Robert Mickey
- Published in print:
- 2015
- Published Online:
- October 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780691133386
- eISBN:
- 9781400838783
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Princeton University Press
- DOI:
- 10.23943/princeton/9780691133386.003.0003
- Subject:
- Political Science, American Politics
This chapter examines four important features of Deep South authoritarian enclaves on the eve of the transition: their political geography, centralization of political authority, party factionalism, ...
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This chapter examines four important features of Deep South authoritarian enclaves on the eve of the transition: their political geography, centralization of political authority, party factionalism, and latent strength of their indigenous opponents. A review of these and other characteristics of these polities suggests that modernization cannot fully explain the variation in Deep South democratization experiences. The chapter considers a causal account emphasizing the importance of regime defenders, opponents, and the institutional topography on which they battled one another. It compares the degree to which authority was centralized in South Carolina, Mississippi, and Georgia and highlights the factionalism within Democratic parties. It concludes with a discussion of black protest capacity on the eve of the transition.Less
This chapter examines four important features of Deep South authoritarian enclaves on the eve of the transition: their political geography, centralization of political authority, party factionalism, and latent strength of their indigenous opponents. A review of these and other characteristics of these polities suggests that modernization cannot fully explain the variation in Deep South democratization experiences. The chapter considers a causal account emphasizing the importance of regime defenders, opponents, and the institutional topography on which they battled one another. It compares the degree to which authority was centralized in South Carolina, Mississippi, and Georgia and highlights the factionalism within Democratic parties. It concludes with a discussion of black protest capacity on the eve of the transition.
Robert Mickey
- Published in print:
- 2015
- Published Online:
- October 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780691133386
- eISBN:
- 9781400838783
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Princeton University Press
- DOI:
- 10.23943/princeton/9780691133386.003.0008
- Subject:
- Political Science, American Politics
This chapter examines how the U.S. Supreme Court's ruling in Brown v. Board of Education sparked a crisis over the desegregation of Clemson College in South Carolina. Prior to Brown, South Carolina's ...
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This chapter examines how the U.S. Supreme Court's ruling in Brown v. Board of Education sparked a crisis over the desegregation of Clemson College in South Carolina. Prior to Brown, South Carolina's rulers sought to preempt the invalidation of state-mandated segregation by improving black education. After the ruling, they launched a strategy of massive resistance: decrying, deterring, and deferring threats to white supremacy in the public sphere. The chapter first reviews the state of black education before Brown and South Carolina's attempts to preempt the decision. It then considers the state's responses to Brown in the 1950s and early 1960s, showing that its leaders attacked both white civil society and black protest organizations. It also describes how the state bolstered its institutional resources to manage democratization pressures and concludes with an assessment of how politicians capitalized on ruling party cohesion and an improved coercive apparatus to navigate the Clemson crisis.Less
This chapter examines how the U.S. Supreme Court's ruling in Brown v. Board of Education sparked a crisis over the desegregation of Clemson College in South Carolina. Prior to Brown, South Carolina's rulers sought to preempt the invalidation of state-mandated segregation by improving black education. After the ruling, they launched a strategy of massive resistance: decrying, deterring, and deferring threats to white supremacy in the public sphere. The chapter first reviews the state of black education before Brown and South Carolina's attempts to preempt the decision. It then considers the state's responses to Brown in the 1950s and early 1960s, showing that its leaders attacked both white civil society and black protest organizations. It also describes how the state bolstered its institutional resources to manage democratization pressures and concludes with an assessment of how politicians capitalized on ruling party cohesion and an improved coercive apparatus to navigate the Clemson crisis.
Judith N. McArthur and Orville Vernon Burton
- Published in print:
- 1998
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780195093124
- eISBN:
- 9780199853915
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195093124.003.0001
- Subject:
- History, American History: 19th Century
This chapter explains the coverage of this book, which is about the wartime letters sent by James B. Griffin to his family during the American Civil War. Griffin was a wealthy plantation owner in ...
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This chapter explains the coverage of this book, which is about the wartime letters sent by James B. Griffin to his family during the American Civil War. Griffin was a wealthy plantation owner in Edgefield, South Carolina when he volunteered for the Confederate Army in 1861. This book examines the war time experiences of Griffin, the loss of his properties after the war and his subsequent rebirth as a businessman.Less
This chapter explains the coverage of this book, which is about the wartime letters sent by James B. Griffin to his family during the American Civil War. Griffin was a wealthy plantation owner in Edgefield, South Carolina when he volunteered for the Confederate Army in 1861. This book examines the war time experiences of Griffin, the loss of his properties after the war and his subsequent rebirth as a businessman.
