Helena Liu
- Published in print:
- 2020
- Published Online:
- September 2020
- ISBN:
- 9781529200041
- eISBN:
- 9781529200096
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Policy Press
- DOI:
- 10.1332/policypress/9781529200041.001.0001
- Subject:
- Philosophy, Feminist Philosophy
We are living in an inhospitable world. Countries like the United States, United Kingdom and Australia are hardening their borders while organisations and societies are mounting a backlash against ...
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We are living in an inhospitable world. Countries like the United States, United Kingdom and Australia are hardening their borders while organisations and societies are mounting a backlash against even the most modest advancements towards gender and racial equality. Leadership has served as a vehicle through which domination and oppression are normalised and romanticised. Despite its troubled history, leadership continues to enjoy a sacred status in our cultures and is often upheld as the solution for inclusion. Redeeming Leadership aims to identify and challenge the violences of leadership by confronting the hegemony of imperialist, white supremacist, capitalist and patriarchal ideologies within leadership theorising and practice. In doing so, the book draws on the complex and distinct traditions of anti-racist feminisms in order to offer redemptive possibilities for ‘leadership’ that may be exercised from the values of justice, solidarity and love.Less
We are living in an inhospitable world. Countries like the United States, United Kingdom and Australia are hardening their borders while organisations and societies are mounting a backlash against even the most modest advancements towards gender and racial equality. Leadership has served as a vehicle through which domination and oppression are normalised and romanticised. Despite its troubled history, leadership continues to enjoy a sacred status in our cultures and is often upheld as the solution for inclusion. Redeeming Leadership aims to identify and challenge the violences of leadership by confronting the hegemony of imperialist, white supremacist, capitalist and patriarchal ideologies within leadership theorising and practice. In doing so, the book draws on the complex and distinct traditions of anti-racist feminisms in order to offer redemptive possibilities for ‘leadership’ that may be exercised from the values of justice, solidarity and love.
J. E. M. Thirkell, K. Petkov, and S. A. Vickerstaff
- Published in print:
- 1998
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780198289791
- eISBN:
- 9780191684760
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198289791.003.0005
- Subject:
- Business and Management, HRM / IR, International Business
The aim of the analysis in this chapter is to uncover the processes of strategy formulation and strategic choice in the trade unions, both in the wider context of the political transition as well as ...
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The aim of the analysis in this chapter is to uncover the processes of strategy formulation and strategic choice in the trade unions, both in the wider context of the political transition as well as in transformation of industrial relations. The discussion is organized in four main sections. The first is the legacy of the previous Soviet system and its transmission-belt model of trade unionism. Secondly, there are the alternative models of trade unionism which emerged in Eastern Europe, in particular the prototype of Solidarity. Thirdly, trade unions' organizational strategies in the context of transformation are examined. Finally, there is the question of the political choices of trade unions towards economic reform.Less
The aim of the analysis in this chapter is to uncover the processes of strategy formulation and strategic choice in the trade unions, both in the wider context of the political transition as well as in transformation of industrial relations. The discussion is organized in four main sections. The first is the legacy of the previous Soviet system and its transmission-belt model of trade unionism. Secondly, there are the alternative models of trade unionism which emerged in Eastern Europe, in particular the prototype of Solidarity. Thirdly, trade unions' organizational strategies in the context of transformation are examined. Finally, there is the question of the political choices of trade unions towards economic reform.
Tadeusz Kowalik
- Published in print:
- 2001
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780199241378
- eISBN:
- 9780191696923
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199241378.003.0009
- Subject:
- Economics and Finance, Public and Welfare
Unexpected introduction of social democratic policies, mainly in the form of systemic change, in Poland was caused by the foundations and actions of mass movements, the various events in relation to ...
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Unexpected introduction of social democratic policies, mainly in the form of systemic change, in Poland was caused by the foundations and actions of mass movements, the various events in relation to social class and Solidarity reforms from 1981 to 1989. These social democratic movements and actions have significantly distorted or perhaps, shifted the attitudes, perception of duties, expectations, and behaviours of employees. In addition, they not only encountered a gradual decrease in their standards of living, but also, they underwent chronic psychological distress, which affected their social relationships. Such effects are not what the people expected upon the conception of social democracy.Less
Unexpected introduction of social democratic policies, mainly in the form of systemic change, in Poland was caused by the foundations and actions of mass movements, the various events in relation to social class and Solidarity reforms from 1981 to 1989. These social democratic movements and actions have significantly distorted or perhaps, shifted the attitudes, perception of duties, expectations, and behaviours of employees. In addition, they not only encountered a gradual decrease in their standards of living, but also, they underwent chronic psychological distress, which affected their social relationships. Such effects are not what the people expected upon the conception of social democracy.
