David T. Johnson and Franklin E. Zimring
- Published in print:
- 2009
- Published Online:
- May 2009
- ISBN:
- 9780195337402
- eISBN:
- 9780199868674
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195337402.003.0005
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics
In South Korea and Taiwan, capital punishment has been highly open to change during the development and democratization processes, and its importance in those societies has been deeply political and ...
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In South Korea and Taiwan, capital punishment has been highly open to change during the development and democratization processes, and its importance in those societies has been deeply political and symbolic. But the death penalty in these two jurisdictions can hardly be called a minor institution with “minuscule impact,” for democratic transitions in both places have pivoted on the imperative of distancing the present from a past in which capital punishment was a familiar feature of law and politics. This chapter and the next focus on two central questions. First, what explains the rapid decline of capital punishment in South Korea and Taiwan during the last decade and the purposeful pursuit of abolition in both places? And second, to what extent will South Korea and Taiwan become an Asian vanguard, leading other jurisdictions in the region on the road to life without the death penalty?Less
In South Korea and Taiwan, capital punishment has been highly open to change during the development and democratization processes, and its importance in those societies has been deeply political and symbolic. But the death penalty in these two jurisdictions can hardly be called a minor institution with “minuscule impact,” for democratic transitions in both places have pivoted on the imperative of distancing the present from a past in which capital punishment was a familiar feature of law and politics. This chapter and the next focus on two central questions. First, what explains the rapid decline of capital punishment in South Korea and Taiwan during the last decade and the purposeful pursuit of abolition in both places? And second, to what extent will South Korea and Taiwan become an Asian vanguard, leading other jurisdictions in the region on the road to life without the death penalty?
Richard Rose, Doh C. Shin, and Neil Munro
- Published in print:
- 1999
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780198295686
- eISBN:
- 9780191600043
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0198295685.003.0007
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics
The greater the gap between democratic ideals and reality, the greater the resulting tension. This chapter presents a model of tension in a new democracy and applies it to the Republic of Korea ...
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The greater the gap between democratic ideals and reality, the greater the resulting tension. This chapter presents a model of tension in a new democracy and applies it to the Republic of Korea (South Korea), drawing on survey data from the 1997 New Korea Barometer. South Korea is particularly suitable for intensive analysis, since the level of mass education is high and commitment to democratic ideals is also high, yet the introduction of free elections in 1987 has produced a succession of presidents whose actions in government have fallen well short of the democratic ideal, leading to convictions on corruption charges. The political fallout of the abuse of power for personal gain was exacerbated in 1997 when the government faced the national humiliation of relying on the biggest International Monetary Fund loan in history to avoid financial collapse and the chapter concludes by considering demand‐driven pressure for reform.Less
The greater the gap between democratic ideals and reality, the greater the resulting tension. This chapter presents a model of tension in a new democracy and applies it to the Republic of Korea (South Korea), drawing on survey data from the 1997 New Korea Barometer. South Korea is particularly suitable for intensive analysis, since the level of mass education is high and commitment to democratic ideals is also high, yet the introduction of free elections in 1987 has produced a succession of presidents whose actions in government have fallen well short of the democratic ideal, leading to convictions on corruption charges. The political fallout of the abuse of power for personal gain was exacerbated in 1997 when the government faced the national humiliation of relying on the biggest International Monetary Fund loan in history to avoid financial collapse and the chapter concludes by considering demand‐driven pressure for reform.
HeeMin Kim
- Published in print:
- 2011
- Published Online:
- September 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780813129945
- eISBN:
- 9780813135748
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- University Press of Kentucky
- DOI:
- 10.5810/kentucky/9780813129945.001.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
As Asian countries emerge as global economic powers, many undergo fundamental political transformations. This book evaluates the past thirty years of political change in South Korea, including the ...
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As Asian countries emerge as global economic powers, many undergo fundamental political transformations. This book evaluates the past thirty years of political change in South Korea, including the decision of the authoritarian government to open up the political process in 1987 and the presidential impeachment of 2004. The book uses rational choice theory—which holds that individuals choose to act in ways that they think will give them the most benefit for the least cost—to explain events central to South Korea's democratization process. The book's theoretical and quantitative analysis provides a context for South Korea's remarkable transformation and offers predictions of what the future may hold for developing nations undergoing similar transitions. Combining theoretical perspectives with a policy-relevant discussion, this study sheds new light on the Korean model of democratization and makes a significant contribution to the field of comparative politics.Less
As Asian countries emerge as global economic powers, many undergo fundamental political transformations. This book evaluates the past thirty years of political change in South Korea, including the decision of the authoritarian government to open up the political process in 1987 and the presidential impeachment of 2004. The book uses rational choice theory—which holds that individuals choose to act in ways that they think will give them the most benefit for the least cost—to explain events central to South Korea's democratization process. The book's theoretical and quantitative analysis provides a context for South Korea's remarkable transformation and offers predictions of what the future may hold for developing nations undergoing similar transitions. Combining theoretical perspectives with a policy-relevant discussion, this study sheds new light on the Korean model of democratization and makes a significant contribution to the field of comparative politics.