Lacy K. Ford, Jr.
- Published in print:
- 2009
- Published Online:
- September 2009
- ISBN:
- 9780195118094
- eISBN:
- 9780199870936
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195118094.003.0004
- Subject:
- History, American History: 19th Century
This chapter details how the first short-staple cotton boom linked cotton profits, slavery, and territorial expansion in momentous ways. It examines South Carolina's contested decision to reopen the ...
More
This chapter details how the first short-staple cotton boom linked cotton profits, slavery, and territorial expansion in momentous ways. It examines South Carolina's contested decision to reopen the African slave trade to meet the labor demands of the cotton boom and supply slaves to the nation's new purchase, Louisiana.Less
This chapter details how the first short-staple cotton boom linked cotton profits, slavery, and territorial expansion in momentous ways. It examines South Carolina's contested decision to reopen the African slave trade to meet the labor demands of the cotton boom and supply slaves to the nation's new purchase, Louisiana.
James B. Griffin
Judith N. McArthur and Orville Vernon Burton (eds)
- Published in print:
- 1998
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780195093124
- eISBN:
- 9780199853915
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195093124.001.0001
- Subject:
- History, American History: 19th Century
In 1861, James B. Griffin left Edgefield, South Carolina, and rode off to Virginia to take up duty with the Confederate Army. He was thirty-five years old, a wealthy planter, and the owner of ...
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In 1861, James B. Griffin left Edgefield, South Carolina, and rode off to Virginia to take up duty with the Confederate Army. He was thirty-five years old, a wealthy planter, and the owner of sixty-one slaves when he joined Wade Hampton's elite Legion as a major of cavalry. This book features eighty of Griffin's letters written at the Virginia front, and during later postings on the South Carolina coast, to his wife Leila Burt Griffin. The letters encompass Griffin's entire Civil War service, detailing living conditions and military maneuvers, the jockeying for position among officers, and the different ways in which officers and enlisted men interacted. The letters shed light on the life of a middle officer—a life of extreme military hardship, complicated further by the need for reassurance about personal valor and status common to men of the southern gentry. Griffin describes secret troop movements, such as the Hampton Legion's role in the Peninsula Campaign. Here he relates the march from Manassas to Fredricksburg, the siege of Yorktown and the retreat to Richmond, and the fighting at Eltham's landing and Seven Pines, where Griffin commanded the Legion after Hampton was wounded. Griffin recounts day-to-day issues, from the weather to gossip. Monumental historical events sent Griffin off to war but his heartfelt considerations were about his family, his community, and his own personal pride. Griffin's letters present the Civil War as the ordeal by fire that tested and verified—or modified—Southern upperclass values.Less
In 1861, James B. Griffin left Edgefield, South Carolina, and rode off to Virginia to take up duty with the Confederate Army. He was thirty-five years old, a wealthy planter, and the owner of sixty-one slaves when he joined Wade Hampton's elite Legion as a major of cavalry. This book features eighty of Griffin's letters written at the Virginia front, and during later postings on the South Carolina coast, to his wife Leila Burt Griffin. The letters encompass Griffin's entire Civil War service, detailing living conditions and military maneuvers, the jockeying for position among officers, and the different ways in which officers and enlisted men interacted. The letters shed light on the life of a middle officer—a life of extreme military hardship, complicated further by the need for reassurance about personal valor and status common to men of the southern gentry. Griffin describes secret troop movements, such as the Hampton Legion's role in the Peninsula Campaign. Here he relates the march from Manassas to Fredricksburg, the siege of Yorktown and the retreat to Richmond, and the fighting at Eltham's landing and Seven Pines, where Griffin commanded the Legion after Hampton was wounded. Griffin recounts day-to-day issues, from the weather to gossip. Monumental historical events sent Griffin off to war but his heartfelt considerations were about his family, his community, and his own personal pride. Griffin's letters present the Civil War as the ordeal by fire that tested and verified—or modified—Southern upperclass values.
Robert Mickey
- Published in print:
- 2015
- Published Online:
- October 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780691133386
- eISBN:
- 9781400838783
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Princeton University Press
- DOI:
- 10.23943/princeton/9780691133386.003.0004
- Subject:
- Political Science, American Politics
This chapter examines the U.S. Supreme Court's ruling in Smith v. Allwright that challenged the restriction on suffrage: it invalidated the all-white Democratic primary and struck at the heart of ...