Marjorie Mayo
- Published in print:
- 2017
- Published Online:
- January 2018
- ISBN:
- 9781447329312
- eISBN:
- 9781447329466
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Policy Press
- DOI:
- 10.1332/policypress/9781447329312.001.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, Public Policy
This book brings theoretical understandings of migration and displacement (including displacement as a result of urban redevelopment programmes) together with empirical illustrations of the varying ...
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This book brings theoretical understandings of migration and displacement (including displacement as a result of urban redevelopment programmes) together with empirical illustrations of the varying ways in which communities respond. These responses can be negative, divisive and exclusionary. But responses to migration and displacement can also be positive and mutually supportive, building solidarities both within and between communities, whether locally or transnationally. Drawing upon original research, the book includes case studies from varying international contexts, illustrating how different communities respond to the challenges of migration and displacement. These include examples of responses through community arts – such as poetry, story-telling and photography, exploring the scope for building communities (including transnational, diaspora communities) of solidarity and social justice.
The concluding chapters identify potential implications for public policy and professional practice, aiming to promote communities of solidarity, addressing the structural causes of widening inequalities, taking account of different interests, including those related to social class, gender, ethnicity, ability and age.Less
This book brings theoretical understandings of migration and displacement (including displacement as a result of urban redevelopment programmes) together with empirical illustrations of the varying ways in which communities respond. These responses can be negative, divisive and exclusionary. But responses to migration and displacement can also be positive and mutually supportive, building solidarities both within and between communities, whether locally or transnationally. Drawing upon original research, the book includes case studies from varying international contexts, illustrating how different communities respond to the challenges of migration and displacement. These include examples of responses through community arts – such as poetry, story-telling and photography, exploring the scope for building communities (including transnational, diaspora communities) of solidarity and social justice.
The concluding chapters identify potential implications for public policy and professional practice, aiming to promote communities of solidarity, addressing the structural causes of widening inequalities, taking account of different interests, including those related to social class, gender, ethnicity, ability and age.
Helena Liu
- Published in print:
- 2020
- Published Online:
- September 2020
- ISBN:
- 9781529200041
- eISBN:
- 9781529200096
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Policy Press
- DOI:
- 10.1332/policypress/9781529200041.003.0006
- Subject:
- Philosophy, Feminist Philosophy
This chapter draws on the collective wisdoms of Black, Indigenous, Latinx and Chicanx, Middle Eastern and Asian feminisms to identify and challenge the interlocking systems of power that undergird ...
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This chapter draws on the collective wisdoms of Black, Indigenous, Latinx and Chicanx, Middle Eastern and Asian feminisms to identify and challenge the interlocking systems of power that undergird leadership. Specifically, the chapter explores how the theorising and practice of leadership may embrace a recognition of interlocking oppressions, experiment with language and reach, and struggle towards solidarity, self-definition and love. The distinct and complex practices of anti-racist feminisms are not homogenised into any universal ‘how-to’ guide for leadership but offered instead as promising possibilities for localised struggles.Less
This chapter draws on the collective wisdoms of Black, Indigenous, Latinx and Chicanx, Middle Eastern and Asian feminisms to identify and challenge the interlocking systems of power that undergird leadership. Specifically, the chapter explores how the theorising and practice of leadership may embrace a recognition of interlocking oppressions, experiment with language and reach, and struggle towards solidarity, self-definition and love. The distinct and complex practices of anti-racist feminisms are not homogenised into any universal ‘how-to’ guide for leadership but offered instead as promising possibilities for localised struggles.
George Vasilev
- Published in print:
- 2015
- Published Online:
- May 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780748697304
- eISBN:
- 9781474416153
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Edinburgh University Press
- DOI:
- 10.3366/edinburgh/9780748697304.001.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
This book addresses the conceptual and practical challenges surrounding the promotion of solidarity in divided societies. It brings together the normative insights of political theory and the ...
