RAIMO VÄYRYNEN and LEILA ALIEVA
- Published in print:
- 2000
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780198297406
- eISBN:
- 9780191685330
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198297406.003.0013
- Subject:
- Economics and Finance, Development, Growth, and Environmental
The Caucasus has been torn by conflicts since 1988, and some of these conflicts became large-scale wars due to the usage of heavy weapons. These relatively short wars resulted in major distractions, ...
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The Caucasus has been torn by conflicts since 1988, and some of these conflicts became large-scale wars due to the usage of heavy weapons. These relatively short wars resulted in major distractions, casualties, and displacements, and this includes ethnic ‘cleansing’ across the region. Together with violence, economic downfall and the breakdown of ties with international communities occurred. Humanitarian emergencies in the South Caucasus were due to the breakdown of the multinational Soviet empire. This chapter begins with the different conflicts in the South Caucasus, both national and territorial, as well as the economic structure and developments. Social and political structures are also presented. The situation, especially the severity, of the humanitarian emergencies in South Caucasus is also provided. The chapter concludes by providing studies as to how improvement in the standards of living may be achieved in the South Caucasus.Less
The Caucasus has been torn by conflicts since 1988, and some of these conflicts became large-scale wars due to the usage of heavy weapons. These relatively short wars resulted in major distractions, casualties, and displacements, and this includes ethnic ‘cleansing’ across the region. Together with violence, economic downfall and the breakdown of ties with international communities occurred. Humanitarian emergencies in the South Caucasus were due to the breakdown of the multinational Soviet empire. This chapter begins with the different conflicts in the South Caucasus, both national and territorial, as well as the economic structure and developments. Social and political structures are also presented. The situation, especially the severity, of the humanitarian emergencies in South Caucasus is also provided. The chapter concludes by providing studies as to how improvement in the standards of living may be achieved in the South Caucasus.
Mehran Kamrava
- Published in print:
- 2017
- Published Online:
- December 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780190673604
- eISBN:
- 9780190872618
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/oso/9780190673604.003.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
This chapter examines the nature and consequences of the attention paid to the South Caucasus, or lack thereof as the case may be, by the United States, European Union and Russia. It then analyzes ...
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This chapter examines the nature and consequences of the attention paid to the South Caucasus, or lack thereof as the case may be, by the United States, European Union and Russia. It then analyzes ongoing processes of state-building in each of the region’s three states and how the attendant domestic and international challenges of such processes have facilitated opportunities for Iran and Turkey to expand their commercial and strategic ties with each other. The chapter ends with an examination of relations between Turkey and Iran, uneasy neighbors that compete on several fronts but also cooperate out of necessity. It highlights the unfolding of a new game of geostrategic competition and rivalry by these two regional powers over the South Caucasus. Turkey’s favoured tools of competition and rivalry have been its soft power and pipeline politics, and Iran’s are commerce and natural resources.Less
This chapter examines the nature and consequences of the attention paid to the South Caucasus, or lack thereof as the case may be, by the United States, European Union and Russia. It then analyzes ongoing processes of state-building in each of the region’s three states and how the attendant domestic and international challenges of such processes have facilitated opportunities for Iran and Turkey to expand their commercial and strategic ties with each other. The chapter ends with an examination of relations between Turkey and Iran, uneasy neighbors that compete on several fronts but also cooperate out of necessity. It highlights the unfolding of a new game of geostrategic competition and rivalry by these two regional powers over the South Caucasus. Turkey’s favoured tools of competition and rivalry have been its soft power and pipeline politics, and Iran’s are commerce and natural resources.
Adam T. Smith
- Published in print:
- 2015
- Published Online:
- October 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780691163239
- eISBN:
- 9781400866502
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Princeton University Press
- DOI:
- 10.23943/princeton/9780691163239.003.0004
- Subject:
- History, Ancient History / Archaeology
This chapter examines the role of things in the reproduction of a public—the first condition of sovereignty defined in Chapter 2—during the Early Bronze Age in the South Caucasus. “A public” here ...