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This chapter examines the U.S. Supreme Court's ruling in Smith v. Allwright that challenged the restriction on suffrage: it invalidated the all-white Democratic primary and struck at the heart of southern politics—one-party rule based on white supremacy. It first considers the Supreme Court's challenge to the white primary in relation to rulers' dilemmas, opportunities, and options before discussing narratives of enclave experiences with the white primary challenge in South Carolina, Mississippi, and Georgia. It then compares outer South and Deep South responses to Smith, showing that Georgia and South Carolina featured more impressive black mobilizations than Mississippi. However, the consequences of these episodes were not driven solely by such forces as economic development or black protest infrastructure. Rather, given different configurations of intraparty conflict, party–state institutions, and levels of black insurgency, Smith and the responses it invoked had different consequences for each enclave.Less
This chapter examines the U.S. Supreme Court's ruling in Smith v. Allwright that challenged the restriction on suffrage: it invalidated the all-white Democratic primary and struck at the heart of southern politics—one-party rule based on white supremacy. It first considers the Supreme Court's challenge to the white primary in relation to rulers' dilemmas, opportunities, and options before discussing narratives of enclave experiences with the white primary challenge in South Carolina, Mississippi, and Georgia. It then compares outer South and Deep South responses to Smith, showing that Georgia and South Carolina featured more impressive black mobilizations than Mississippi. However, the consequences of these episodes were not driven solely by such forces as economic development or black protest infrastructure. Rather, given different configurations of intraparty conflict, party–state institutions, and levels of black insurgency, Smith and the responses it invoked had different consequences for each enclave.
William R. Ryan
- Published in print:
- 2010
- Published Online:
- May 2010
- ISBN:
- 9780195387285
- eISBN:
- 9780199775774
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195387285.003.0008
- Subject:
- History, American History: early to 18th Century
This chapter illustrates how a mass exodus of slaves in Georgia (at Tybee Island) and a loyalist uprising in North Carolina hastened the drafting of an extremely conservative state constitution for ...
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This chapter illustrates how a mass exodus of slaves in Georgia (at Tybee Island) and a loyalist uprising in North Carolina hastened the drafting of an extremely conservative state constitution for South Carolina in March 1776. When the long‐anticipated British naval assault on Charles Town Harbor finally came on June 28, 1776, it was the skilled black navigators of South Carolina who piloted the Royal Navy ships over the bar. The “crime” that Thomas Jeremiah had been hanged and burned for just ten months earlier was carried out by a boatman named Sampson. Ironically, it was the insubordination of these pilots that ultimately led to Britain's humiliating defeat.Less
This chapter illustrates how a mass exodus of slaves in Georgia (at Tybee Island) and a loyalist uprising in North Carolina hastened the drafting of an extremely conservative state constitution for South Carolina in March 1776. When the long‐anticipated British naval assault on Charles Town Harbor finally came on June 28, 1776, it was the skilled black navigators of South Carolina who piloted the Royal Navy ships over the bar. The “crime” that Thomas Jeremiah had been hanged and burned for just ten months earlier was carried out by a boatman named Sampson. Ironically, it was the insubordination of these pilots that ultimately led to Britain's humiliating defeat.
Lacy K. Ford, Jr.
- Published in print:
- 2009
- Published Online:
- September 2009
- ISBN:
- 9780195118094
- eISBN:
- 9780199870936
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195118094.003.0010
- Subject:
- History, American History: 19th Century
This chapter explores the refusal of the South Carolina legislature to adopt many of the draconian control measures recommended by Charleston-area leaders in response to the Vesey scare. Lowcountry ...
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This chapter explores the refusal of the South Carolina legislature to adopt many of the draconian control measures recommended by Charleston-area leaders in response to the Vesey scare. Lowcountry leaders then reacted to the legislature's moderation with the formation of an aggressive voluntary organization, the South Carolina Association, charged with protecting the interests and safety of white Charlestonians. The association quickly emerged as the vanguard of proslavery radicalism in the lower South and a sworn enemy of the paternalist movement.Less
This chapter explores the refusal of the South Carolina legislature to adopt many of the draconian control measures recommended by Charleston-area leaders in response to the Vesey scare. Lowcountry leaders then reacted to the legislature's moderation with the formation of an aggressive voluntary organization, the South Carolina Association, charged with protecting the interests and safety of white Charlestonians. The association quickly emerged as the vanguard of proslavery radicalism in the lower South and a sworn enemy of the paternalist movement.