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This book addresses the conceptual and practical challenges surrounding the promotion of solidarity in divided societies. It brings together the normative insights of political theory and the empirical insights of comparative research to identify institutional arrangements conducive to ties of responsibility across ethnic lines. Against critics who claim group representative measures are incompatible with solidarity, the book argues they serve as its very basis by providing the incentive structure for interethnic cooperation and openness. It extends the scope of analysis beyond the representative institutions of the nation-state to show how everyday deliberations and transnational influences can also positively shape ethnic relations. The book’s core claim is that what happens outside the state and across state borders also matters, as non-government organisations, international institutions and influential opinion leaders have become increasingly pivotal in shaping attitudes and political behaviour as the salience of international norms on ethnic diversity has grown. This analysis is conducted against the backdrop of several case studies involving various Balkan states, Northern Ireland, South Africa, transnational advocacy networks, and the European Union.Less
This book addresses the conceptual and practical challenges surrounding the promotion of solidarity in divided societies. It brings together the normative insights of political theory and the empirical insights of comparative research to identify institutional arrangements conducive to ties of responsibility across ethnic lines. Against critics who claim group representative measures are incompatible with solidarity, the book argues they serve as its very basis by providing the incentive structure for interethnic cooperation and openness. It extends the scope of analysis beyond the representative institutions of the nation-state to show how everyday deliberations and transnational influences can also positively shape ethnic relations. The book’s core claim is that what happens outside the state and across state borders also matters, as non-government organisations, international institutions and influential opinion leaders have become increasingly pivotal in shaping attitudes and political behaviour as the salience of international norms on ethnic diversity has grown. This analysis is conducted against the backdrop of several case studies involving various Balkan states, Northern Ireland, South Africa, transnational advocacy networks, and the European Union.
Thibaut Raboin
- Published in print:
- 2017
- Published Online:
- May 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780719099632
- eISBN:
- 9781526121011
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Manchester University Press
- DOI:
- 10.7228/manchester/9780719099632.003.0007
- Subject:
- Society and Culture, Gay and Lesbian Studies
The afterword reflects on the book’s findings and asks: what are the changes in the structure of public discourses about LGBT asylum in the UK that could empower asylum seekers, allow for a greater ...
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The afterword reflects on the book’s findings and asks: what are the changes in the structure of public discourses about LGBT asylum in the UK that could empower asylum seekers, allow for a greater fairness in decision-making, and decolonise queer hospitality? It identifies several issues in public discourses, starting with a queer/race fragmentation which makes it harder for the voices that do not articulate their politics using the dominant liberal or universalist modes to be heard and disseminated in public arenas. A second suggestion is that freer testimonial practices should be fostered so that asylum-seekers can re-appropriate the hermeneutical function of self-narration in order to start a process of self-crafting that eschews homonationalist narrative. Finally, opening up public arenas to the complex and often challenging stories told in queer refugee performance could also enable the emergence of political propositions that are anti-racist, anti-homo and transphobic and attentive to the particular challenges of migrant experiences at the nexus of political and administrative subjection, ethno-racial, gendered and sexualised violence.Less
The afterword reflects on the book’s findings and asks: what are the changes in the structure of public discourses about LGBT asylum in the UK that could empower asylum seekers, allow for a greater fairness in decision-making, and decolonise queer hospitality? It identifies several issues in public discourses, starting with a queer/race fragmentation which makes it harder for the voices that do not articulate their politics using the dominant liberal or universalist modes to be heard and disseminated in public arenas. A second suggestion is that freer testimonial practices should be fostered so that asylum-seekers can re-appropriate the hermeneutical function of self-narration in order to start a process of self-crafting that eschews homonationalist narrative. Finally, opening up public arenas to the complex and often challenging stories told in queer refugee performance could also enable the emergence of political propositions that are anti-racist, anti-homo and transphobic and attentive to the particular challenges of migrant experiences at the nexus of political and administrative subjection, ethno-racial, gendered and sexualised violence.
Stefanie Van de Peer
- Published in print:
- 2017
- Published Online:
- January 2018
- ISBN:
- 9780748696062
- eISBN:
- 9781474434836
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Edinburgh University Press
- DOI:
- 10.3366/edinburgh/9780748696062.001.0001
- Subject:
- Film, Television and Radio, Film
In spite of harsh censorship, conservative morals and a lack of investment, women documentarists in the Arab world have found ways to subtly negotiate dissidence in their films, something that is ...
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In spite of harsh censorship, conservative morals and a lack of investment, women documentarists in the Arab world have found ways to subtly negotiate dissidence in their films, something that is becoming more apparent since the ‘Arab Revolutions’. In this book, Stefanie Van de Peer traces the very beginnings of Arab women making documentaries in the Middle East and North Africa, from the 1970s and 1980s in Egypt and Lebanon, to the 1990s and 2000s in Morocco and Syria. Addressing the context of the films’ production, distribution and exhibition, the book asks why these women held on to the ideals of a type of filmmaking that was unlikely to be accepted by the censor, and looks at precisely how the documentarists framed expressions of dissent with the tools available to the documentary maker.Less
In spite of harsh censorship, conservative morals and a lack of investment, women documentarists in the Arab world have found ways to subtly negotiate dissidence in their films, something that is becoming more apparent since the ‘Arab Revolutions’. In this book, Stefanie Van de Peer traces the very beginnings of Arab women making documentaries in the Middle East and North Africa, from the 1970s and 1980s in Egypt and Lebanon, to the 1990s and 2000s in Morocco and Syria. Addressing the context of the films’ production, distribution and exhibition, the book asks why these women held on to the ideals of a type of filmmaking that was unlikely to be accepted by the censor, and looks at precisely how the documentarists framed expressions of dissent with the tools available to the documentary maker.