Steven Casey
- Published in print:
- 2008
- Published Online:
- May 2008
- ISBN:
- 9780195306927
- eISBN:
- 9780199867936
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195306927.003.0013
- Subject:
- History, American History: 20th Century
Initially, Eisenhower's emergence as the Republican nominee for president also helped to sustain a basic consensus behind the war, for Ike was a moderate who was prepared to defend Truman's decision ...
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Initially, Eisenhower's emergence as the Republican nominee for president also helped to sustain a basic consensus behind the war, for Ike was a moderate who was prepared to defend Truman's decision to intervene in Korea. As the campaign progressed, Eisenhower's comments became more critical. But even his decisive promise to voters to “go to Korea” was ambiguous. It was intended to signal that something new had to be done to end the fighting, while leaving Ike free to decide precisely what—and, crucially, while also ensuring that he kept his distance from MacArthur and the Republican right. On becoming president, Eisenhower therefore retained a good deal of freedom. But in terms of public relations, he swiftly made many of the same mistakes that had plagued Truman's early efforts. And only Stalin's death, which in turn led to a thawing of the communist position, revived the armistice negotiations and resulted in an end to this long and costly war.Less
Initially, Eisenhower's emergence as the Republican nominee for president also helped to sustain a basic consensus behind the war, for Ike was a moderate who was prepared to defend Truman's decision to intervene in Korea. As the campaign progressed, Eisenhower's comments became more critical. But even his decisive promise to voters to “go to Korea” was ambiguous. It was intended to signal that something new had to be done to end the fighting, while leaving Ike free to decide precisely what—and, crucially, while also ensuring that he kept his distance from MacArthur and the Republican right. On becoming president, Eisenhower therefore retained a good deal of freedom. But in terms of public relations, he swiftly made many of the same mistakes that had plagued Truman's early efforts. And only Stalin's death, which in turn led to a thawing of the communist position, revived the armistice negotiations and resulted in an end to this long and costly war.
James W. Cortada
- Published in print:
- 2012
- Published Online:
- January 2013
- ISBN:
- 9780199921553
- eISBN:
- 9780199980406
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199921553.003.0008
- Subject:
- Economics and Finance, Development, Growth, and Environmental
The Asian Tigers South Korea, Taiwan, and Singapore are the subject of this chapter, which describes their introduction to computing and how that technology became a central export and economic ...
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The Asian Tigers South Korea, Taiwan, and Singapore are the subject of this chapter, which describes their introduction to computing and how that technology became a central export and economic development strategy for these nations. In the process the economies boomed, grew faster than other national economies, and became some of the most intensive users of IT in the world. How those developments occurred are explained and experiences compared from one state to the other since each one had a unique national path to adoption. North Korea’s minimal experience with computers is also analyzed and placed within the context of Asian computing and economic development.Less
The Asian Tigers South Korea, Taiwan, and Singapore are the subject of this chapter, which describes their introduction to computing and how that technology became a central export and economic development strategy for these nations. In the process the economies boomed, grew faster than other national economies, and became some of the most intensive users of IT in the world. How those developments occurred are explained and experiences compared from one state to the other since each one had a unique national path to adoption. North Korea’s minimal experience with computers is also analyzed and placed within the context of Asian computing and economic development.
Thomas J. Christensen
- Published in print:
- 2011
- Published Online:
- October 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780691142609
- eISBN:
- 9781400838813
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Princeton University Press
- DOI:
- 10.23943/princeton/9780691142609.003.0002
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
This chapter examines how problems and politics in the nascent alliances and alignments in both the communist and anticommunist camps affected security relations between the two camps in the first ...