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This chapter examines the role of things in the reproduction of a public—the first condition of sovereignty defined in Chapter 2—during the Early Bronze Age in the South Caucasus. “A public” here means a self-recognizing community that is not maintained exclusively through face-to-face interaction. It is thus in large part an assembly of strangers who are made familiar to one another through an assemblage of publicity—forms of mass mediation and sites of encounter, such as those Benedict Anderson described as fundamental to the imagination of modern nations. The suggestion that material things are critical to the creation of a public follows closely Hannah Arendt's conception of humanity as Homo faber.Less
This chapter examines the role of things in the reproduction of a public—the first condition of sovereignty defined in Chapter 2—during the Early Bronze Age in the South Caucasus. “A public” here means a self-recognizing community that is not maintained exclusively through face-to-face interaction. It is thus in large part an assembly of strangers who are made familiar to one another through an assemblage of publicity—forms of mass mediation and sites of encounter, such as those Benedict Anderson described as fundamental to the imagination of modern nations. The suggestion that material things are critical to the creation of a public follows closely Hannah Arendt's conception of humanity as Homo faber.
Adam T. Smith
- Published in print:
- 2015
- Published Online:
- October 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780691163239
- eISBN:
- 9781400866502
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Princeton University Press
- DOI:
- 10.23943/princeton/9780691163239.003.0006
- Subject:
- History, Ancient History / Archaeology
In the Late Bronze Age, the polities in the South Caucasus developed a new assemblage directed toward transforming charismatic authority into formal sovereignty. This chapter examines the assembling ...
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In the Late Bronze Age, the polities in the South Caucasus developed a new assemblage directed toward transforming charismatic authority into formal sovereignty. This chapter examines the assembling of this political machine, which drew the civilization and war machines into an extensive apparatus of rule, one that resolved the paradox at the heart of the joint operation of both. This novel political machine did not supersede the war and civilization machines. Rather, the political machine cloaked their contradictions, allowing the relation of the one to the many to persist as a “mystery” of sovereignty. The political machine not only provided the instruments of judicial ordering and bureaucratic regulation but it also transformed the polity itself into an object of devotion, securing not simply the surrender of subjects but their active commitment to the reproduction of sovereignty.Less
In the Late Bronze Age, the polities in the South Caucasus developed a new assemblage directed toward transforming charismatic authority into formal sovereignty. This chapter examines the assembling of this political machine, which drew the civilization and war machines into an extensive apparatus of rule, one that resolved the paradox at the heart of the joint operation of both. This novel political machine did not supersede the war and civilization machines. Rather, the political machine cloaked their contradictions, allowing the relation of the one to the many to persist as a “mystery” of sovereignty. The political machine not only provided the instruments of judicial ordering and bureaucratic regulation but it also transformed the polity itself into an object of devotion, securing not simply the surrender of subjects but their active commitment to the reproduction of sovereignty.
Ayla Göl
- Published in print:
- 2013
- Published Online:
- May 2015
- ISBN:
- 9780719090752
- eISBN:
- 9781781706619
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Manchester University Press
- DOI:
- 10.7228/manchester/9780719090752.003.0004
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
Chapter 4, first, explores the goals of Turkish nationalist foreign policy; and then explains how the Wilsonian principal of ‘self-determination’ was interpreted in Eastern affairs at the end of ...
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Chapter 4, first, explores the goals of Turkish nationalist foreign policy; and then explains how the Wilsonian principal of ‘self-determination’ was interpreted in Eastern affairs at the end of Ottoman and Russian Empires as non-European powers. It highlights why other social movements – i.e. the rise of local congresses in Anatolia as a reaction to the Allied and the Bab-i Ali’s (Sublime Porte) plans – were crucial in applying the principle of self-determination to the emergence of the Turkish nation that is generally ignored in the Western literature on Turkey. The last section focuses particularly on the formulation of a nationalist foreign policy towards the Bolsheviks in the expectation of resolving the territorial clashes between Turkish and Armenian nationalist claims over their perceived historic homelands, and establishing an area of security in Turkey’s eastern borders.Less
Chapter 4, first, explores the goals of Turkish nationalist foreign policy; and then explains how the Wilsonian principal of ‘self-determination’ was interpreted in Eastern affairs at the end of Ottoman and Russian Empires as non-European powers. It highlights why other social movements – i.e. the rise of local congresses in Anatolia as a reaction to the Allied and the Bab-i Ali’s (Sublime Porte) plans – were crucial in applying the principle of self-determination to the emergence of the Turkish nation that is generally ignored in the Western literature on Turkey. The last section focuses particularly on the formulation of a nationalist foreign policy towards the Bolsheviks in the expectation of resolving the territorial clashes between Turkish and Armenian nationalist claims over their perceived historic homelands, and establishing an area of security in Turkey’s eastern borders.
Mehran Kamrava
- Published in print:
- 2017
- Published Online:
- December 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780190673604
- eISBN:
- 9780190872618
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/oso/9780190673604.003.0012
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
As middle powers with regional aspirations, Iran and Turkey see the South Caucasus region as an ideal arena for expanding their reach and influence. As post-sanctions Iran finds greater space for ...