Anton Rosenthal
- Published in print:
- 2015
- Published Online:
- May 2016
- ISBN:
- 9780813061108
- eISBN:
- 9780813051383
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University Press of Florida
- DOI:
- 10.5744/florida/9780813061108.003.0003
- Subject:
- Society and Culture, Latin American Studies
This chapter examines the role of the Industrial Workers of the World (I.W.W.), a global, transnational revolutionary movement born in Chicago and present throughout Latin America, and particularly ...
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This chapter examines the role of the Industrial Workers of the World (I.W.W.), a global, transnational revolutionary movement born in Chicago and present throughout Latin America, and particularly of its press in advancing anarchist and syndicalist agendas throughout the hemisphere. In addition to industry-based unions such as the Marine Transport Workers Union in the United States, the I.W.W. directed its activities to immigrants, blacks, Chinese, rural and unskilled workers, and developed strong movements along the northern Mexican borderlands, in Chile, and was present in port cities in Puerto Rico, Peru, Ecuador, Brazil, Argentina and Uruguay.Less
This chapter examines the role of the Industrial Workers of the World (I.W.W.), a global, transnational revolutionary movement born in Chicago and present throughout Latin America, and particularly of its press in advancing anarchist and syndicalist agendas throughout the hemisphere. In addition to industry-based unions such as the Marine Transport Workers Union in the United States, the I.W.W. directed its activities to immigrants, blacks, Chinese, rural and unskilled workers, and developed strong movements along the northern Mexican borderlands, in Chile, and was present in port cities in Puerto Rico, Peru, Ecuador, Brazil, Argentina and Uruguay.
Andrea F. Bohlman
- Published in print:
- 2020
- Published Online:
- March 2020
- ISBN:
- 9780190938284
- eISBN:
- 9780190938314
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/oso/9780190938284.001.0001
- Subject:
- Music, History, Western
This book studies the relationship between music making and social movements using the Solidarity movement in 1980s Poland as a case study. Its central argument is that while music offered a means of ...
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This book studies the relationship between music making and social movements using the Solidarity movement in 1980s Poland as a case study. Its central argument is that while music offered a means of performing and commemorating the Solidarity movement as unified, the media of the opposition to state socialism also revealed—and continue to reveal—dissonant discourses on citizenship, culture, and history. The story unfolds along crucial sites of political action under state socialism: underground radio networks, the sanctuaries of the Polish Roman Catholic Church, labor strikes and student demonstrations, and commemorative performances. The musics and sounds of the 1980s are traced through a long history of musical nationalism in East Central Europe and across a transnational media network specific to the Cold War and life under state socialism. By revealing the diverse repertories—singer-songwriter verses, religious hymns, large-scale symphonies, experimental music, and popular song—that played a role across the decade, the book challenges paradigmatic visions of a late twentieth-century global protest culture that place song and communitas at the helm of social and political change. Musical Solidarities draws equally on the methods of historical musicology, ethnomusicology, and sound studies to propose a model for understanding popular, art, and sacred musics alongside one another and in the context of singing, shouting, and listening within the study of political action.Less
This book studies the relationship between music making and social movements using the Solidarity movement in 1980s Poland as a case study. Its central argument is that while music offered a means of performing and commemorating the Solidarity movement as unified, the media of the opposition to state socialism also revealed—and continue to reveal—dissonant discourses on citizenship, culture, and history. The story unfolds along crucial sites of political action under state socialism: underground radio networks, the sanctuaries of the Polish Roman Catholic Church, labor strikes and student demonstrations, and commemorative performances. The musics and sounds of the 1980s are traced through a long history of musical nationalism in East Central Europe and across a transnational media network specific to the Cold War and life under state socialism. By revealing the diverse repertories—singer-songwriter verses, religious hymns, large-scale symphonies, experimental music, and popular song—that played a role across the decade, the book challenges paradigmatic visions of a late twentieth-century global protest culture that place song and communitas at the helm of social and political change. Musical Solidarities draws equally on the methods of historical musicology, ethnomusicology, and sound studies to propose a model for understanding popular, art, and sacred musics alongside one another and in the context of singing, shouting, and listening within the study of political action.
Paul Spicker
- Published in print:
- 2019
- Published Online:
- January 2020
- ISBN:
- 9781447346890
- eISBN:
- 9781447346937
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Policy Press
- DOI:
- 10.1332/policypress/9781447346890.003.0010
- Subject:
- Political Science, Public Policy
This is a summary chapter, outlining the case for a common weal, based on society, the common good, solidarity, stewardship, rights, equality and a sense of common enterprise.