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This chapter examines how problems and politics in the nascent alliances and alignments in both the communist and anticommunist camps affected security relations between the two camps in the first years of the Cold War. It shows how the uncertain and poorly defined nature of U.S. commitment to its partners in East Asia undercut the credibility of the nation's near-term threats and long-term assurances in coercive diplomacy. It argues that North Korea's invasion of South Korea that started the Korean War was rooted in a combination of communist elites' underestimation of the resolve and power of the United States to counter such an aggression in the near term and an inflated view of Japan's likely future role in the security politics of the region after its full economic and military recovery from World War II.Less
This chapter examines how problems and politics in the nascent alliances and alignments in both the communist and anticommunist camps affected security relations between the two camps in the first years of the Cold War. It shows how the uncertain and poorly defined nature of U.S. commitment to its partners in East Asia undercut the credibility of the nation's near-term threats and long-term assurances in coercive diplomacy. It argues that North Korea's invasion of South Korea that started the Korean War was rooted in a combination of communist elites' underestimation of the resolve and power of the United States to counter such an aggression in the near term and an inflated view of Japan's likely future role in the security politics of the region after its full economic and military recovery from World War II.
You‐il Lee
- Published in print:
- 2012
- Published Online:
- September 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780199646210
- eISBN:
- 9780191741630
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199646210.003.0007
- Subject:
- Economics and Finance, South and East Asia
To what extent South Korea adopted neoliberal reforms and thus conformed to the pressures of globalization is explored in this chapter. After the Asian financial crisis of 1997, South Korea was ...
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To what extent South Korea adopted neoliberal reforms and thus conformed to the pressures of globalization is explored in this chapter. After the Asian financial crisis of 1997, South Korea was compelled to adopt IMF-style liberalization policies and, by implication, to abandon economic nationalism. However, this chapter argues otherwise. The evolution of Korea’s economic trajectory since World War II shows that no real shift has taken place in Korea’s economic nationalist trajectory despite the adoption of Segyehwa (iglobalization policies) in the early 1990s incorporated under outward foreign direct investments by Korean business followed by inward foreign investment. Despite deep international economic integration, the capacity of the Korean state has not diminished nor has the traditional nationalist development trajectory reversed. The Korean state remains developmental, neo-mercantilist, and economically nationalist.Less
To what extent South Korea adopted neoliberal reforms and thus conformed to the pressures of globalization is explored in this chapter. After the Asian financial crisis of 1997, South Korea was compelled to adopt IMF-style liberalization policies and, by implication, to abandon economic nationalism. However, this chapter argues otherwise. The evolution of Korea’s economic trajectory since World War II shows that no real shift has taken place in Korea’s economic nationalist trajectory despite the adoption of Segyehwa (iglobalization policies) in the early 1990s incorporated under outward foreign direct investments by Korean business followed by inward foreign investment. Despite deep international economic integration, the capacity of the Korean state has not diminished nor has the traditional nationalist development trajectory reversed. The Korean state remains developmental, neo-mercantilist, and economically nationalist.
Mark B. Suh
- Published in print:
- 2001
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780199249596
- eISBN:
- 9780191600012
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199249598.003.0013
- Subject:
- Political Science, Reference
Includes all relevant information on national elections and referendums held in South Korea since independence in 1948. Part I gives a comprehensive overview of South Korea's political history, ...
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Includes all relevant information on national elections and referendums held in South Korea since independence in 1948. Part I gives a comprehensive overview of South Korea's political history, outlines the evolution of electoral provisions, and presents the current electoral legislation in a standardized manner (suffrage, elected institutions, nomination of candidates, electoral system, organizational context of elections). Part II includes exhaustive electoral statistics in systematic tables (numbers of registered voters, votes cast, the votes for candidates and/or parties in parliamentary and presidential elections and referendums at both the national and regional level, the electoral participation of political parties, the national and regional distribution of parliamentary seats, etc.).Less
Includes all relevant information on national elections and referendums held in South Korea since independence in 1948. Part I gives a comprehensive overview of South Korea's political history, outlines the evolution of electoral provisions, and presents the current electoral legislation in a standardized manner (suffrage, elected institutions, nomination of candidates, electoral system, organizational context of elections). Part II includes exhaustive electoral statistics in systematic tables (numbers of registered voters, votes cast, the votes for candidates and/or parties in parliamentary and presidential elections and referendums at both the national and regional level, the electoral participation of political parties, the national and regional distribution of parliamentary seats, etc.).
Alice H. Amsden
- Published in print:
- 1992
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780195076035
- eISBN:
- 9780199870691
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0195076036.001.0001
- Subject:
- Economics and Finance, Development, Growth, and Environmental, South and East Asia
South Korea has been quietly growing into a major economic force that is even challenging some Japanese industries. This book examines South Korean economic growth as an example of “late ...