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As middle powers with regional aspirations, Iran and Turkey see the South Caucasus region as an ideal arena for expanding their reach and influence. As post-sanctions Iran finds greater space for diplomacy and trade, the ensuing competition between the two neighboring countries is likely to intensify in the coming years. For both states, trade and soft power are the most viable tools for expanding their influence. In the long run, the competition in trade is only likely to benefit the three states of the South Caucasus. But it is also likely to keep the multiple conflicts that have ravaged the region over the last several decades — especially between Armenia and Azerbaijan, Russia and Georgia, and even the historic animosity between Turkey and Armenia — frozen and without a solution in sight.Less
As middle powers with regional aspirations, Iran and Turkey see the South Caucasus region as an ideal arena for expanding their reach and influence. As post-sanctions Iran finds greater space for diplomacy and trade, the ensuing competition between the two neighboring countries is likely to intensify in the coming years. For both states, trade and soft power are the most viable tools for expanding their influence. In the long run, the competition in trade is only likely to benefit the three states of the South Caucasus. But it is also likely to keep the multiple conflicts that have ravaged the region over the last several decades — especially between Armenia and Azerbaijan, Russia and Georgia, and even the historic animosity between Turkey and Armenia — frozen and without a solution in sight.
Meliha Benli Altunışık
- Published in print:
- 2017
- Published Online:
- December 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780190673604
- eISBN:
- 9780190872618
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/oso/9780190673604.003.0007
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
This chapter focuses on the soft power of Turkey, comparing its engagements with the states of the South Caucasus (and Central Asia) to the countries of the Middle East. The chapter argues that for ...
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This chapter focuses on the soft power of Turkey, comparing its engagements with the states of the South Caucasus (and Central Asia) to the countries of the Middle East. The chapter argues that for Turkey, the use of soft power was a tool to re-establish relations with, and acquire acceptance in, its neighborhood. In the case of the South Caucasus, Turkey attempted to reconnect with a region that it was cut off from for a long time due to the Soviet era and the Cold War. In the Middle East, there was an effort to redefine its engagement after a decade of securitization of its foreign policy in the 1990s. Although soft power increased Turkey’s visibility and presence, it is unclear if it changed the nature of Turkey’s influence, which remained highly limited when faced with the realities of hard power politics, unable to influence the regional actors it targeted.Less
This chapter focuses on the soft power of Turkey, comparing its engagements with the states of the South Caucasus (and Central Asia) to the countries of the Middle East. The chapter argues that for Turkey, the use of soft power was a tool to re-establish relations with, and acquire acceptance in, its neighborhood. In the case of the South Caucasus, Turkey attempted to reconnect with a region that it was cut off from for a long time due to the Soviet era and the Cold War. In the Middle East, there was an effort to redefine its engagement after a decade of securitization of its foreign policy in the 1990s. Although soft power increased Turkey’s visibility and presence, it is unclear if it changed the nature of Turkey’s influence, which remained highly limited when faced with the realities of hard power politics, unable to influence the regional actors it targeted.
Mehran Kamrava (ed.)
- Published in print:
- 2017
- Published Online:
- December 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780190673604
- eISBN:
- 9780190872618
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/oso/9780190673604.001.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
The Great Game in West Asia examines the strategic competition between Iran and Turkey for power and influence in the South Caucasus. These neighboring Middle East powers have vied for supremacy ...
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The Great Game in West Asia examines the strategic competition between Iran and Turkey for power and influence in the South Caucasus. These neighboring Middle East powers have vied for supremacy throughout the region, while contending with ethnic heterogeneity within their own territories and across their borders. Turkey has long conceived of itself as not just a bridge between Asia and Europe but as a central player in regional and global affairs. Iran’s parallel ambitions for strategic centrality have only been masked by its own inarticulate foreign policy agendas and the repeated missteps of its revolutionary leaders. But both have sought to deepen their regional influence and power, and in the South Caucasus each has achieved a modicum of success. As much of the world’s attention has been diverted to conflicts near and far, a new ‘great game’ has been unravelling between Iran and Turkey in the South Caucasus.Less
The Great Game in West Asia examines the strategic competition between Iran and Turkey for power and influence in the South Caucasus. These neighboring Middle East powers have vied for supremacy throughout the region, while contending with ethnic heterogeneity within their own territories and across their borders. Turkey has long conceived of itself as not just a bridge between Asia and Europe but as a central player in regional and global affairs. Iran’s parallel ambitions for strategic centrality have only been masked by its own inarticulate foreign policy agendas and the repeated missteps of its revolutionary leaders. But both have sought to deepen their regional influence and power, and in the South Caucasus each has achieved a modicum of success. As much of the world’s attention has been diverted to conflicts near and far, a new ‘great game’ has been unravelling between Iran and Turkey in the South Caucasus.