This is a summary chapter, outlining the case for a common weal, based on society, the common good, solidarity, stewardship, rights, equality and a sense of common enterprise.
Paul Spicker
- Published in print:
- 2020
- Published Online:
- September 2020
- ISBN:
- 9781447343325
- eISBN:
- 9781447343363
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Policy Press
- DOI:
- 10.1332/policypress/9781447343325.003.0006
- Subject:
- Political Science, Political Economy
The discourse of exclusion has emerged as an alternative to discourses about poverty, largely because it opens debate to the examination of relational issues in ways that many social scientists have ...
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The discourse of exclusion has emerged as an alternative to discourses about poverty, largely because it opens debate to the examination of relational issues in ways that many social scientists have been determined to reject. Many of the themes raised by poor people are about social relationships - isolation, powerlessness, gender and the problem of government. As the policy communities dealing with poverty have come to be aware of the relational elements of poverty, they have tried to change the way they talk about poverty. The idea of exclusion is rooted in a distinct view of society, based on networks of social solidarity; the experience of exclusion is defined in terms of those networks; the primary remedy is ‘insertion’, integration or inclusion, rather than resources, equality or redistribution. These are all relational issues; the idea of exclusion is rooted in a relational understanding of people’s circumstances. And that means that discussions of exclusion come closer to the idea of poverty than much of the literature on poverty in itself, offering a way to escape from the limitations of the academic analysis of poverty. The concept of exclusion has become a major part of anti-poverty policy in international organisations, including the EU and the UN.Less
The discourse of exclusion has emerged as an alternative to discourses about poverty, largely because it opens debate to the examination of relational issues in ways that many social scientists have been determined to reject. Many of the themes raised by poor people are about social relationships - isolation, powerlessness, gender and the problem of government. As the policy communities dealing with poverty have come to be aware of the relational elements of poverty, they have tried to change the way they talk about poverty. The idea of exclusion is rooted in a distinct view of society, based on networks of social solidarity; the experience of exclusion is defined in terms of those networks; the primary remedy is ‘insertion’, integration or inclusion, rather than resources, equality or redistribution. These are all relational issues; the idea of exclusion is rooted in a relational understanding of people’s circumstances. And that means that discussions of exclusion come closer to the idea of poverty than much of the literature on poverty in itself, offering a way to escape from the limitations of the academic analysis of poverty. The concept of exclusion has become a major part of anti-poverty policy in international organisations, including the EU and the UN.
Tracy B. Strong
- Published in print:
- 2019
- Published Online:
- September 2020
- ISBN:
- 9780226623191
- eISBN:
- 9780226623368
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University of Chicago Press
- DOI:
- 10.7208/chicago/9780226623368.003.0008
- Subject:
- Political Science, American Politics
As America enters the twentieth century, it's unprepared for ways of dealing with concentrated private economic power; state and federal governments are weak; there is little national administrative ...
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As America enters the twentieth century, it's unprepared for ways of dealing with concentrated private economic power; state and federal governments are weak; there is little national administrative apparatus; no income tax or social security or national banking or transport system. The country has also engaged a particular sort of imperialism. Resistances grown up. Among them are the International Workers of the World movement (IWW). They meet with some success in organizing, especially in the West. In Seattle, after the war, the benefits from the necessities of war-time production are cut and in 1919 the Seattle workers organized a General Strike. It lasts for a little over a week, with no violence recorded. But its failure leads to soul searching on the part of progressive forces. An example of success presents itself: the Bolshevik Revolution in Russia. Resistance to the progressive forces increasingly takes on the quality of American versus unAmerican (“this is America, not Russia!”). The Progressive movement seeks to counter the left-wing forces by a process of accommodation and cooptation. Politics is more and more thought of as a professional occupation, not as a possibility open as part of being a citizen.Less
As America enters the twentieth century, it's unprepared for ways of dealing with concentrated private economic power; state and federal governments are weak; there is little national administrative apparatus; no income tax or social security or national banking or transport system. The country has also engaged a particular sort of imperialism. Resistances grown up. Among them are the International Workers of the World movement (IWW). They meet with some success in organizing, especially in the West. In Seattle, after the war, the benefits from the necessities of war-time production are cut and in 1919 the Seattle workers organized a General Strike. It lasts for a little over a week, with no violence recorded. But its failure leads to soul searching on the part of progressive forces. An example of success presents itself: the Bolshevik Revolution in Russia. Resistance to the progressive forces increasingly takes on the quality of American versus unAmerican (“this is America, not Russia!”). The Progressive movement seeks to counter the left-wing forces by a process of accommodation and cooptation. Politics is more and more thought of as a professional occupation, not as a possibility open as part of being a citizen.
