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University of North Carolina Press
- DOI:
- 10.5149/northcarolina/9781469659695.003.0001
- Subject:
- Religion, Religious Studies
Black and white southerners both claimed that Christian citizenship shaped their actions as they sought to create entirely different societies in the postemancipation Mississippi River Valley, a ...
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Black and white southerners both claimed that Christian citizenship shaped their actions as they sought to create entirely different societies in the postemancipation Mississippi River Valley, a region of especially rapid and violent political change as well as an evangelical religious stronghold. The meanings of citizenship and of Christian identity shifted in these years amid rapid political change, and two opposite versions of Christian citizenship emerged. Black southerners argued that both true Christianity and the new amended U.S. Constitution promised racial equality and denounced prejudice. Former Confederates upheld proslavery Christianity as a more biblically faithful theology, transforming it into a postemancipation argument for white male paternalistic social order.Less
Black and white southerners both claimed that Christian citizenship shaped their actions as they sought to create entirely different societies in the postemancipation Mississippi River Valley, a region of especially rapid and violent political change as well as an evangelical religious stronghold. The meanings of citizenship and of Christian identity shifted in these years amid rapid political change, and two opposite versions of Christian citizenship emerged. Black southerners argued that both true Christianity and the new amended U.S. Constitution promised racial equality and denounced prejudice. Former Confederates upheld proslavery Christianity as a more biblically faithful theology, transforming it into a postemancipation argument for white male paternalistic social order.
Susan Chandler and Jill B. Jones
- Published in print:
- 2011
- Published Online:
- August 2016
- ISBN:
- 9780801450143
- eISBN:
- 9780801462696
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Cornell University Press
- DOI:
- 10.7591/cornell/9780801450143.003.0004
- Subject:
- Sociology, Occupations, Professions, and Work
This chapter tells the stories of African American women who came to Las Vegas in search of employment. Black Southerners had been making their way across the desert to Las Vegas since the early ...
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This chapter tells the stories of African American women who came to Las Vegas in search of employment. Black Southerners had been making their way across the desert to Las Vegas since the early 1940s when jobs for African Americans first opened in numbers. By 1970, 14,000 African Americans lived in Las Vegas, up from 165 in 1940, and they were key to the city's rising economy. Black Southerners, however, quickly discovered the city's downside. Aside from the intense desert heat, Las Vegas was a Jim Crow town, and life was divided white and black, rich and poor as completely as it had been in the South. But there was work and plenty of it. Women found jobs in the hotels, restaurants, casinos, and, as always, private homes. Some made their way to the one place that provided entry to casino jobs: the Culinary Union hiring hall. While a union was new to nearly all the African American women, fighting back and overcoming were not. And in the 1970s the civil rights movement was never far from the women's minds.Less
This chapter tells the stories of African American women who came to Las Vegas in search of employment. Black Southerners had been making their way across the desert to Las Vegas since the early 1940s when jobs for African Americans first opened in numbers. By 1970, 14,000 African Americans lived in Las Vegas, up from 165 in 1940, and they were key to the city's rising economy. Black Southerners, however, quickly discovered the city's downside. Aside from the intense desert heat, Las Vegas was a Jim Crow town, and life was divided white and black, rich and poor as completely as it had been in the South. But there was work and plenty of it. Women found jobs in the hotels, restaurants, casinos, and, as always, private homes. Some made their way to the one place that provided entry to casino jobs: the Culinary Union hiring hall. While a union was new to nearly all the African American women, fighting back and overcoming were not. And in the 1970s the civil rights movement was never far from the women's minds.