Paul Whiteley, Patrick Seyd, and Antony Billinghurst
- Published in print:
- 2006
- Published Online:
- September 2006
- ISBN:
- 9780199242825
- eISBN:
- 9780191604140
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199242828.003.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, UK Politics
This introductory chapter begins with a brief history of the British Liberal Democrat Party, followed by an examination of the evolution of its policy goals over time. The Liberal Democrat Party was ...
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This introductory chapter begins with a brief history of the British Liberal Democrat Party, followed by an examination of the evolution of its policy goals over time. The Liberal Democrat Party was founded in 1988 from a merger of two hitherto independent but allied parties: the Liberal Party and the Social Democratic Party. The former had existed in different forms for more than 300 years, whereas the latter emerged from a split in the Labour Party in 1981. An overview of the chapters included in this volume is presented.Less
This introductory chapter begins with a brief history of the British Liberal Democrat Party, followed by an examination of the evolution of its policy goals over time. The Liberal Democrat Party was founded in 1988 from a merger of two hitherto independent but allied parties: the Liberal Party and the Social Democratic Party. The former had existed in different forms for more than 300 years, whereas the latter emerged from a split in the Labour Party in 1981. An overview of the chapters included in this volume is presented.
Julia von Dannenberg
- Published in print:
- 2008
- Published Online:
- January 2009
- ISBN:
- 9780199228195
- eISBN:
- 9780191711367
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199228195.001.0001
- Subject:
- History, European Modern History
Based on recently released archival sources, this book analyses the German-Soviet negotiations leading to the conclusion of the Moscow Treaty of August 1970. This treaty was the linchpin of the ‘New ...
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Based on recently released archival sources, this book analyses the German-Soviet negotiations leading to the conclusion of the Moscow Treaty of August 1970. This treaty was the linchpin of the ‘New Ostpolitik’ launched by Chancellor Willy Brandt's government as a policy of reconciliation and an attempt to normalize relations with the countries of the Eastern bloc. Focusing on the decision-making processes, both within the German domestic political system as well as within the international context, this book offers a new interpretation of the shift from confrontational to détente politics at this time, arguing that the Moscow Treaty was the product of various interrelated domestic and external factors. As the book shows, the change of government to a Social-Liberal coalition was the first important precondition for Ostpolitik, while the speedy conclusion of the Moscow Treaty owed much to the high degree of secrecy and centralization that characterized Brandt's policy-making and that of his small coterie of advisors. However, Brandt's predominance in the decision-making process does not mean that he alone determined the direction of policy. His room for manoeuvre was, amongst other things, constrained by his coalition's narrow parliamentary majority as well as the Western Allies'special rights. On the other hand, German-Soviet trade expansion, public opinion, and the emerging international interest in détente in the mid-1960s were crucial factors favouring Ostpolitik. It was in this configuration of circumstances that Brandt placed himself at the forefront of the movement towards détente between East and West by introducing his bold diplomatic design — one that had the reunification of Germany as its ultimate goal.Less
Based on recently released archival sources, this book analyses the German-Soviet negotiations leading to the conclusion of the Moscow Treaty of August 1970. This treaty was the linchpin of the ‘New Ostpolitik’ launched by Chancellor Willy Brandt's government as a policy of reconciliation and an attempt to normalize relations with the countries of the Eastern bloc. Focusing on the decision-making processes, both within the German domestic political system as well as within the international context, this book offers a new interpretation of the shift from confrontational to détente politics at this time, arguing that the Moscow Treaty was the product of various interrelated domestic and external factors. As the book shows, the change of government to a Social-Liberal coalition was the first important precondition for Ostpolitik, while the speedy conclusion of the Moscow Treaty owed much to the high degree of secrecy and centralization that characterized Brandt's policy-making and that of his small coterie of advisors. However, Brandt's predominance in the decision-making process does not mean that he alone determined the direction of policy. His room for manoeuvre was, amongst other things, constrained by his coalition's narrow parliamentary majority as well as the Western Allies'special rights. On the other hand, German-Soviet trade expansion, public opinion, and the emerging international interest in détente in the mid-1960s were crucial factors favouring Ostpolitik. It was in this configuration of circumstances that Brandt placed himself at the forefront of the movement towards détente between East and West by introducing his bold diplomatic design — one that had the reunification of Germany as its ultimate goal.
John F. Cogan and Olivia S. Mitchell
- Published in print:
- 2007
- Published Online:
- January 2008
- ISBN:
- 9780199226801
- eISBN:
- 9780191710285
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199226801.003.0009
- Subject:
- Business and Management, Pensions and Pension Management
In 2001, President George W. Bush appointed the President's Commission to Strengthen Social Security, composed of sixteen members from both major political parties. Members were tasked with providing ...