Porter-Szücs Brian
- Published in print:
- 2011
- Published Online:
- September 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780195399059
- eISBN:
- 9780199896844
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195399059.003.0007
- Subject:
- History, European Modern History
A rhetorical militancy has long been a component of Catholic rhetoric, but in different contexts the martial allusions surrounding the concept of the “Ecclesia Milatans” have had different ...
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A rhetorical militancy has long been a component of Catholic rhetoric, but in different contexts the martial allusions surrounding the concept of the “Ecclesia Milatans” have had different consequences and meanings. The 19th-century Polish Church was hardly militant in the colloquial sense, and as the battles fought at the time were usually against generic sources of temptation rather than specific earthly foes. But with the rise of Catholic social activism and with the gradual rapprochement between the Church and the nationalist right, metaphors drawn from more earthly forms of warfare proliferated, even in sermons and devotional publications. The Second Vatican Council tried to pull Catholics away from this vocabulary, preferring to talk about the People of God rather than the Ecclesia Militans, but in Poland the old rhetoric persisted. At times the battles were discussed with aggressive rhetoric about seizing the initiative and vanquishing the opponents of God; at other times Catholic authors preferred defensive images of encirclement or siege. Either way, the Polish Church was at war.Less
A rhetorical militancy has long been a component of Catholic rhetoric, but in different contexts the martial allusions surrounding the concept of the “Ecclesia Milatans” have had different consequences and meanings. The 19th-century Polish Church was hardly militant in the colloquial sense, and as the battles fought at the time were usually against generic sources of temptation rather than specific earthly foes. But with the rise of Catholic social activism and with the gradual rapprochement between the Church and the nationalist right, metaphors drawn from more earthly forms of warfare proliferated, even in sermons and devotional publications. The Second Vatican Council tried to pull Catholics away from this vocabulary, preferring to talk about the People of God rather than the Ecclesia Militans, but in Poland the old rhetoric persisted. At times the battles were discussed with aggressive rhetoric about seizing the initiative and vanquishing the opponents of God; at other times Catholic authors preferred defensive images of encirclement or siege. Either way, the Polish Church was at war.
Myra S. Washington
- Published in print:
- 2017
- Published Online:
- May 2019
- ISBN:
- 9781496814227
- eISBN:
- 9781496814265
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University Press of Mississippi
- DOI:
- 10.14325/mississippi/9781496814227.003.0002
- Subject:
- Sociology, Race and Ethnicity
The emergence of Blasians is historically, politically, intimately, and juridically contextualized through examination of national and transnational connections between Blacks and Asian/Americans. ...
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The emergence of Blasians is historically, politically, intimately, and juridically contextualized through examination of national and transnational connections between Blacks and Asian/Americans. Analyses of these connections underscore tensions and anxieties especially around interracial mixing and U.S. military imperialism. Sociohistorical contextualization is necessary to demonstrate how Blasian media figures have become visible and how their bodies act as racial scripts used to demarcate, sometimes poorly, racial divisions and hierarchies. Through explorations of moments of Blasian illegibility and Black and Asian/American solidarity, this chapter ends on how these connections have offered potential areas for rethinking race and culture.Less
The emergence of Blasians is historically, politically, intimately, and juridically contextualized through examination of national and transnational connections between Blacks and Asian/Americans. Analyses of these connections underscore tensions and anxieties especially around interracial mixing and U.S. military imperialism. Sociohistorical contextualization is necessary to demonstrate how Blasian media figures have become visible and how their bodies act as racial scripts used to demarcate, sometimes poorly, racial divisions and hierarchies. Through explorations of moments of Blasian illegibility and Black and Asian/American solidarity, this chapter ends on how these connections have offered potential areas for rethinking race and culture.
David Konstan
- Published in print:
- 2018
- Published Online:
- July 2018
- ISBN:
- 9780190887872
- eISBN:
- 9780190904579
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/oso/9780190887872.001.0001
- Subject:
- Classical Studies, Literary Studies: Classical, Early, and Medieval, World History: BCE to 500CE
This book is about love in the classical world – not erotic passion but the kind of love that binds together intimate members of a family and very close friends, but which may also be extended to ...