Edmund L. Drago
- Published in print:
- 2008
- Published Online:
- March 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780823229376
- eISBN:
- 9780823234912
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Fordham University Press
- DOI:
- 10.5422/fso/9780823229376.001.0001
- Subject:
- History, Social History
This book tells a story of white children and their families in the most militant Southern state in the United States (the state where the Civil War erupted). Drawing on a rich array of sources, many ...
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This book tells a story of white children and their families in the most militant Southern state in the United States (the state where the Civil War erupted). Drawing on a rich array of sources, many of them formerly untapped, the book shows how the War transformed the domestic world of the white South. Households were devastated by disease, death, and deprivation. Young people took up arms like adults, often with tragic results. Thousands of fathers and brothers died in battle; many returned home with grave physical and psychological wounds. Widows and orphans often had to fend for themselves. From the first volley at Fort Sumter in Charleston harbor to the end of Reconstruction, the book explores the extraordinary impact of war and defeat on the South Carolina home front. It covers a broad spectrum, from the effect of “boy soldiers” on the ideals of childhood and child rearing to changes in education, marriage customs, and community as well as family life. The book surveys the children's literature of the era and explores the changing dimensions of Confederate patriarchal society. By studying the implications of the War and its legacy in cultural memory, it unveils the conflicting perspectives of South Carolina children, white and black, during modern times.Less
This book tells a story of white children and their families in the most militant Southern state in the United States (the state where the Civil War erupted). Drawing on a rich array of sources, many of them formerly untapped, the book shows how the War transformed the domestic world of the white South. Households were devastated by disease, death, and deprivation. Young people took up arms like adults, often with tragic results. Thousands of fathers and brothers died in battle; many returned home with grave physical and psychological wounds. Widows and orphans often had to fend for themselves. From the first volley at Fort Sumter in Charleston harbor to the end of Reconstruction, the book explores the extraordinary impact of war and defeat on the South Carolina home front. It covers a broad spectrum, from the effect of “boy soldiers” on the ideals of childhood and child rearing to changes in education, marriage customs, and community as well as family life. The book surveys the children's literature of the era and explores the changing dimensions of Confederate patriarchal society. By studying the implications of the War and its legacy in cultural memory, it unveils the conflicting perspectives of South Carolina children, white and black, during modern times.
John W. White
- Published in print:
- 2011
- Published Online:
- September 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780813036847
- eISBN:
- 9780813043999
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University Press of Florida
- DOI:
- 10.5744/florida/9780813036847.003.0008
- Subject:
- History, American History: 20th Century
This chapter argues that between 1952 and 1974 the South Carolina Republican Party constructed a strong alternative based on appeals to mainstream white voters who were turned off by what they viewed ...
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This chapter argues that between 1952 and 1974 the South Carolina Republican Party constructed a strong alternative based on appeals to mainstream white voters who were turned off by what they viewed as heavy-handed federal policies, but were unwilling to side with the South's most intransigent segregationists in an unwinnable battle to preserve Jim Crow. The chapter also questions the import of what it calls the so-called Southern Strategy by stressing Republican development in the suburbs, the marketing efforts of Dolly Hamby, and—in any event—casting the strategy as the culmination of two decades of grassroots political change rather than the beginning of the state's move toward the GOP. Also, contrary to most historiography, the essay points to the presidential elections of 1952 and 1960 (along with local and statewide races in 1961, 1962, 1966, and 1970) as far more important to the southern move toward the GOP than the extensively studied elections of 1948, 1964, and 1968.Less
This chapter argues that between 1952 and 1974 the South Carolina Republican Party constructed a strong alternative based on appeals to mainstream white voters who were turned off by what they viewed as heavy-handed federal policies, but were unwilling to side with the South's most intransigent segregationists in an unwinnable battle to preserve Jim Crow. The chapter also questions the import of what it calls the so-called Southern Strategy by stressing Republican development in the suburbs, the marketing efforts of Dolly Hamby, and—in any event—casting the strategy as the culmination of two decades of grassroots political change rather than the beginning of the state's move toward the GOP. Also, contrary to most historiography, the essay points to the presidential elections of 1952 and 1960 (along with local and statewide races in 1961, 1962, 1966, and 1970) as far more important to the southern move toward the GOP than the extensively studied elections of 1948, 1964, and 1968.