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In 2001, President George W. Bush appointed the President's Commission to Strengthen Social Security, composed of sixteen members from both major political parties. Members were tasked with providing the president with recommendations on how to modernize the Social Security system, restore its fiscal soundness, and develop a workable system of personal retirement accounts as part of a newly structured program. This chapter presents perspectives on Social Security reform, drawn from service on the President's Commission. It begins with a discussion of the use of personal retirement accounts as a method of prefunding the Social Security system. The Commission to Strengthen Social Security developed three reform scenarios that incorporate personal retirement accounts as a central element in a modernized system of old-age security. The chapter focuses on one reform plan in particular — one that promises an enhanced and more reliable safety net while also providing workers the opportunity to invest in personal accounts with diversified investment choice and potentially lower risk. It is argued that reforms of this sort can help put Social Security on a self-financing basis for the first time in over a quarter of a century.Less
In 2001, President George W. Bush appointed the President's Commission to Strengthen Social Security, composed of sixteen members from both major political parties. Members were tasked with providing the president with recommendations on how to modernize the Social Security system, restore its fiscal soundness, and develop a workable system of personal retirement accounts as part of a newly structured program. This chapter presents perspectives on Social Security reform, drawn from service on the President's Commission. It begins with a discussion of the use of personal retirement accounts as a method of prefunding the Social Security system. The Commission to Strengthen Social Security developed three reform scenarios that incorporate personal retirement accounts as a central element in a modernized system of old-age security. The chapter focuses on one reform plan in particular — one that promises an enhanced and more reliable safety net while also providing workers the opportunity to invest in personal accounts with diversified investment choice and potentially lower risk. It is argued that reforms of this sort can help put Social Security on a self-financing basis for the first time in over a quarter of a century.
Scott Smith-Bannister
- Published in print:
- 1997
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780198206637
- eISBN:
- 9780191677250
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198206637.001.0001
- Subject:
- History, British and Irish Early Modern History, Social History
This book contains the results of the first large-scale quantitative investigation of naming practices in early modern England. It traces the history of the fundamentally ...
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This book contains the results of the first large-scale quantitative investigation of naming practices in early modern England. It traces the history of the fundamentally significant human act of naming one's children during a period of great economic, social, and religious upheaval. Using in part the huge pool of names accumulated by the Cambridge Group for the History of Population and Social Structure, the book sets out to show which names were most commonly used, how children came to be given these names, why they were named after godparents, parents, siblings, or saints, and how social status affected naming patterns. The chief historical significance of this research lies in the discovery of a substantial shift in naming practices in this period: away from medieval patterns of naming a child after a godparent and towards naming them after a parent. In establishing the chronology of how parents came to exercise greater choice in naming their children and over the nature of naming practices, it successfully supersedes previous scholarship on this subject. Resolutely statistical and rich in anecdote, this exploration of this deeply revealing subject will have far-reaching implications for the history of the English family and culture.Less
This book contains the results of the first large-scale quantitative investigation of naming practices in early modern England. It traces the history of the fundamentally significant human act of naming one's children during a period of great economic, social, and religious upheaval. Using in part the huge pool of names accumulated by the Cambridge Group for the History of Population and Social Structure, the book sets out to show which names were most commonly used, how children came to be given these names, why they were named after godparents, parents, siblings, or saints, and how social status affected naming patterns. The chief historical significance of this research lies in the discovery of a substantial shift in naming practices in this period: away from medieval patterns of naming a child after a godparent and towards naming them after a parent. In establishing the chronology of how parents came to exercise greater choice in naming their children and over the nature of naming practices, it successfully supersedes previous scholarship on this subject. Resolutely statistical and rich in anecdote, this exploration of this deeply revealing subject will have far-reaching implications for the history of the English family and culture.
Thomas McCall and Michael Rea (eds)
- Published in print:
- 2009
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780199216215
- eISBN:
- 9780191695995
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199216215.001.0001
- Subject:
- Religion, Philosophy of Religion, Theology
Classical Christian orthodoxy insists that God is Triune: there is only one God, but there are three divine Persons — Father, Son, and Holy Spirit — who are somehow of one substance with one another. ...