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South Korea has been quietly growing into a major economic force that is even challenging some Japanese industries. This book examines South Korean economic growth as an example of “late industrialization,” a process in which a nation's industries learn from earlier innovator nations rather than innovate themselves. Discussing state intervention, shop‐floor management, and big business groups, the reasons are explored for South Korea's phenomenal growth, paying special attention to the principle of reciprocity in which the government imposes strict performance standards on those industries and companies that it aids. It is shown thereby how South Korea, Japan, and Taiwan were able to grow faster than other emerging nations such as Brazil, Turkey, India, and Mexico. The book is arranged in three main parts: Part 1 surveys South Korean history and the origins of state policies that led to the successes of its late industrialization; Part 2 examines the ways in which the South Korean management and workforce were transformed into major factors in the growth of its industry; and Part 3 discusses the creation of comparative advantage in several industries and the reasons why only one kept pace with expansion while the others drove it.Less
South Korea has been quietly growing into a major economic force that is even challenging some Japanese industries. This book examines South Korean economic growth as an example of “late industrialization,” a process in which a nation's industries learn from earlier innovator nations rather than innovate themselves. Discussing state intervention, shop‐floor management, and big business groups, the reasons are explored for South Korea's phenomenal growth, paying special attention to the principle of reciprocity in which the government imposes strict performance standards on those industries and companies that it aids. It is shown thereby how South Korea, Japan, and Taiwan were able to grow faster than other emerging nations such as Brazil, Turkey, India, and Mexico. The book is arranged in three main parts: Part 1 surveys South Korean history and the origins of state policies that led to the successes of its late industrialization; Part 2 examines the ways in which the South Korean management and workforce were transformed into major factors in the growth of its industry; and Part 3 discusses the creation of comparative advantage in several industries and the reasons why only one kept pace with expansion while the others drove it.
Scott Snyder and Joyce Lee
- Published in print:
- 2012
- Published Online:
- June 2013
- ISBN:
- 9780804778275
- eISBN:
- 9780804784917
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Stanford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.11126/stanford/9780804778275.003.0008
- Subject:
- Political Science, Conflict Politics and Policy
This chapter investigates the role of security assurances in four phases of U.S.–Republic of Korea (ROK) alliance interaction: the Park Chung-hee period, a period of revitalized alliance cooperation ...
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This chapter investigates the role of security assurances in four phases of U.S.–Republic of Korea (ROK) alliance interaction: the Park Chung-hee period, a period of revitalized alliance cooperation under Chun Doo-hwan and Roh Tae-woo, the impact of diverging U.S.-ROK priorities and South Korean domestic change, and, finally, Lee Myung-bak's efforts to “restore” the alliance. It deals with the conditions under which assurances have been effective. It then describes how changes in the alliance might shape the nature and impact of assurances going forward. U.S. security assurances to the ROK have been and remain important, but have also required periodic efforts to infuse them with credibility. Over the history of the U.S.–ROK alliance, South Korean relations with the United States changed from a wholly dependent relationship to one in which South Korea has a distinct capacity, role, and set of interests.Less
This chapter investigates the role of security assurances in four phases of U.S.–Republic of Korea (ROK) alliance interaction: the Park Chung-hee period, a period of revitalized alliance cooperation under Chun Doo-hwan and Roh Tae-woo, the impact of diverging U.S.-ROK priorities and South Korean domestic change, and, finally, Lee Myung-bak's efforts to “restore” the alliance. It deals with the conditions under which assurances have been effective. It then describes how changes in the alliance might shape the nature and impact of assurances going forward. U.S. security assurances to the ROK have been and remain important, but have also required periodic efforts to infuse them with credibility. Over the history of the U.S.–ROK alliance, South Korean relations with the United States changed from a wholly dependent relationship to one in which South Korea has a distinct capacity, role, and set of interests.
Jean Drèze and Amartya Sen
- Published in print:
- 1991
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780198283652
- eISBN:
- 9780191596193
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0198283652.003.0010
- Subject:
- Economics and Finance, Development, Growth, and Environmental
Possible dissonance between income and achievements of quality of life is noted. Then two alternatives for removing precarious living conditions are explored: growth‐mediated security and support‐led ...