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This book is about love in the classical world – not erotic passion but the kind of love that binds together intimate members of a family and very close friends, but which may also be extended to include a wider range of individuals for whom we care deeply. The book includes chapters on friendship, especially the idea that a friend is another self; loyalty, and why loyalty was not a prominent virtue in classical thought; generosity and gratitude; grief in response to the loss of a loved one; and, finally, civic solidarity. Love, it is argued, underpins all these relations. Thus, rather than describing these affective ties in terms of reciprocity, which involves an expectation of return and a kind of selfishness or egoism, the book argues that these are truly other-regarding sentiments. It is acknowledged that the ancient sources sometimes describe these relations, including friendship, as forms of mutual obligation, but this book focuses on the counter strand in the literature that emphasizes genuine altruism. The study of how love drew into its orbit the various relations examined in this book sheds light on some central features not only of ancient habits of thought but also our own.Less
This book is about love in the classical world – not erotic passion but the kind of love that binds together intimate members of a family and very close friends, but which may also be extended to include a wider range of individuals for whom we care deeply. The book includes chapters on friendship, especially the idea that a friend is another self; loyalty, and why loyalty was not a prominent virtue in classical thought; generosity and gratitude; grief in response to the loss of a loved one; and, finally, civic solidarity. Love, it is argued, underpins all these relations. Thus, rather than describing these affective ties in terms of reciprocity, which involves an expectation of return and a kind of selfishness or egoism, the book argues that these are truly other-regarding sentiments. It is acknowledged that the ancient sources sometimes describe these relations, including friendship, as forms of mutual obligation, but this book focuses on the counter strand in the literature that emphasizes genuine altruism. The study of how love drew into its orbit the various relations examined in this book sheds light on some central features not only of ancient habits of thought but also our own.
Jess Bier
- Published in print:
- 2017
- Published Online:
- January 2018
- ISBN:
- 9780262036153
- eISBN:
- 9780262339957
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- The MIT Press
- DOI:
- 10.7551/mitpress/9780262036153.003.0006
- Subject:
- Earth Sciences and Geography, Cartography
Mapping Israel, Mapping Palestine provides an extended critique of the notion that technoscientific facts should function as impartial arbiters in international conflicts. Chapter 6, “The Geographic ...
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Mapping Israel, Mapping Palestine provides an extended critique of the notion that technoscientific facts should function as impartial arbiters in international conflicts. Chapter 6, “The Geographic Production of Knowledge”, draws on this overarching motif to explore its significance for broader research on knowledge and expertise. In particular, it highlights the need for researchers to materially alter the process of research in order to enable more heterogeneous landscapes for knowledge production. Returning to the themes of internationalism, landscape, and symmetry from chapter 1, this chapter also critically draws on the work of iconic poets and social justice activists like Mahmoud Darwish, Audre Lorde, and Nawal El Saadawi. It explores the following questions: How can researchers reflexively reshape landscapes in order to allow for more socially just forms of knowledge? What are the challenges to solidarity and cooperation due to geographical imbalances of power? The resulting analysis returns to the overall notion of geographic production, while also indicating a further layer of reflexivity for critical theory: the practice of material reflexivity, or awareness of one’s own situated position in landscapes with respect to power asymmetries—asymmetries that include international and economic hierarchies within academia itself.Less
Mapping Israel, Mapping Palestine provides an extended critique of the notion that technoscientific facts should function as impartial arbiters in international conflicts. Chapter 6, “The Geographic Production of Knowledge”, draws on this overarching motif to explore its significance for broader research on knowledge and expertise. In particular, it highlights the need for researchers to materially alter the process of research in order to enable more heterogeneous landscapes for knowledge production. Returning to the themes of internationalism, landscape, and symmetry from chapter 1, this chapter also critically draws on the work of iconic poets and social justice activists like Mahmoud Darwish, Audre Lorde, and Nawal El Saadawi. It explores the following questions: How can researchers reflexively reshape landscapes in order to allow for more socially just forms of knowledge? What are the challenges to solidarity and cooperation due to geographical imbalances of power? The resulting analysis returns to the overall notion of geographic production, while also indicating a further layer of reflexivity for critical theory: the practice of material reflexivity, or awareness of one’s own situated position in landscapes with respect to power asymmetries—asymmetries that include international and economic hierarchies within academia itself.
Holger Nehring
- Published in print:
- 2013
- Published Online:
- January 2014
- ISBN:
- 9780199681228
- eISBN:
- 9780191761188
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199681228.003.0008
- Subject:
- History, British and Irish Modern History, European Modern History
By the middle of the 1960s, peace activists in Britain and West Germany had turned their attention away from issues of nuclear armaments and focused primarily on the United States’ military ...
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By the middle of the 1960s, peace activists in Britain and West Germany had turned their attention away from issues of nuclear armaments and focused primarily on the United States’ military engagement in Vietnam. Thus, when peace protesters came together in West Berlin in February 1968 to chastise the United States for its military intervention in Vietnam and for the brutality the country used to pursue its aims, their demands sounded quite different from the polite requests developed by the Easter Marchers. This chapter traces how this transition happened and why it occurred. It pays special attention to the cultural politics of protest in both countries in making this transition possible and highlights the importance of transatlantic links and attention to a global politics of security in enabling this transition.Less
By the middle of the 1960s, peace activists in Britain and West Germany had turned their attention away from issues of nuclear armaments and focused primarily on the United States’ military engagement in Vietnam. Thus, when peace protesters came together in West Berlin in February 1968 to chastise the United States for its military intervention in Vietnam and for the brutality the country used to pursue its aims, their demands sounded quite different from the polite requests developed by the Easter Marchers. This chapter traces how this transition happened and why it occurred. It pays special attention to the cultural politics of protest in both countries in making this transition possible and highlights the importance of transatlantic links and attention to a global politics of security in enabling this transition.