Beatrix Futák-Campbell
- Published in print:
- 2018
- Published Online:
- May 2018
- ISBN:
- 9780719095894
- eISBN:
- 9781526132369
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Manchester University Press
- DOI:
- 10.7228/manchester/9780719095894.003.0004
- Subject:
- Political Science, Russian Politics
This chapter is about collective identity and how practitioners define this highly complex topic. Two main patterns emerge from the corpus. Practitioners’ main concerns while discussing the concept ...
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This chapter is about collective identity and how practitioners define this highly complex topic. Two main patterns emerge from the corpus. Practitioners’ main concerns while discussing the concept of ‘European’ identity are as follows: to differentiate between European neighbours and the neighbours of Europe, and to account for the European credentials of the South Caucasus or Kazakhstan. In addressing differentiation between the neighbours, practitioners draw on geography, culture, history and economic ties to distinguish between countries which are in Europe and those which are not. At the same time practitioners make explicit distinctions between the key EU policies: the European Neighbourhood Policy and the enlargement policy. They also build up the category of the ‘European’. When they offer accounts of the South Caucasus and Kazakhstan, one practitioner relies on a heredity account of the European civilization, while others seek to justify, in different ways, the European-ness of the Caucasus and potentially Kazakhstan.Less
This chapter is about collective identity and how practitioners define this highly complex topic. Two main patterns emerge from the corpus. Practitioners’ main concerns while discussing the concept of ‘European’ identity are as follows: to differentiate between European neighbours and the neighbours of Europe, and to account for the European credentials of the South Caucasus or Kazakhstan. In addressing differentiation between the neighbours, practitioners draw on geography, culture, history and economic ties to distinguish between countries which are in Europe and those which are not. At the same time practitioners make explicit distinctions between the key EU policies: the European Neighbourhood Policy and the enlargement policy. They also build up the category of the ‘European’. When they offer accounts of the South Caucasus and Kazakhstan, one practitioner relies on a heredity account of the European civilization, while others seek to justify, in different ways, the European-ness of the Caucasus and potentially Kazakhstan.
Bayram Balci
- Published in print:
- 2017
- Published Online:
- December 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780190673604
- eISBN:
- 9780190872618
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/oso/9780190673604.003.0008
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
This chapter focuses on a concrete case study in Turkey’s close neighborhood. It examines the exceptional role played by a social and religious organization that is unique in the Muslim world, namely ...
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This chapter focuses on a concrete case study in Turkey’s close neighborhood. It examines the exceptional role played by a social and religious organization that is unique in the Muslim world, namely the movement of Fethullah Gülen. The following questions are addressed: To what extent did the Gülen movement contribute to the development of Turkey’s soft power in both the South Caucasus and the Middle East?; reciprocally, how did the Gülen movement benefit from the government’s support and prestige to develop its own influence? Finally, the chapter questions the durability of the bond between Gülen and Turkey’s soft power through the lens of the clash between Gülen, the charismatic leader of the hizmet movement, and Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, leader of the Turkish executive power since 2002.Less
This chapter focuses on a concrete case study in Turkey’s close neighborhood. It examines the exceptional role played by a social and religious organization that is unique in the Muslim world, namely the movement of Fethullah Gülen. The following questions are addressed: To what extent did the Gülen movement contribute to the development of Turkey’s soft power in both the South Caucasus and the Middle East?; reciprocally, how did the Gülen movement benefit from the government’s support and prestige to develop its own influence? Finally, the chapter questions the durability of the bond between Gülen and Turkey’s soft power through the lens of the clash between Gülen, the charismatic leader of the hizmet movement, and Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, leader of the Turkish executive power since 2002.
Laurence Broers
- Published in print:
- 2019
- Published Online:
- May 2020
- ISBN:
- 9781474450522
- eISBN:
- 9781474476546
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Edinburgh University Press
- DOI:
- 10.3366/edinburgh/9781474450522.001.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
The Armenian-Azerbaijani conflict is the longest-running dispute in Eurasia. This study looks beyond tabloid tropes of ‘frozen conflict’ or ‘Russian land-grab’, to unpack both unresolved territorial ...