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Possible dissonance between income and achievements of quality of life is noted. Then two alternatives for removing precarious living conditions are explored: growth‐mediated security and support‐led security, with illustrations from the experiences of various countries. The connection between these alternatives is studied. The strategy of growth‐mediated security is distinguished from that of aimless opulence with examples from the experiences of Kuwait and South Korea. The last part is dedicated to the effectiveness of support‐led security strategies.Less
Possible dissonance between income and achievements of quality of life is noted. Then two alternatives for removing precarious living conditions are explored: growth‐mediated security and support‐led security, with illustrations from the experiences of various countries. The connection between these alternatives is studied. The strategy of growth‐mediated security is distinguished from that of aimless opulence with examples from the experiences of Kuwait and South Korea. The last part is dedicated to the effectiveness of support‐led security strategies.
Philip Towle
- Published in print:
- 1997
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780198206361
- eISBN:
- 9780191677090
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198206361.003.0012
- Subject:
- History, World Modern History, Military History
In the early 1990s, the international community tried to compel North Korea either to prove that it was not developing nuclear weapons or to cease such development. As so often, the aim was ...
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In the early 1990s, the international community tried to compel North Korea either to prove that it was not developing nuclear weapons or to cease such development. As so often, the aim was strategically defensive, that is, to prevent other countries from developing nuclear weapons. North Korea's nuclear weapons programme began in 1985 when it signed an agreement with Russia under which the latter would provide technical and other assistance for the development of nuclear technology that the North Koreans said was for civilian purposes. Aborting any North Korean programme was regarded by the United States and South Korea as particularly important given the prevailing tensions in North Asia, the possibility that other states in the region would follow Pyongyang's example, and the unpredictable nature of the North Korean regime. Crises that occurred between 1992 and 1994 raised the possibility of war breaking out, which Seoul and Washington wished to avoid. The North Korean crisis shares some similarities with the Cuban missile crisis of 1962.Less
In the early 1990s, the international community tried to compel North Korea either to prove that it was not developing nuclear weapons or to cease such development. As so often, the aim was strategically defensive, that is, to prevent other countries from developing nuclear weapons. North Korea's nuclear weapons programme began in 1985 when it signed an agreement with Russia under which the latter would provide technical and other assistance for the development of nuclear technology that the North Koreans said was for civilian purposes. Aborting any North Korean programme was regarded by the United States and South Korea as particularly important given the prevailing tensions in North Asia, the possibility that other states in the region would follow Pyongyang's example, and the unpredictable nature of the North Korean regime. Crises that occurred between 1992 and 1994 raised the possibility of war breaking out, which Seoul and Washington wished to avoid. The North Korean crisis shares some similarities with the Cuban missile crisis of 1962.
Sun Jung
- Published in print:
- 2010
- Published Online:
- September 2011
- ISBN:
- 9789888028672
- eISBN:
- 9789882207127
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Hong Kong University Press
- DOI:
- 10.5790/hongkong/9789888028672.003.0002
- Subject:
- Film, Television and Radio, Film
This chapter deals with the Japanese fandom of Bae Yong-Joon (BYJ) and explores the ways in which South Korean masculinity is reconstructed through the ambivalent desires of middle-aged Japanese ...
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This chapter deals with the Japanese fandom of Bae Yong-Joon (BYJ) and explores the ways in which South Korean masculinity is reconstructed through the ambivalent desires of middle-aged Japanese female fans. Bae Yong-Joon has gained remarkable recognition in Japan after the South Korean television drama Winter Sonata was first screened on Nippon Hoso Kyokai (NHK) in April 2003. It is argued that the construction of BYJ's soft masculinity is reinforced by the postcolonial desires of Japanese female fans that engender “retrospective” and “nostalgic” sentiment. The chapter specifically describes how the Japanese embrace is underpinned by “counter-coevality” and “cultural proximity,” based on the disjunctive spatiotemporal contexts of South Korea and Japan. It starts by presenting the Yonsama syndrome. Moreover, the chapter reviews the three key aspects of BYJ's bodily performance that reinforce his soft masculinity through examining the characteristics of Joon-Sang in Winter Sonata. They are “tender charisma,” purity, and politeness. The chapter then highlights the ways in which the transcultural flows between Japan and South Korea operate in constructing South Korean soft masculinity as represented by BYJ.Less
This chapter deals with the Japanese fandom of Bae Yong-Joon (BYJ) and explores the ways in which South Korean masculinity is reconstructed through the ambivalent desires of middle-aged Japanese female fans. Bae Yong-Joon has gained remarkable recognition in Japan after the South Korean television drama Winter Sonata was first screened on Nippon Hoso Kyokai (NHK) in April 2003. It is argued that the construction of BYJ's soft masculinity is reinforced by the postcolonial desires of Japanese female fans that engender “retrospective” and “nostalgic” sentiment. The chapter specifically describes how the Japanese embrace is underpinned by “counter-coevality” and “cultural proximity,” based on the disjunctive spatiotemporal contexts of South Korea and Japan. It starts by presenting the Yonsama syndrome. Moreover, the chapter reviews the three key aspects of BYJ's bodily performance that reinforce his soft masculinity through examining the characteristics of Joon-Sang in Winter Sonata. They are “tender charisma,” purity, and politeness. The chapter then highlights the ways in which the transcultural flows between Japan and South Korea operate in constructing South Korean soft masculinity as represented by BYJ.