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Classical Christian orthodoxy insists that God is Triune: there is only one God, but there are three divine Persons — Father, Son, and Holy Spirit — who are somehow of one substance with one another. But what does this doctrine mean? How can we coherently believe that there is only one God if we also believe that there are three divine Persons? This problem, sometimes called the ‘threeness-oneness problem’ or the ‘logical problem of the Trinity’, is the focus of this interdisciplinary volume. It includes a selection of recent philosophical work on this topic, accompanied by a variety of essays by philosophers and theologians to further the discussion. The book is divided into four parts, the first three dealing in turn with the three most prominent models for understanding the relations between the Persons of the Trinity: Social Trinitarianism, Latin Trinitarianism, and Relative Trinitarianism. Each section includes essays by both proponents and critics of the relevant model. The volume concludes with a section containing essays by theologians reflecting on the current state of the debate.Less
Classical Christian orthodoxy insists that God is Triune: there is only one God, but there are three divine Persons — Father, Son, and Holy Spirit — who are somehow of one substance with one another. But what does this doctrine mean? How can we coherently believe that there is only one God if we also believe that there are three divine Persons? This problem, sometimes called the ‘threeness-oneness problem’ or the ‘logical problem of the Trinity’, is the focus of this interdisciplinary volume. It includes a selection of recent philosophical work on this topic, accompanied by a variety of essays by philosophers and theologians to further the discussion. The book is divided into four parts, the first three dealing in turn with the three most prominent models for understanding the relations between the Persons of the Trinity: Social Trinitarianism, Latin Trinitarianism, and Relative Trinitarianism. Each section includes essays by both proponents and critics of the relevant model. The volume concludes with a section containing essays by theologians reflecting on the current state of the debate.
Fiona Ross
- Published in print:
- 2007
- Published Online:
- September 2007
- ISBN:
- 9780199217977
- eISBN:
- 9780191711541
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199217977.003.0013
- Subject:
- Political Science, American Politics
This chapter seeks to illustrate the importance of both structural constraints deriving from the established trajectory of the policy regime itself and the relevance of the partisan character of key ...
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This chapter seeks to illustrate the importance of both structural constraints deriving from the established trajectory of the policy regime itself and the relevance of the partisan character of key actors in understanding the scope for significant leadership. Institutionally embedded paths can be moved endogenously but change is usually subsequent to a pattern of path-erosion and conditional upon high levels of trust in the agents of change. Even when the returns generated by the extant path are impaired, the capacity for transformative leadership is often limited to actors who own the issue at hand. Combining these points, it is argued that presidential scholars can improve their predictive capacity by factoring the properties of the path and issue-ownership by key actors into their analyses: both factors would have generated the very clear prediction that partial privatization of Social Security by the Bush Administration would fail. Conversely, an analysis based on the standard short-term political and institutional variables of unified government, presidential commitment, speed, and focus very early in a new administration mistakenly inspired some confidence that George W. Bush enjoyed a window of opportunity for reform.Less
This chapter seeks to illustrate the importance of both structural constraints deriving from the established trajectory of the policy regime itself and the relevance of the partisan character of key actors in understanding the scope for significant leadership. Institutionally embedded paths can be moved endogenously but change is usually subsequent to a pattern of path-erosion and conditional upon high levels of trust in the agents of change. Even when the returns generated by the extant path are impaired, the capacity for transformative leadership is often limited to actors who own the issue at hand. Combining these points, it is argued that presidential scholars can improve their predictive capacity by factoring the properties of the path and issue-ownership by key actors into their analyses: both factors would have generated the very clear prediction that partial privatization of Social Security by the Bush Administration would fail. Conversely, an analysis based on the standard short-term political and institutional variables of unified government, presidential commitment, speed, and focus very early in a new administration mistakenly inspired some confidence that George W. Bush enjoyed a window of opportunity for reform.
Robert L. Brown
- Published in print:
- 2007
- Published Online:
- January 2008
- ISBN:
- 9780199226801
- eISBN:
- 9780191710285
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199226801.003.0010
- Subject:
- Business and Management, Pensions and Pension Management
This chapter discusses Social Security reform in Canada in 1996-7. It argues that the C/QPP reforms of 1997 gave merely tweaks to the system as opposed to massive change, with most of the amendments ...
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This chapter discusses Social Security reform in Canada in 1996-7. It argues that the C/QPP reforms of 1997 gave merely tweaks to the system as opposed to massive change, with most of the amendments subtle and not fully understood by the average Canadian citizen. These reforms were made without apparent opposition, which is somewhat surprising given that contribution rates were raised from 6 to 9.9% over a short 6-year period. The failure of the Seniors Benefit in 1996 was political, not actuarial. The government failed to understand how popular the OAS was and how emotional the response would be to proposed reforms given the very small- and long-deferred savings that were projected to result. The Canadian social security system today provides Canadians with a high level of income security while leaving ample room for individual savings and investments. The reforms of 1997 have meant that the CPP now rests on a healthy foundation. The latest CPP actuarial report shows that this system is sustainable for at least the next seventy-five years.Less
This chapter discusses Social Security reform in Canada in 1996-7. It argues that the C/QPP reforms of 1997 gave merely tweaks to the system as opposed to massive change, with most of the amendments subtle and not fully understood by the average Canadian citizen. These reforms were made without apparent opposition, which is somewhat surprising given that contribution rates were raised from 6 to 9.9% over a short 6-year period. The failure of the Seniors Benefit in 1996 was political, not actuarial. The government failed to understand how popular the OAS was and how emotional the response would be to proposed reforms given the very small- and long-deferred savings that were projected to result. The Canadian social security system today provides Canadians with a high level of income security while leaving ample room for individual savings and investments. The reforms of 1997 have meant that the CPP now rests on a healthy foundation. The latest CPP actuarial report shows that this system is sustainable for at least the next seventy-five years.