Guy R. Everson and Edward H. Simpson (eds)
- Published in print:
- 1994
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780195086645
- eISBN:
- 9780199853946
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195086645.001.0001
- Subject:
- History, American History: 19th Century
In April 1861, Dick and Tally Simpson, sons of South Carolina Congressman Richard F. Simpson, enlisted in Company A of the Third South Carolina Volunteers of the Confederate army. Their letters home ...
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In April 1861, Dick and Tally Simpson, sons of South Carolina Congressman Richard F. Simpson, enlisted in Company A of the Third South Carolina Volunteers of the Confederate army. Their letters home read like a historical novel, complete with plot, romance, character, suspense, and tragedy. They gave firsthand accounts of dramatic events from the battle of First Manassas in July 1861 to the battle of Chickamauga in September 1863. Their letters provide a picture of war as it was actually experienced at the time, not as it was remembered some twenty or thirty years later. It is a picture that neither glorifies war nor condemns it, but simply “tells it like it is”. Written to a number of different people, the boysʼ letters home dealt with a number of different subjects. Letters to “Pa” went into great detail about military matters in Lee's Army of Northern Virginia — troop movements, casualties, and how well particular units had fought; letters to “Ma” and sisters Anna and Mary were about camp life and family friends in the army and usually included requests for much-needed food and clothing; letters to Aunt Caroline and her daughter Carrie usually concerned affairs of the heart, for Aunt Caroline continued to be Dick and Tally's trusted confidante, even when they were “far, far from home”. The value of these letters lays not so much in the detailed information they provide as in the overall picture they convey — a picture of how one Southern family, for better or for worse, at home and at the front — coped with the experience of war.Less
In April 1861, Dick and Tally Simpson, sons of South Carolina Congressman Richard F. Simpson, enlisted in Company A of the Third South Carolina Volunteers of the Confederate army. Their letters home read like a historical novel, complete with plot, romance, character, suspense, and tragedy. They gave firsthand accounts of dramatic events from the battle of First Manassas in July 1861 to the battle of Chickamauga in September 1863. Their letters provide a picture of war as it was actually experienced at the time, not as it was remembered some twenty or thirty years later. It is a picture that neither glorifies war nor condemns it, but simply “tells it like it is”. Written to a number of different people, the boysʼ letters home dealt with a number of different subjects. Letters to “Pa” went into great detail about military matters in Lee's Army of Northern Virginia — troop movements, casualties, and how well particular units had fought; letters to “Ma” and sisters Anna and Mary were about camp life and family friends in the army and usually included requests for much-needed food and clothing; letters to Aunt Caroline and her daughter Carrie usually concerned affairs of the heart, for Aunt Caroline continued to be Dick and Tally's trusted confidante, even when they were “far, far from home”. The value of these letters lays not so much in the detailed information they provide as in the overall picture they convey — a picture of how one Southern family, for better or for worse, at home and at the front — coped with the experience of war.
William R. Ryan
- Published in print:
- 2010
- Published Online:
- May 2010
- ISBN:
- 9780195387285
- eISBN:
- 9780199775774
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195387285.001.0001
- Subject:
- History, American History: early to 18th Century
At around noon on August 18, 1775, the rain in Charles Town finally relented. A crowd converged, and a black man was hanged and set on fire. In a slave society where labor was sometimes extracted by ...