Anna Sun
- Published in print:
- 2013
- Published Online:
- October 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780691155579
- eISBN:
- 9781400846085
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Princeton University Press
- DOI:
- 10.23943/princeton/9780691155579.003.0006
- Subject:
- Religion, Hinduism
This chapter discusses the long-standing problem of identifying Confucians in China (and East Asia in general) through social science research methods—a problem deeply rooted in the ...
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This chapter discusses the long-standing problem of identifying Confucians in China (and East Asia in general) through social science research methods—a problem deeply rooted in the nineteenth-century conceptualization of Confucianism and the overall classification of Chinese religions. It investigates different types of empirical data—national censuses and surveys—from Mainland China, as well as from Taiwan, Japan, and South Korea, in order to answer two questions. First is about whether “Confucianism” is a category in religious classifications in these East Asian countries and regions; the second asks about how many people are counted as “Confucians” in China.Less
This chapter discusses the long-standing problem of identifying Confucians in China (and East Asia in general) through social science research methods—a problem deeply rooted in the nineteenth-century conceptualization of Confucianism and the overall classification of Chinese religions. It investigates different types of empirical data—national censuses and surveys—from Mainland China, as well as from Taiwan, Japan, and South Korea, in order to answer two questions. First is about whether “Confucianism” is a category in religious classifications in these East Asian countries and regions; the second asks about how many people are counted as “Confucians” in China.
Zoltan Barany
- Published in print:
- 2012
- Published Online:
- October 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780691137681
- eISBN:
- 9781400845491
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Princeton University Press
- DOI:
- 10.23943/princeton/9780691137681.003.0007
- Subject:
- Political Science, American Politics
This chapter discusses three Asian states: South Korea, Thailand, and Indonesia. The “good” case, South Korea, has been remarkably successful in consolidating democracy and carving out a proper place ...
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This chapter discusses three Asian states: South Korea, Thailand, and Indonesia. The “good” case, South Korea, has been remarkably successful in consolidating democracy and carving out a proper place in the new institutional architecture for its armed forces. The “bad” case is Thailand where, after a promising though difficult fifteen-year democratization process, the military overthrew the elected government in 2006. Finally, the “interesting” case is Indonesia, the world's most populous Muslim-majority state, where, against the expectations of most experts, the armed forces' political presence and influence have gradually diminished since 1998. The chapter explains why Korean officers have become the servants of the state, why their Indonesian colleagues have more or less given up their intention to run their country, and why members of the Royal Thai Armed Forces (RTAF) have been far more reluctant to relinquish their political role.Less
This chapter discusses three Asian states: South Korea, Thailand, and Indonesia. The “good” case, South Korea, has been remarkably successful in consolidating democracy and carving out a proper place in the new institutional architecture for its armed forces. The “bad” case is Thailand where, after a promising though difficult fifteen-year democratization process, the military overthrew the elected government in 2006. Finally, the “interesting” case is Indonesia, the world's most populous Muslim-majority state, where, against the expectations of most experts, the armed forces' political presence and influence have gradually diminished since 1998. The chapter explains why Korean officers have become the servants of the state, why their Indonesian colleagues have more or less given up their intention to run their country, and why members of the Royal Thai Armed Forces (RTAF) have been far more reluctant to relinquish their political role.
Jaeeun Kim
- Published in print:
- 2016
- Published Online:
- January 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780804797627
- eISBN:
- 9780804799614
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Stanford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.11126/stanford/9780804797627.003.0003
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics
Chapter 2 examines the prolonged and vehement competition between North and South Korea over the allegiance of colonial-era Korean migrants who remained in Japan in the context of decolonization and ...