Milko Matijascic and Stephen J. Kay
- Published in print:
- 2007
- Published Online:
- January 2008
- ISBN:
- 9780199226801
- eISBN:
- 9780191710285
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199226801.003.0012
- Subject:
- Business and Management, Pensions and Pension Management
This chapter describes Brazil's social security system and the highly contentious reform process. While much of the rest of the South American region moved toward individual accounts, Brazil engaged ...
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This chapter describes Brazil's social security system and the highly contentious reform process. While much of the rest of the South American region moved toward individual accounts, Brazil engaged in parametric reforms. Recently, the country introduced the fator previdenci ário, a system akin to a notional DC system, whereby contributions and benefits are strictly linked but contributions do not go into individual-funded savings accounts. Although a few political leaders have favoured private accounts, individual accounts never received much political support, and the transition costs are considered potentially prohibitive, reaching as high as 201% of GDP. Structural reform is complicated by the fact that the social security system is codified in the 1988 constitution, which means that any structural reform needs to go through the laborious and politically costly constitutional amendment process. It is argued that administrative and legislative reforms that would make the system more efficient and equitable are possible even when support for constitutional reform is lacking.Less
This chapter describes Brazil's social security system and the highly contentious reform process. While much of the rest of the South American region moved toward individual accounts, Brazil engaged in parametric reforms. Recently, the country introduced the fator previdenci ário, a system akin to a notional DC system, whereby contributions and benefits are strictly linked but contributions do not go into individual-funded savings accounts. Although a few political leaders have favoured private accounts, individual accounts never received much political support, and the transition costs are considered potentially prohibitive, reaching as high as 201% of GDP. Structural reform is complicated by the fact that the social security system is codified in the 1988 constitution, which means that any structural reform needs to go through the laborious and politically costly constitutional amendment process. It is argued that administrative and legislative reforms that would make the system more efficient and equitable are possible even when support for constitutional reform is lacking.
Salvador Valdés‐Prieto
- Published in print:
- 2006
- Published Online:
- September 2006
- ISBN:
- 9780199204656
- eISBN:
- 9780191603822
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199204659.003.0012
- Subject:
- Economics and Finance, Financial Economics
Mandatory old-age benefit programs tend to require periodic adjustments as a result of demographic and economic shocks. However, such discretionary adjustments create political risk for workers and ...
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Mandatory old-age benefit programs tend to require periodic adjustments as a result of demographic and economic shocks. However, such discretionary adjustments create political risk for workers and beneficiaries, and raises taxpayer risk. An alternative way to handle such shocks is to use rule-based adjustment, which can be adopted in an unfunded system without incurring transition costs and without increasing public debt. This chapter explores an approach to this problem that would endow the Social Security Trust Fund with property rights over the revenue of a (much reduced) residual payroll tax paid by future workers. This revenue would be securitized and the resulting securities priced in financial markets. The new securities created in the process would allow beneficiaries to obtain safe real pensions protected from investment risk.Less
Mandatory old-age benefit programs tend to require periodic adjustments as a result of demographic and economic shocks. However, such discretionary adjustments create political risk for workers and beneficiaries, and raises taxpayer risk. An alternative way to handle such shocks is to use rule-based adjustment, which can be adopted in an unfunded system without incurring transition costs and without increasing public debt. This chapter explores an approach to this problem that would endow the Social Security Trust Fund with property rights over the revenue of a (much reduced) residual payroll tax paid by future workers. This revenue would be securitized and the resulting securities priced in financial markets. The new securities created in the process would allow beneficiaries to obtain safe real pensions protected from investment risk.
James W. Cortada
- Published in print:
- 2007
- Published Online:
- January 2008
- ISBN:
- 9780195165869
- eISBN:
- 9780199868025
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195165869.003.0005
- Subject:
- Business and Management, Business History
This chapter discusses the impact of IT on the work of the Social Security Administration (SSA), the Bureau of the Census, and the US Postal Service (USPS). All three organizations extensively use ...
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This chapter discusses the impact of IT on the work of the Social Security Administration (SSA), the Bureau of the Census, and the US Postal Service (USPS). All three organizations extensively use information technology, in fact, to such an extent that it would be difficult to imagine how they could function in the future without its use. How each came to such a point reflects various experiences unique to each agency. The rate of adoption and extent of deployment reflects internal operational and managerial issues and as with other federal agencies and departments, digital tools had to be configured in ways specific to their needs.Less
This chapter discusses the impact of IT on the work of the Social Security Administration (SSA), the Bureau of the Census, and the US Postal Service (USPS). All three organizations extensively use information technology, in fact, to such an extent that it would be difficult to imagine how they could function in the future without its use. How each came to such a point reflects various experiences unique to each agency. The rate of adoption and extent of deployment reflects internal operational and managerial issues and as with other federal agencies and departments, digital tools had to be configured in ways specific to their needs.