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At around noon on August 18, 1775, the rain in Charles Town finally relented. A crowd converged, and a black man was hanged and set on fire. In a slave society where labor was sometimes extracted by coercion and the fear of capital punishment, spectacles of violence were nothing new. Such displays had been witnessed before and would be seen again in the years leading up to South Carolina's “Second War for Independence.” However, this man was unique. As one of a select group of harbor pilots working the Low Country waters, he was well positioned to help the Royal Navy mount a full‐scale invasion of the richest and most vulnerable seaport in the thirteen colonies. With a personal fortune estimated at 600 to 1,000 pounds sterling, he was perhaps the most prosperous black man in pre‐Revolutionary America. As a free man with resources, slaves, and gunpowder at his disposal, he was ostensibly set to ignite a revolution. The individuals pointing their collective finger at him were also exceptional. As some of the wealthiest men in all of mainland British North America, they were poised to make a monumental and lasting break with the Crown. And while the details of the accused's life are slight and fragmentary, the dramatic circumstances surrounding his death are not. As this book illustrates, they reveal much about the crises faced by South Carolinians as they steeled themselves for the turmoil unfolding between the passage of the Coercive Acts and the Declaration of Independence.Less
At around noon on August 18, 1775, the rain in Charles Town finally relented. A crowd converged, and a black man was hanged and set on fire. In a slave society where labor was sometimes extracted by coercion and the fear of capital punishment, spectacles of violence were nothing new. Such displays had been witnessed before and would be seen again in the years leading up to South Carolina's “Second War for Independence.” However, this man was unique. As one of a select group of harbor pilots working the Low Country waters, he was well positioned to help the Royal Navy mount a full‐scale invasion of the richest and most vulnerable seaport in the thirteen colonies. With a personal fortune estimated at 600 to 1,000 pounds sterling, he was perhaps the most prosperous black man in pre‐Revolutionary America. As a free man with resources, slaves, and gunpowder at his disposal, he was ostensibly set to ignite a revolution. The individuals pointing their collective finger at him were also exceptional. As some of the wealthiest men in all of mainland British North America, they were poised to make a monumental and lasting break with the Crown. And while the details of the accused's life are slight and fragmentary, the dramatic circumstances surrounding his death are not. As this book illustrates, they reveal much about the crises faced by South Carolinians as they steeled themselves for the turmoil unfolding between the passage of the Coercive Acts and the Declaration of Independence.
Jessica M. Parr
- Published in print:
- 2015
- Published Online:
- May 2016
- ISBN:
- 9781628461985
- eISBN:
- 9781626744998
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University Press of Mississippi
- DOI:
- 10.14325/mississippi/9781628461985.003.0004
- Subject:
- History, American History: 19th Century
When James Oglethorpe helped to found the Georgia colony in 1733, it served in part as a buffer between wealthy, slave owning South Carolina and Spanish Florida. As such, the ownership of African ...
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When James Oglethorpe helped to found the Georgia colony in 1733, it served in part as a buffer between wealthy, slave owning South Carolina and Spanish Florida. As such, the ownership of African slaves was initially prohibited in the colony. In spite of his criticism of southern planters, and especially the lavish lifestyles of polite planter society, Whitefield played a central role in convincing the Georgia Trustees to relent and prohibit slavery. Whitefield saw slave ownership as a means to tend to the spiritual wellbeing of slaves, a common paternalist argument made by pro-slavery Christians. Much as many Anglican planters feared, Whitefield’s teaching, “equality in the eyes of God,” ultimately laid the ideological origins for many converted slaves to oppose their enslavement on religious grounds. After his death, Whitefield would become an “accidental abolitionist.”Less
When James Oglethorpe helped to found the Georgia colony in 1733, it served in part as a buffer between wealthy, slave owning South Carolina and Spanish Florida. As such, the ownership of African slaves was initially prohibited in the colony. In spite of his criticism of southern planters, and especially the lavish lifestyles of polite planter society, Whitefield played a central role in convincing the Georgia Trustees to relent and prohibit slavery. Whitefield saw slave ownership as a means to tend to the spiritual wellbeing of slaves, a common paternalist argument made by pro-slavery Christians. Much as many Anglican planters feared, Whitefield’s teaching, “equality in the eyes of God,” ultimately laid the ideological origins for many converted slaves to oppose their enslavement on religious grounds. After his death, Whitefield would become an “accidental abolitionist.”
Guy R. Everson and Edward H. Simpson
- Published in print:
- 1994
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780195086645
- eISBN:
- 9780199853946
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195086645.003.0001
- Subject:
- History, American History: 19th Century
This chapter presents Dick and Tally Simpsonsʼ wartime letters to their family in South Carolina from April to August 1861. These letters cover the period from the fall of Fort Sumter in April 1861 ...
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This chapter presents Dick and Tally Simpsonsʼ wartime letters to their family in South Carolina from April to August 1861. These letters cover the period from the fall of Fort Sumter in April 1861 to the lull in the fighting following the Confederate victory at First Manassas. They are filled with patriotic enthusiasm and stories about the death of Confederate volunteers.Less
This chapter presents Dick and Tally Simpsonsʼ wartime letters to their family in South Carolina from April to August 1861. These letters cover the period from the fall of Fort Sumter in April 1861 to the lull in the fighting following the Confederate victory at First Manassas. They are filled with patriotic enthusiasm and stories about the death of Confederate volunteers.