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Chapter 2 examines the prolonged and vehement competition between North and South Korea over the allegiance of colonial-era Korean migrants who remained in Japan in the context of decolonization and the Cold War. The divergent transborder nation-building strategies that the two postcolonial states employed to make their own docile citizens out of this opaque and recalcitrant population are identified. North Korea launched a successful repatriation campaign and heavily invested in Korean enclaves, presenting itself as a safe haven in which marginalized Koreans could find an escape. South Korea instead fashioned itself as a broker that could facilitate their integration into the Japanese mainstream, and a gatekeeper that could control their engagement with families and home communities in South Korea. The control of the bureaucratic persona of Koreans in Japan, buttressed by the consensual practices of other states, was critical for South Korea’s eventual ascendancy in this competition.Less
Chapter 2 examines the prolonged and vehement competition between North and South Korea over the allegiance of colonial-era Korean migrants who remained in Japan in the context of decolonization and the Cold War. The divergent transborder nation-building strategies that the two postcolonial states employed to make their own docile citizens out of this opaque and recalcitrant population are identified. North Korea launched a successful repatriation campaign and heavily invested in Korean enclaves, presenting itself as a safe haven in which marginalized Koreans could find an escape. South Korea instead fashioned itself as a broker that could facilitate their integration into the Japanese mainstream, and a gatekeeper that could control their engagement with families and home communities in South Korea. The control of the bureaucratic persona of Koreans in Japan, buttressed by the consensual practices of other states, was critical for South Korea’s eventual ascendancy in this competition.
Graham Greenleaf
- Published in print:
- 2014
- Published Online:
- December 2014
- ISBN:
- 9780199679669
- eISBN:
- 9780191767487
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199679669.003.0005
- Subject:
- Law, Intellectual Property, IT, and Media Law
South Korea’s new Personal Information Protection Act (PIPA) of 2011 has comprehensive private and public sector scope, and includes strong and innovative privacy principles, and much stronger ...
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South Korea’s new Personal Information Protection Act (PIPA) of 2011 has comprehensive private and public sector scope, and includes strong and innovative privacy principles, and much stronger enforcement measures. This chapter first sets out South Korea’s successful transitions from dictatorship to democracy, and the strong context of constitutional protection for privacy resulting. PIPA is analysed in detail, particularly the many unusual and innovative principles and requirements it contains. The enforcement of South Korea’s privacy laws have involved, for over a decade, an innovative means of resolving privacy disputes by a mediation body, the payment of modest amounts of compensation, and a high degree of transparency. South Korea is moving away from the ‘ministry enforcement’ model, because PIPA now includes a data protection authority, the Personal Information Protection Commission (PIPC). The PIPC’s role is as yet less clear and its enforcement activities yet to be demonstrated. North Korea’s surveillance state is also briefly considered.Less
South Korea’s new Personal Information Protection Act (PIPA) of 2011 has comprehensive private and public sector scope, and includes strong and innovative privacy principles, and much stronger enforcement measures. This chapter first sets out South Korea’s successful transitions from dictatorship to democracy, and the strong context of constitutional protection for privacy resulting. PIPA is analysed in detail, particularly the many unusual and innovative principles and requirements it contains. The enforcement of South Korea’s privacy laws have involved, for over a decade, an innovative means of resolving privacy disputes by a mediation body, the payment of modest amounts of compensation, and a high degree of transparency. South Korea is moving away from the ‘ministry enforcement’ model, because PIPA now includes a data protection authority, the Personal Information Protection Commission (PIPC). The PIPC’s role is as yet less clear and its enforcement activities yet to be demonstrated. North Korea’s surveillance state is also briefly considered.
Chung-In Moon
- Published in print:
- 2017
- Published Online:
- January 2018
- ISBN:
- 9781501709180
- eISBN:
- 9781501712777
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Cornell University Press
- DOI:
- 10.7591/cornell/9781501709180.003.0008
- Subject:
- Political Science, Asian Politics
This chapter looks at South Korea's response to the rise of China. It establishes South Korea's growing dependence on the Chinese economy and its growing cooperation with China to manage North Korean ...