Nicholas Aylott
- Published in print:
- 2005
- Published Online:
- April 2005
- ISBN:
- 9780199252015
- eISBN:
- 9780191602375
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199252017.003.0008
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics
Sweden is undoubtedly a parliamentary democracy. Indeed, many felt that the legislature had become too strong, and the executive too weak. But recently, this argument has been turned round. The ...
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Sweden is undoubtedly a parliamentary democracy. Indeed, many felt that the legislature had become too strong, and the executive too weak. But recently, this argument has been turned round. The Social Democratic Prime Minister, Göran Persson, has frequently been described as a ‘presidential’ figure. Has Sweden become presidentialized?Organizational changes, including the empowerment of the Prime Minister's Office and the country's accession to the EU in 1994, have certainly enhanced the chief executive's resources. Just as important, though, has been the interaction of the Swedish style of ‘negative parliamentarism’ and the contemporary party system. While the Left bloc has a parliamentary majority, the practical consequence is to make any alternative to a Social Democratic prime minister highly unlikely. With full control of his party, his position becomes nearly impregnable. Other ministers are increasingly recruited from outside parliament, as in a presidential system. When it comes to the electoral face, the picture is less clear. The media are certainly more party-leader-focused. But persuasive evidence that this also applies to voting behaviour has not (yet) been found. In sum, Sweden has become somewhat ‘presidentialized’. But electoral shifts, especially if they lead to change in the party system, could set the process back.Less
Sweden is undoubtedly a parliamentary democracy. Indeed, many felt that the legislature had become too strong, and the executive too weak. But recently, this argument has been turned round. The Social Democratic Prime Minister, Göran Persson, has frequently been described as a ‘presidential’ figure. Has Sweden become presidentialized?
Organizational changes, including the empowerment of the Prime Minister's Office and the country's accession to the EU in 1994, have certainly enhanced the chief executive's resources. Just as important, though, has been the interaction of the Swedish style of ‘negative parliamentarism’ and the contemporary party system. While the Left bloc has a parliamentary majority, the practical consequence is to make any alternative to a Social Democratic prime minister highly unlikely. With full control of his party, his position becomes nearly impregnable. Other ministers are increasingly recruited from outside parliament, as in a presidential system. When it comes to the electoral face, the picture is less clear. The media are certainly more party-leader-focused. But persuasive evidence that this also applies to voting behaviour has not (yet) been found. In sum, Sweden has become somewhat ‘presidentialized’. But electoral shifts, especially if they lead to change in the party system, could set the process back.
Stephen T. Davis
- Published in print:
- 2006
- Published Online:
- May 2006
- ISBN:
- 9780199284597
- eISBN:
- 9780191603778
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199284598.003.0005
- Subject:
- Religion, Theology
This chapter discusses the concept of the Trinity and the distinction between the Latin theory of the Trinity and the Eastern or Social Theory of the Trinity. An a priori argument in favor of the ...
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This chapter discusses the concept of the Trinity and the distinction between the Latin theory of the Trinity and the Eastern or Social Theory of the Trinity. An a priori argument in favor of the Social Theory is given, and objections to the Social Theory raised by Brian Leftow are answered. The concept of perichoresis is important for both understanding and defending the Social Theory. The Latin Theory and the Social Theory are two appropriate ways of talking about the mystery of the Trinity.Less
This chapter discusses the concept of the Trinity and the distinction between the Latin theory of the Trinity and the Eastern or Social Theory of the Trinity. An a priori argument in favor of the Social Theory is given, and objections to the Social Theory raised by Brian Leftow are answered. The concept of perichoresis is important for both understanding and defending the Social Theory. The Latin Theory and the Social Theory are two appropriate ways of talking about the mystery of the Trinity.
Anthony F. Heath, Roger M. Jowell, and John K. Curtice
- Published in print:
- 2001
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780199245116
- eISBN:
- 9780191599453
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199245118.003.0005
- Subject:
- Political Science, UK Politics
Analyses the strategy of the opposition Labour party in the 1983 general election and the role of the newly created Social Democratic Party (SDP) in the political life in Britain at the beginning of ...