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The Armenian-Azerbaijani conflict is the longest-running dispute in Eurasia. This study looks beyond tabloid tropes of ‘frozen conflict’ or ‘Russian land-grab’, to unpack both unresolved territorial issues left over from the 1990s and the strategic rivalry that has built up around them since then. Unstable and overlapping conceptions of homeland have characterised the Armenian and Azerbaijani republics since their first emergence in 1918. Seventy years of incorporation into the Soviet Union did not resolve these issues. As they emerged from the Soviet collapse in 1991, Armenians and Azerbaijanis fought for sovereignty over Nagorny Karabakh, leading to its secession from Azerbaijan, the deaths of more than 25,000 people and the forced displacement of more than a million more. Since then, the conflict has evolved into an ‘enduring rivalry’, a particularly intractable form of long-term militarised competition between two states. Combining perspectives rarely found in a single volume, the study shows how these outcomes became intractably embedded within the regime politics, strategic interactions and international linkages of post-war Armenia and Azerbaijan. Far from ‘frozen’, this book demonstrates how more than two decades of dynamic conceptions of territory, shifting power relations, international diffusion and unsuccessful mediation efforts have contributed to the resilience of this stubbornly unresolved dispute – one of the most intractable of our times.Less
The Armenian-Azerbaijani conflict is the longest-running dispute in Eurasia. This study looks beyond tabloid tropes of ‘frozen conflict’ or ‘Russian land-grab’, to unpack both unresolved territorial issues left over from the 1990s and the strategic rivalry that has built up around them since then. Unstable and overlapping conceptions of homeland have characterised the Armenian and Azerbaijani republics since their first emergence in 1918. Seventy years of incorporation into the Soviet Union did not resolve these issues. As they emerged from the Soviet collapse in 1991, Armenians and Azerbaijanis fought for sovereignty over Nagorny Karabakh, leading to its secession from Azerbaijan, the deaths of more than 25,000 people and the forced displacement of more than a million more. Since then, the conflict has evolved into an ‘enduring rivalry’, a particularly intractable form of long-term militarised competition between two states. Combining perspectives rarely found in a single volume, the study shows how these outcomes became intractably embedded within the regime politics, strategic interactions and international linkages of post-war Armenia and Azerbaijan. Far from ‘frozen’, this book demonstrates how more than two decades of dynamic conceptions of territory, shifting power relations, international diffusion and unsuccessful mediation efforts have contributed to the resilience of this stubbornly unresolved dispute – one of the most intractable of our times.
Stephen Badalyan Riegg
- Published in print:
- 2020
- Published Online:
- January 2021
- ISBN:
- 9781501750113
- eISBN:
- 9781501750137
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Cornell University Press
- DOI:
- 10.7591/cornell/9781501750113.003.0001
- Subject:
- History, European Early Modern History
This chapter explores Russia's political encounter with Armenians from its expansion into the South Caucasus in 1801 to its fateful entrance into the First World War in 1914. It argues that Russia ...
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This chapter explores Russia's political encounter with Armenians from its expansion into the South Caucasus in 1801 to its fateful entrance into the First World War in 1914. It argues that Russia tried to harness the stateless and dispersed Armenian diaspora to build its empire in the Caucasus and beyond. The chapter also talks about how the tsars relied on the stature of the two most influential institutions of the Armenian diaspora, the merchantry and the clergy, to accomplish several goals. It provides a background of Russia's project of diplomatic power from Constantinople to the Caspian Sea, economic benefits of Russia, Persia, and the Ottoman Empire from the Armenian merchant's transimperial trade networks, and political advantage taken from the Armenian Church's extensive authority within far-flung Armenian communities. The period discussed in this book follows the evolution of “Russian” perceptions of “Armenians” alongside the dual processes of tsarist empire-building and Armenian nation-building.Less
This chapter explores Russia's political encounter with Armenians from its expansion into the South Caucasus in 1801 to its fateful entrance into the First World War in 1914. It argues that Russia tried to harness the stateless and dispersed Armenian diaspora to build its empire in the Caucasus and beyond. The chapter also talks about how the tsars relied on the stature of the two most influential institutions of the Armenian diaspora, the merchantry and the clergy, to accomplish several goals. It provides a background of Russia's project of diplomatic power from Constantinople to the Caspian Sea, economic benefits of Russia, Persia, and the Ottoman Empire from the Armenian merchant's transimperial trade networks, and political advantage taken from the Armenian Church's extensive authority within far-flung Armenian communities. The period discussed in this book follows the evolution of “Russian” perceptions of “Armenians” alongside the dual processes of tsarist empire-building and Armenian nation-building.