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This chapter looks at South Korea's response to the rise of China. It establishes South Korea's growing dependence on the Chinese economy and its growing cooperation with China to manage North Korean belligerence. The rise of China creates strategic pressure on South Korea both to accommodate Chinese interests and to maintain defense cooperation with the United States, and that this policy challenge is exacerbated by politically significant anti-Japanese nationalism in South Korea. The result has been significant South Korean policy instability. The policy swings in South Korea's maneuvering between the United States and China from the government of Roh Moo-hyun to that of Lee Myung-bak and then to Park Geun-hye reveal the difficulty that great power competition during a power transition imposes on a small country.Less
This chapter looks at South Korea's response to the rise of China. It establishes South Korea's growing dependence on the Chinese economy and its growing cooperation with China to manage North Korean belligerence. The rise of China creates strategic pressure on South Korea both to accommodate Chinese interests and to maintain defense cooperation with the United States, and that this policy challenge is exacerbated by politically significant anti-Japanese nationalism in South Korea. The result has been significant South Korean policy instability. The policy swings in South Korea's maneuvering between the United States and China from the government of Roh Moo-hyun to that of Lee Myung-bak and then to Park Geun-hye reveal the difficulty that great power competition during a power transition imposes on a small country.
Jaeeun Kim
- Published in print:
- 2016
- Published Online:
- January 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780804797627
- eISBN:
- 9780804799614
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Stanford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.11126/stanford/9780804797627.003.0005
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics
Post Cold-War transborder membership politics gained momentum from the influx of Korean Chinese into South Korea. Chapter 4 highlight the protracted confusion, uncertainty, and indeterminacy that ...
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Post Cold-War transborder membership politics gained momentum from the influx of Korean Chinese into South Korea. Chapter 4 highlight the protracted confusion, uncertainty, and indeterminacy that both state and non-state actors in South Korea experienced in trying to “properly” classify the long forgotten ethnonational kin, substantiate their belated claim to membership, and regulate their access to the affluent “homeland.” It also reveals the porosity of the walls within which South Korea enclosed itself to exclude the Korean Chinese from transborder membership. On the one hand, Korean Chinese migrants struggled to redefine their collective identity in the legal, political, and public spheres by presenting themselves as an integral part of the Korean nation. But equally importantly, Korean Chinese migrants challenged the state’s monopolistic truth claim about their individual identities by engaging in micropolitical struggles in bureaucratic settings, mobilizing alternative genres of identification and creating false paper identities for themselves.Less
Post Cold-War transborder membership politics gained momentum from the influx of Korean Chinese into South Korea. Chapter 4 highlight the protracted confusion, uncertainty, and indeterminacy that both state and non-state actors in South Korea experienced in trying to “properly” classify the long forgotten ethnonational kin, substantiate their belated claim to membership, and regulate their access to the affluent “homeland.” It also reveals the porosity of the walls within which South Korea enclosed itself to exclude the Korean Chinese from transborder membership. On the one hand, Korean Chinese migrants struggled to redefine their collective identity in the legal, political, and public spheres by presenting themselves as an integral part of the Korean nation. But equally importantly, Korean Chinese migrants challenged the state’s monopolistic truth claim about their individual identities by engaging in micropolitical struggles in bureaucratic settings, mobilizing alternative genres of identification and creating false paper identities for themselves.
Brad Glosserman and Scott A. Snyder
- Published in print:
- 2015
- Published Online:
- November 2015
- ISBN:
- 9780231171700
- eISBN:
- 9780231539289
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Columbia University Press
- DOI:
- 10.7312/columbia/9780231171700.003.0003
- Subject:
- Political Science, Conflict Politics and Policy
This chapter describes how South Korea's remarkable economic and political development over the past two decades has shaped public opinion and national identity. Conversations with leading South ...
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This chapter describes how South Korea's remarkable economic and political development over the past two decades has shaped public opinion and national identity. Conversations with leading South Korean foreign policy analysts reveal widespread pride in the country's recent political and economic development and a resulting confidence derived from its accomplishments. However, South Koreans also harbor a sense of vulnerability stemming from the country's history and its inability to control its destiny with regard to major foreign policies and objectives. Despite the nation being a leading economy, many older Koreans continue to think of themselves as a small country surrounded by larger powers and subject to geopolitical constraints. In contrast, younger Koreans hold a much more ambitious view of Korea's position in the international order and what it should be expected to accomplish.Less
This chapter describes how South Korea's remarkable economic and political development over the past two decades has shaped public opinion and national identity. Conversations with leading South Korean foreign policy analysts reveal widespread pride in the country's recent political and economic development and a resulting confidence derived from its accomplishments. However, South Koreans also harbor a sense of vulnerability stemming from the country's history and its inability to control its destiny with regard to major foreign policies and objectives. Despite the nation being a leading economy, many older Koreans continue to think of themselves as a small country surrounded by larger powers and subject to geopolitical constraints. In contrast, younger Koreans hold a much more ambitious view of Korea's position in the international order and what it should be expected to accomplish.