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Analyses the strategy of the opposition Labour party in the 1983 general election and the role of the newly created Social Democratic Party (SDP) in the political life in Britain at the beginning of the 1980s. The authors draw the conclusion that voters do not base their decisions only on issues important for them but, entirely rationally, give more weight to the issues on which the parties are polarized. Unfortunately for the Labour in 1983, it was unpopular on the issues where the parties were polarized such as nationalization and nuclear disarmament, and which therefore counted a lot, and its popular issues— unemployment and taxation—were ones where there was less perceived difference between the parties. In the 1983 election, Labour also lost some votes because the SDP positioned itself to the left of centre, competing for the left‐of‐centre ground and actually winning as many votes as Labour did from the moderate left. The reasons for this were a mixture of Labour's ideological extremism and perceived incompetence and division. The evidence also suggests that competence and policy are not the sole ingredients in the voter's calculus; loyalty, tradition and the more affective or emotional ties that link voters to parties account partly for the way the electorate votes.Less
Analyses the strategy of the opposition Labour party in the 1983 general election and the role of the newly created Social Democratic Party (SDP) in the political life in Britain at the beginning of the 1980s. The authors draw the conclusion that voters do not base their decisions only on issues important for them but, entirely rationally, give more weight to the issues on which the parties are polarized. Unfortunately for the Labour in 1983, it was unpopular on the issues where the parties were polarized such as nationalization and nuclear disarmament, and which therefore counted a lot, and its popular issues— unemployment and taxation—were ones where there was less perceived difference between the parties. In the 1983 election, Labour also lost some votes because the SDP positioned itself to the left of centre, competing for the left‐of‐centre ground and actually winning as many votes as Labour did from the moderate left. The reasons for this were a mixture of Labour's ideological extremism and perceived incompetence and division. The evidence also suggests that competence and policy are not the sole ingredients in the voter's calculus; loyalty, tradition and the more affective or emotional ties that link voters to parties account partly for the way the electorate votes.
Gary Scott Smith
- Published in print:
- 2006
- Published Online:
- January 2007
- ISBN:
- 9780195300604
- eISBN:
- 9780199785285
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195300604.003.0004
- Subject:
- Religion, Religion and Society
To many, Theodore Roosevelt was an exemplar of manliness and “muscular Christianity” and an exceptional public servant who led a crusade for social justice. To others, the sage of Oyster Bay was a ...
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To many, Theodore Roosevelt was an exemplar of manliness and “muscular Christianity” and an exceptional public servant who led a crusade for social justice. To others, the sage of Oyster Bay was a jingoist, a nativist, a hot-tempered, unpredictable manic, and an egomaniac who put his own interests above America’s good. Roosevelt highly valued biblical morality and considered it vital to personal and public life, including politics. He downplayed doctrine and theological differences and strongly stressed the importance of good works and character. Many contemporaries called him a preacher of righteousness, and he labeled the presidency a bully pulpit, which he used to trumpet the importance of social justice, civility, and virtue. Three religious issues caused considerable controversy during Roosevelt’s tenure in office: his attempt to remove “In God We Trust” from some coins, the “Dear Maria” affair, and concerns about William Howard Taft’s Unitarianism during the 1908 presidential campaign. Christianity, especially the version espoused by turn-of-the-century Social Gospelers, played a significant role in shaping his philosophy of government. Roosevelt’s role in mediating the 1902 anthracite coal strike, “taking” Panama to build an isthmus canal, and promoting conservation illustrate how his religious commitments helped shape his policies.Less
To many, Theodore Roosevelt was an exemplar of manliness and “muscular Christianity” and an exceptional public servant who led a crusade for social justice. To others, the sage of Oyster Bay was a jingoist, a nativist, a hot-tempered, unpredictable manic, and an egomaniac who put his own interests above America’s good. Roosevelt highly valued biblical morality and considered it vital to personal and public life, including politics. He downplayed doctrine and theological differences and strongly stressed the importance of good works and character. Many contemporaries called him a preacher of righteousness, and he labeled the presidency a bully pulpit, which he used to trumpet the importance of social justice, civility, and virtue. Three religious issues caused considerable controversy during Roosevelt’s tenure in office: his attempt to remove “In God We Trust” from some coins, the “Dear Maria” affair, and concerns about William Howard Taft’s Unitarianism during the 1908 presidential campaign. Christianity, especially the version espoused by turn-of-the-century Social Gospelers, played a significant role in shaping his philosophy of government. Roosevelt’s role in mediating the 1902 anthracite coal strike, “taking” Panama to build an isthmus canal, and promoting conservation illustrate how his religious commitments helped shape his policies.
Frank J. Lechner
- Published in print:
- 2005
- Published Online:
- January 2007
- ISBN:
- 9780195188356
- eISBN:
- 9780199785247
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195188356.003.0006
- Subject:
- Religion, Religion and Society
Religious responses to globalization seem to contribute little to the overall globalization critique put forth in venues such as the World Social Forum. This essay suggests that in the struggle about ...