Thomas F. Schaller
- Published in print:
- 2014
- Published Online:
- September 2014
- ISBN:
- 9780813049878
- eISBN:
- 9780813050348
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University Press of Florida
- DOI:
- 10.5744/florida/9780813049878.003.0002
- Subject:
- History, American History: 20th Century
Political scientist Thomas F. Schaller examines in detail the unique role of South Carolina in American history and politics. The center of the Nullification Crisis of the nineteenth century, as well ...
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Political scientist Thomas F. Schaller examines in detail the unique role of South Carolina in American history and politics. The center of the Nullification Crisis of the nineteenth century, as well as the first state to secede, the Palmetto State has consistently been at the forefront of opposition to the federal government and a virulent insistence on the sanctity of states’ rights. Its importance continues today, as Schaller demonstrates, including the prominent role that the state's primary and customary visits to Bob Jones University play for the GOP presidential nominating process. From the 1770s South Carolina embraced the resister's role with relish and John C. Calhoun—perhaps its favorite son—is virtually synonymous with the antebellum “nullification” movement and the doctrine of interposition. Schaller examines why it is that South Carolina has repeatedly distinguished itself as a federal outlier to the Republic—a state first to secede, and often last to accede—to the laws and norms embraced by much of the rest of the nation. In doing so, he links the past to the present.Less
Political scientist Thomas F. Schaller examines in detail the unique role of South Carolina in American history and politics. The center of the Nullification Crisis of the nineteenth century, as well as the first state to secede, the Palmetto State has consistently been at the forefront of opposition to the federal government and a virulent insistence on the sanctity of states’ rights. Its importance continues today, as Schaller demonstrates, including the prominent role that the state's primary and customary visits to Bob Jones University play for the GOP presidential nominating process. From the 1770s South Carolina embraced the resister's role with relish and John C. Calhoun—perhaps its favorite son—is virtually synonymous with the antebellum “nullification” movement and the doctrine of interposition. Schaller examines why it is that South Carolina has repeatedly distinguished itself as a federal outlier to the Republic—a state first to secede, and often last to accede—to the laws and norms embraced by much of the rest of the nation. In doing so, he links the past to the present.
Judith N. McArthur and Orville Vernon Burton
- Published in print:
- 1998
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780195093124
- eISBN:
- 9780199853915
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195093124.003.0002
- Subject:
- History, American History: 19th Century
This chapter presents Griffin's wartime letters to his wife Leila in South Carolina dated from April 14 to September 17, 1861. These letters are about Griffin's arrival in Fort Sumter, his ...
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This chapter presents Griffin's wartime letters to his wife Leila in South Carolina dated from April 14 to September 17, 1861. These letters are about Griffin's arrival in Fort Sumter, his commissioning as major of cavalry in the Hampton Legion, his recruitment of volunteers in Columbia and his preparation to move his squadron to Virginia. Griffin also expressed his disappointment over the shortage of troop trains which delayed the Hampton Legion cavalry from reaching Manassas in time to take part in the stunning Confederate victory on 21 July and told his wife about his promotion to lieutenant colonel.Less
This chapter presents Griffin's wartime letters to his wife Leila in South Carolina dated from April 14 to September 17, 1861. These letters are about Griffin's arrival in Fort Sumter, his commissioning as major of cavalry in the Hampton Legion, his recruitment of volunteers in Columbia and his preparation to move his squadron to Virginia. Griffin also expressed his disappointment over the shortage of troop trains which delayed the Hampton Legion cavalry from reaching Manassas in time to take part in the stunning Confederate victory on 21 July and told his wife about his promotion to lieutenant colonel.
Scott Douglas Gerber
- Published in print:
- 2011
- Published Online:
- September 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780199765874
- eISBN:
- 9780199896875
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199765874.003.0022
- Subject:
- Law, Constitutional and Administrative Law, Legal History
This chapter traces the history of judicial independence in South Carolina. South Carolina took longer to constitutionalize the principle of judicial independence than did its neighbor and former ...