Colin Barker
- Published in print:
- 2001
- Published Online:
- February 2013
- ISBN:
- 9780226303987
- eISBN:
- 9780226304007
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University of Chicago Press
- DOI:
- 10.7208/chicago/9780226304007.003.0011
- Subject:
- Sociology, Politics, Social Movements and Social Change
This chapter discusses the emotional components of the collective action in Gdansk, Poland in August 1980. Every record of August 1980 at Gdansk, where the Solidarity movement was founded, is packed ...
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This chapter discusses the emotional components of the collective action in Gdansk, Poland in August 1980. Every record of August 1980 at Gdansk, where the Solidarity movement was founded, is packed with incidents of human emotionality. Fear, courage, anger, laughter, nervous breakdowns, pride, and solidarity appear at peak intensity during those seventeen days. The narrative is punctuated by displays of feeling, including tears, cheering, booing, whistling, open-air Masses, public readings of workers' poetry, presentations of flowers. From the organized flood of feeling, which focused on the Lenin shipyard between Thursday the 14th and Sunday the 31st of August, was born the fastest-growing trade-union movement in world history. Within three months of its recognition, Solidarity recruited ten million members and inspired parallel movements among students, peasants, shoppers in queues, prisoners in jails, and even philatelists.Less
This chapter discusses the emotional components of the collective action in Gdansk, Poland in August 1980. Every record of August 1980 at Gdansk, where the Solidarity movement was founded, is packed with incidents of human emotionality. Fear, courage, anger, laughter, nervous breakdowns, pride, and solidarity appear at peak intensity during those seventeen days. The narrative is punctuated by displays of feeling, including tears, cheering, booing, whistling, open-air Masses, public readings of workers' poetry, presentations of flowers. From the organized flood of feeling, which focused on the Lenin shipyard between Thursday the 14th and Sunday the 31st of August, was born the fastest-growing trade-union movement in world history. Within three months of its recognition, Solidarity recruited ten million members and inspired parallel movements among students, peasants, shoppers in queues, prisoners in jails, and even philatelists.
Arthur B. Gunlicks
- Published in print:
- 2003
- Published Online:
- July 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780719065323
- eISBN:
- 9781781700464
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Manchester University Press
- DOI:
- 10.7228/manchester/9780719065323.003.0006
- Subject:
- Political Science, European Union
According to the official English translation of Article 20, para. 1, of the Basic Law, the Federal Republic of Germany is a ‘democratic and social federal state’. A better translation might be ‘a ...
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According to the official English translation of Article 20, para. 1, of the Basic Law, the Federal Republic of Germany is a ‘democratic and social federal state’. A better translation might be ‘a democratic and federal social welfare state’. ‘Social’ in German usually means socially fair, or just, and generally equal. Therefore, this concept provides a constitutional basis for the German welfare state. How to secure and preserve a highly developed social welfare state with a variety of public services available to all citizens and simultaneously maintain a functioning federal system with autonomous Länder is a question Germans have had to wrestle with since the Basic Law went into effect in 1949. This chapter focuses on the financing of the German federal system and discusses the issue of taxes in the drafting of the Basic Law, the finance reforms of 1955 and 1969, basic principles of German fiscal federalism, fiscal equalisation within the Länder, German unification and the Solidarity Pact of 1993, other federal grants to the Länder and the issue of Länder consolidation.Less
According to the official English translation of Article 20, para. 1, of the Basic Law, the Federal Republic of Germany is a ‘democratic and social federal state’. A better translation might be ‘a democratic and federal social welfare state’. ‘Social’ in German usually means socially fair, or just, and generally equal. Therefore, this concept provides a constitutional basis for the German welfare state. How to secure and preserve a highly developed social welfare state with a variety of public services available to all citizens and simultaneously maintain a functioning federal system with autonomous Länder is a question Germans have had to wrestle with since the Basic Law went into effect in 1949. This chapter focuses on the financing of the German federal system and discusses the issue of taxes in the drafting of the Basic Law, the finance reforms of 1955 and 1969, basic principles of German fiscal federalism, fiscal equalisation within the Länder, German unification and the Solidarity Pact of 1993, other federal grants to the Länder and the issue of Länder consolidation.