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Religious responses to globalization seem to contribute little to the overall globalization critique put forth in venues such as the World Social Forum. This essay suggests that in the struggle about globalization, religious actors are more important and religious voices more articulate than many have realized. Empirically, this analysis yields a more detailed picture of the directions that “religious rejections of globalization” take. Analytically, it sheds light on the relative significance of religion in the formation of global civil society or at least one sector thereof.Less
Religious responses to globalization seem to contribute little to the overall globalization critique put forth in venues such as the World Social Forum. This essay suggests that in the struggle about globalization, religious actors are more important and religious voices more articulate than many have realized. Empirically, this analysis yields a more detailed picture of the directions that “religious rejections of globalization” take. Analytically, it sheds light on the relative significance of religion in the formation of global civil society or at least one sector thereof.
Regina Köpl
- Published in print:
- 2001
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780199242665
- eISBN:
- 9780191600258
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199242666.003.0002
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics
The author describes three policy debates in Austria: initial legalization in the early 1970s, the defeat of an anti‐abortion referendum initiative in 1978, and the authorization of Mifegyne—the ...
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The author describes three policy debates in Austria: initial legalization in the early 1970s, the defeat of an anti‐abortion referendum initiative in 1978, and the authorization of Mifegyne—the ‘abortion pill’—in the late 1990s. The women's movement has been very influential in all abortion debates through their activism in the left‐wing Austrian Social Democratic party and the long‐term commitment of that party to women's right to self‐determination. In all debates as well, the women's policy agencies acted for the movement inside the state policy‐making processes. Austrian abortion politics is an example of movement success in part through state feminism.Less
The author describes three policy debates in Austria: initial legalization in the early 1970s, the defeat of an anti‐abortion referendum initiative in 1978, and the authorization of Mifegyne—the ‘abortion pill’—in the late 1990s. The women's movement has been very influential in all abortion debates through their activism in the left‐wing Austrian Social Democratic party and the long‐term commitment of that party to women's right to self‐determination. In all debates as well, the women's policy agencies acted for the movement inside the state policy‐making processes. Austrian abortion politics is an example of movement success in part through state feminism.
James Mitchell and Michael Cavanagh
- Published in print:
- 2001
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780199242146
- eISBN:
- 9780191599651
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199242143.003.0012
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics
Compares the European policies of three constitutional nationalist parties in the UK: the Scottish National Party, Plaid Cymru (Wales), and the Social and Democratic Labour Party (Northern Ireland). ...
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Compares the European policies of three constitutional nationalist parties in the UK: the Scottish National Party, Plaid Cymru (Wales), and the Social and Democratic Labour Party (Northern Ireland). It shows how each has, in different ways, used EU integration strategically and tactically to advance its claims. This seeming paradox, of nationalist parties supporting institutions that aim to remove power from the nation, can be explained in a number of ways, all involving some degree of redefinition of the nature of nationalism in the context of globalization.Less
Compares the European policies of three constitutional nationalist parties in the UK: the Scottish National Party, Plaid Cymru (Wales), and the Social and Democratic Labour Party (Northern Ireland). It shows how each has, in different ways, used EU integration strategically and tactically to advance its claims. This seeming paradox, of nationalist parties supporting institutions that aim to remove power from the nation, can be explained in a number of ways, all involving some degree of redefinition of the nature of nationalism in the context of globalization.
Daniel Wincott
- Published in print:
- 2003
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780199252091
- eISBN:
- 9780191599224
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199252092.003.0012
- Subject:
- Political Science, European Union
Both positive and negative integration can produce Europeanization, but while the former, which generally implies the specification of a European model, is more likely to be politically loaded with ...
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Both positive and negative integration can produce Europeanization, but while the former, which generally implies the specification of a European model, is more likely to be politically loaded with explicit normative content, the latter relies upon social and economic agents taking advantage of the opportunities provided by the removal of barriers to generate Europeanization from below. The European Social Model (ESM) is arguably the clearest example of a normatively loaded (putative) European model. Partly as a result, the lessons that the history of the ESM can teach are not those of Europeanization producing a gradual and steady convergence of national practices and policies based on a positive model; instead, it suggests that the processes of European integration and of Europeanization are not wholly distinct and neatly separated stages or phases, nor is Europeanization itself necessarily clear and coherent. The author, however, suggests that there is considerable analytical value in distinguishing between European integration and Europeanization. The chapter is developed in five main sections: the first considers the concept of Europeanization, emphasizing both its analytical value and the difficulty of applying it to the European Union (EU); the second section, ‘Is There a Common Social Model in Europe’, analyses whether a common ESM can be identified across the states of the EU; the third section, ‘Is the European Social Model a Product of Europeanization?’, turns to the question of whether the ESM was a product of Europeanization; the fourth section, ‘The European Social Model II: A ‘Triumphant Return’ or ‘Second Time as Farce’, analyses the reappearance of the ESM on the European Union policy agenda as a part of the legitimizing discourse surrounding the ‘Open Method of Co-ordination’ (OMe), introduced at the Lisbon meeting of the European Council in 2000; a brief conclusion returns to issues of and debates about Europeanization.Less
