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This chapter draws the distinction between social divisions that reflect structural patterns of inequality and social differences that express social identity and the articulation of communities of interest. It then goes on to consider some of the distinct features of such divisions and differences that help define the social locations of later life. These include the impact of the transition from working to post working life, the intersectionality that exists amongst these divisions and the growing salience of the body as both a site and source of division.

This chapter presents concluding remarks about the impacts of the Bedroom Tax. It reflects on the processes through which housing insecurity is generated and how this is playing a central role in increasing urban marginality. It does so by drawing on studies about rising housing precarity and homelessness to consider how both the social and private housing sectors have been responding to reductions in housing benefit. This chapter argues that we need to re-consider how and in what ways the struggles over housing are being played out at the local level and how this can generate divisions in and between different groups. Particularly when people are re-negotiating a welfare state that is undergoing deep systematic reorganisation. It considers the relationship between austerity policies and their role in creating political dissatisfaction with the state of UK politics. Especially in areas where the full impact of austerity measures have been felt.

The text on Social Division and Resentment in the Aftermath of the Economic Slump analyses the social repercussions of the Great Recession, engulfing the rich world in a similar fashion from 2008 onwards as did the Great Depression of the 1930s. The arguments put forward in this study challenges the standard definition of the recession, the rhetoric of all, the One Nation and Big Society by highlighting the experiences of the few and the social repercussions associated with austere times. First, the definition of the recession (as two successive quarters of negative growth) fails to capture the harsh realities of those affected or the destructive social impact of austerity. Second, as the worst economic slump since the Second World War the recent economic downturn is adequately labelled the nastiest recession to date as it hit groups, already fighting socio-economic vulnerability, disproportionately, due to welfare cuts and squeezed incomes. This, alongside the unequalising trend of wealth increase relative to GDP over time and persisting hard time experiences despite signs of a recovering economy since 2014. Third, the rhetoric of being in it together appears incorrect at best and the notion of shared experiences and burdens implied by the One Nation rhetoric strays far from our material. In sum, empirical findings highlight social relations being undermined by austerity as social division, resentment and isolation follow the aftermath of the economic downturn. The most salient pattern of the material point towards resentment between those in work – resenting the benefits of those without work; and those without work on benefits resenting other sub-groups on different benefits.

The bitter taste experienced by Chinese road builders arises not only from the challenges they face in their encounters with Ethiopians, but also from a chasm between a dominant rhetoric of unity and solidarity, and an underlying concern with the reality of social divisions. Straddling ethnic boundaries by sharing food with Ethiopians and gaining fluency in Amharic, some Chinese foremen threaten to close the distance to the other and, by extension, the boundaries between the knowledgeable and the ignorant, and the managers and the managed. The preservation of purity plays a central role in Chinese engagement with the other. Indeed, self-control is a prerequisite for the control of Ethiopian others. The disciplining of Chinese colleagues through the cultivation of restraint and reticence is closely linked to the project of disciplining Ethiopian laborers.

This chapter raises questions about the concept of ‘community’ and place attachment in the midst of neoliberal restructuring and ideas around the ‘big society’ by reflecting on the experiences of participants who feel threatened with displacement. It explores how a perception of forced displacement creates a feeling that community is being deliberately undermined by outside forces. Tenants who must re-join social housing waiting lists in order to downsize face the reality of the current crisis in social housing. At the local level, the re-allocation of homes is highly visible leading to resentment and tension about who belongs and who has the right to belong. When home and community are threatened nativism will manifest and claims to entitlements staked. This chapter follows chapter 5 in highlighting the ruptures in and between the working class over access to housing.

Cusco urban society comprised ten noble lineages or panaqa, ten non-inka ayllu, and aqllakuna and yanakuna, who had been brought to Cusco to service the Sapa Inka, the nobility and the ceremonies and festivals that were an integral part of religion and government. Overall, it was divided socially and spatially into an upper moiety, Hanan, and a lower one, Hurin. This chapter outlines the archaeological evidence for food preparation and brewing and residential life. It defines kitchens, meals, and the scale of production. Despite documentary evidence for craft industry, there is little archaeological data. The final section examines the disposal of the dead, drawing distinctions between traditional inka “open air” disposal, sub-floor burial in kancha for non-inka, and burial in significant places as offerings. Examination of pottery assemblages throughout the city determined that no specific spatial distinction could be drawn between Hanan and Hurin.