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This chapter traces the history of judicial independence in South Carolina. South Carolina took longer to constitutionalize the principle of judicial independence than did its neighbor and former county to the north. The South Carolina constitutions of 1776 and 1778 vested some judicial power (the chancery power) in the privy council and subjected judges to removal by address. Judicial salaries were also far from secure. It was not until 1790 that South Carolina adopted essentially the same model of judicial independence embodied in both the North Carolina Constitution of 1776 and the Federal Constitution of 1787.Less
This chapter traces the history of judicial independence in South Carolina. South Carolina took longer to constitutionalize the principle of judicial independence than did its neighbor and former county to the north. The South Carolina constitutions of 1776 and 1778 vested some judicial power (the chancery power) in the privy council and subjected judges to removal by address. Judicial salaries were also far from secure. It was not until 1790 that South Carolina adopted essentially the same model of judicial independence embodied in both the North Carolina Constitution of 1776 and the Federal Constitution of 1787.
Lacy K. Ford, Jr.
- Published in print:
- 2009
- Published Online:
- September 2009
- ISBN:
- 9780195118094
- eISBN:
- 9780199870936
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195118094.003.0005
- Subject:
- History, American History: 19th Century
This chapter explores the anxieties generated in the region by South Carolina's decision to reopen the foreign slave trade, the rapid expansion of slavery into the Old Southwest, and the German Coast ...
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This chapter explores the anxieties generated in the region by South Carolina's decision to reopen the foreign slave trade, the rapid expansion of slavery into the Old Southwest, and the German Coast slave insurrection in Louisiana in 1811. It briefly examines the resistance fomented by a coalition of the British, enslaved blacks, and native Americans during the War of 1812, and Andrew Jackson's concomitant rise as the champion of whites who wanted safe access to land, slaves, and cotton profits.Less
This chapter explores the anxieties generated in the region by South Carolina's decision to reopen the foreign slave trade, the rapid expansion of slavery into the Old Southwest, and the German Coast slave insurrection in Louisiana in 1811. It briefly examines the resistance fomented by a coalition of the British, enslaved blacks, and native Americans during the War of 1812, and Andrew Jackson's concomitant rise as the champion of whites who wanted safe access to land, slaves, and cotton profits.
Judith N. McArthur and Orville Vernon Burton
- Published in print:
- 1998
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780195093124
- eISBN:
- 9780199853915
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195093124.003.0007
- Subject:
- History, American History: 19th Century
This chapter presents Griffin's wartime letters to his wife Leila dated from November 26, 1862 to February 9, 1863. These letters are about Griffin's decision to accept the commission with the ...
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This chapter presents Griffin's wartime letters to his wife Leila dated from November 26, 1862 to February 9, 1863. These letters are about Griffin's decision to accept the commission with the Reserves and go back to South Carolina. He told Leila that he was appointed lieutenant colonel of the Fifth Regiment of the South Carolina Reserves and though he was having a good time he had some conflicts with enlisted men and officers that had plagued him in Virginia.Less
This chapter presents Griffin's wartime letters to his wife Leila dated from November 26, 1862 to February 9, 1863. These letters are about Griffin's decision to accept the commission with the Reserves and go back to South Carolina. He told Leila that he was appointed lieutenant colonel of the Fifth Regiment of the South Carolina Reserves and though he was having a good time he had some conflicts with enlisted men and officers that had plagued him in Virginia.
P. Nicole King
- Published in print:
- 2012
- Published Online:
- March 2014
- ISBN:
- 9781617032516
- eISBN:
- 9781617032523
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University Press of Mississippi
- DOI:
- 10.14325/mississippi/9781617032516.003.0002
- Subject:
- History, Social History
This chapter traces development of South Carolina’s tourism industry. The first indications that South Carolina may become a tourist state emerged in 1945, when the newly formed State Research, ...
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This chapter traces development of South Carolina’s tourism industry. The first indications that South Carolina may become a tourist state emerged in 1945, when the newly formed State Research, Planning, and Development Board began advertising in national publications. Tourism became an industry in the late-1960s and big business for South Carolina during the 1980s. By 1990, tourism’s economic impact had reached $5 billion in South Carolina. By the final decade of the twentieth century, the state’s tourism promoters sought to diversify their market and their product. The expansion of the market included working with a constituency and a market long ignored: African Americans.Less
This chapter traces development of South Carolina’s tourism industry. The first indications that South Carolina may become a tourist state emerged in 1945, when the newly formed State Research, Planning, and Development Board began advertising in national publications. Tourism became an industry in the late-1960s and big business for South Carolina during the 1980s. By 1990, tourism’s economic impact had reached $5 billion in South Carolina. By the final decade of the twentieth century, the state’s tourism promoters sought to diversify their market and their product. The expansion of the market included working with a constituency and a market long ignored: African Americans.