Both positive and negative integration can produce Europeanization, but while the former, which generally implies the specification of a European model, is more likely to be politically loaded with explicit normative content, the latter relies upon social and economic agents taking advantage of the opportunities provided by the removal of barriers to generate Europeanization from below. The European Social Model (ESM) is arguably the clearest example of a normatively loaded (putative) European model. Partly as a result, the lessons that the history of the ESM can teach are not those of Europeanization producing a gradual and steady convergence of national practices and policies based on a positive model; instead, it suggests that the processes of European integration and of Europeanization are not wholly distinct and neatly separated stages or phases, nor is Europeanization itself necessarily clear and coherent. The author, however, suggests that there is considerable analytical value in distinguishing between European integration and Europeanization. The chapter is developed in five main sections: the first considers the concept of Europeanization, emphasizing both its analytical value and the difficulty of applying it to the European Union (EU); the second section, ‘Is There a Common Social Model in Europe’, analyses whether a common ESM can be identified across the states of the EU; the third section, ‘Is the European Social Model a Product of Europeanization?’, turns to the question of whether the ESM was a product of Europeanization; the fourth section, ‘The European Social Model II: A ‘Triumphant Return’ or ‘Second Time as Farce’, analyses the reappearance of the ESM on the European Union policy agenda as a part of the legitimizing discourse surrounding the ‘Open Method of Co-ordination’ (OMe), introduced at the Lisbon meeting of the European Council in 2000; a brief conclusion returns to issues of and debates about Europeanization.
Daniel Béland and André Lecours
- Published in print:
- 2008
- Published Online:
- September 2008
- ISBN:
- 9780199546848
- eISBN:
- 9780191720468
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199546848.003.0005
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics, Political Theory
Chapter 4 begins with a brief discussion on the origins of Flemish nationalism. Then, it analyses the post-war expansion of social policy in Belgium and the meshing of social policy reform and ...
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Chapter 4 begins with a brief discussion on the origins of Flemish nationalism. Then, it analyses the post-war expansion of social policy in Belgium and the meshing of social policy reform and nationalist mobilization in Flanders after 1980. This leads to a discussion of the Flemish push for the federalization of the Belgian social insurance system. Such a discussion addresses the following puzzle: Why has the federal social insurance system not been at least partially decentralized in light of the fact that the Flemish political class overwhelmingly supports it? The answer is that federal social partners and, especially, Francophone parties are in a strong institutional position to successfully oppose decentralization. The chapter concludes with a discussion of the Flemish dependency insurance scheme, which could pave the way for the development of further distinct social policies in Flanders.Less
Chapter 4 begins with a brief discussion on the origins of Flemish nationalism. Then, it analyses the post-war expansion of social policy in Belgium and the meshing of social policy reform and nationalist mobilization in Flanders after 1980. This leads to a discussion of the Flemish push for the federalization of the Belgian social insurance system. Such a discussion addresses the following puzzle: Why has the federal social insurance system not been at least partially decentralized in light of the fact that the Flemish political class overwhelmingly supports it? The answer is that federal social partners and, especially, Francophone parties are in a strong institutional position to successfully oppose decentralization. The chapter concludes with a discussion of the Flemish dependency insurance scheme, which could pave the way for the development of further distinct social policies in Flanders.
Sydney D. Bailey and Sam Daws
- Published in print:
- 1998
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780198280736
- eISBN:
- 9780191598746
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0198280734.003.0006
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
Discusses relations of the UN Security Council with other organs. The first organ discussed is the UN Military Staff Committee, for which a chronology of activities and instructions is given for the ...
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Discusses relations of the UN Security Council with other organs. The first organ discussed is the UN Military Staff Committee, for which a chronology of activities and instructions is given for the period 1946–1996. The next is the UN General Assembly: aspects of this body discussed include elections and appointments, annual and special reports, threats to peace and security, special sessions, subsidiary organs, action relating to UN membership, financing peacekeeping operations, and the election of non‐members of the Council. Other organs discussed are the UN Economic and Social Council, the UN Trusteeship Council (now of historical interest only), the UN International Court of Justice, and non‐governmental organizations. The final section of the chapter discusses the appointment of the Secretary‐General of the UN.Less
Discusses relations of the UN Security Council with other organs. The first organ discussed is the UN Military Staff Committee, for which a chronology of activities and instructions is given for the period 1946–1996. The next is the UN General Assembly: aspects of this body discussed include elections and appointments, annual and special reports, threats to peace and security, special sessions, subsidiary organs, action relating to UN membership, financing peacekeeping operations, and the election of non‐members of the Council. Other organs discussed are the UN Economic and Social Council, the UN Trusteeship Council (now of historical interest only), the UN International Court of Justice, and non‐governmental organizations. The final section of the chapter discusses the appointment of the Secretary‐General of the UN.
