Robert Elgie (ed.)
- Published in print:
- 1999
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780198293866
- eISBN:
- 9780191599156
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0198293860.001.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics
Semi‐presidentialism is an increasingly popular form of constitutional government. Semi‐presidential regimes can now be found in Western Europe, in Austria, Finland, France, Iceland, Ireland, and ...
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Semi‐presidentialism is an increasingly popular form of constitutional government. Semi‐presidential regimes can now be found in Western Europe, in Austria, Finland, France, Iceland, Ireland, and Portugal, in Central and Eastern Europe, including Bulgaria, Lithuania, Poland, Romania, Russia, Slovenia, and Ukraine; in Asia, in places such as Mongolia, South Korea, and Sri Lanka; and elsewhere in, e.g. Guyana, Haiti, Angola, and Namibia. By definition, all of these countries share a similar set of basic constitutional features, namely, a directly elected fixed‐term president and a prime minister who is responsible to parliament. However, the main observation to be made about them is that the exercise of political power varies greatly from one to another. For example, in some countries (particularly France), the president is usually the dominant political actor; in other countries (such as Finland), there is a sometimes uneasy balance of power between the president and prime minister; in yet others (notably Ukraine), the president and parliament share powers; and finally, in others still (including Austria, Iceland, and Ireland), the president is merely a figurehead and the prime minister dominates the decision‐making process. Because of the very varied forms of political leadership that occur across these institutionally similar countries, some writers have dismissed the concept of semi‐presidentialism, but in fact, though, it provides a perfect opportunity to study the general question of why political systems function in the way they do and to examine the relationship between particular constitutional arrangements and different forms of political practice. This book examines the politics of semi‐presidentialism in 12 European countries (all those listed above except for Portugal), and the constitutional powers of political leaders, the role of political parties, and the importance of past precedent. Ch. 1 provides a background to the study of the concept and a framework for the analysis of semi‐presidential regimes. This framework is then applied to the politics of individual European countries in the following chapters. In the conclusion, the lessons of these chapters are reviewed and the future of semi‐presidential studies is considered.Less
Semi‐presidentialism is an increasingly popular form of constitutional government. Semi‐presidential regimes can now be found in Western Europe, in Austria, Finland, France, Iceland, Ireland, and Portugal, in Central and Eastern Europe, including Bulgaria, Lithuania, Poland, Romania, Russia, Slovenia, and Ukraine; in Asia, in places such as Mongolia, South Korea, and Sri Lanka; and elsewhere in, e.g. Guyana, Haiti, Angola, and Namibia. By definition, all of these countries share a similar set of basic constitutional features, namely, a directly elected fixed‐term president and a prime minister who is responsible to parliament. However, the main observation to be made about them is that the exercise of political power varies greatly from one to another. For example, in some countries (particularly France), the president is usually the dominant political actor; in other countries (such as Finland), there is a sometimes uneasy balance of power between the president and prime minister; in yet others (notably Ukraine), the president and parliament share powers; and finally, in others still (including Austria, Iceland, and Ireland), the president is merely a figurehead and the prime minister dominates the decision‐making process. Because of the very varied forms of political leadership that occur across these institutionally similar countries, some writers have dismissed the concept of semi‐presidentialism, but in fact, though, it provides a perfect opportunity to study the general question of why political systems function in the way they do and to examine the relationship between particular constitutional arrangements and different forms of political practice. This book examines the politics of semi‐presidentialism in 12 European countries (all those listed above except for Portugal), and the constitutional powers of political leaders, the role of political parties, and the importance of past precedent. Ch. 1 provides a background to the study of the concept and a framework for the analysis of semi‐presidential regimes. This framework is then applied to the politics of individual European countries in the following chapters. In the conclusion, the lessons of these chapters are reviewed and the future of semi‐presidential studies is considered.
Milica G. AntiĆ
- Published in print:
- 2003
- Published Online:
- January 2005
- ISBN:
- 9780199246861
- eISBN:
- 9780191601965
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199246866.003.0013
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics
This chapter examines the under-representation of women in Slovene national politics. The main obstacles to female representation in the Slovene National Assembly are political. Female representation ...
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This chapter examines the under-representation of women in Slovene national politics. The main obstacles to female representation in the Slovene National Assembly are political. Female representation can be improved by increasing the size of the legislature to provide more opportunities for women to participate, eliminating territorial sub-units (voting units) and adopting a straightforward proportional representation system, removing the second tier by either using territorial constituencies exclusively or collapsing geographical constituencies into a single nationwide unit, and adopting affirmative action or quotas in recruitment.Less
This chapter examines the under-representation of women in Slovene national politics. The main obstacles to female representation in the Slovene National Assembly are political. Female representation can be improved by increasing the size of the legislature to provide more opportunities for women to participate, eliminating territorial sub-units (voting units) and adopting a straightforward proportional representation system, removing the second tier by either using territorial constituencies exclusively or collapsing geographical constituencies into a single nationwide unit, and adopting affirmative action or quotas in recruitment.
Milo Cerar
- Published in print:
- 2001
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780199244089
- eISBN:
- 9780191600364
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199244081.003.0014
- Subject:
- Political Science, Democratization
Describes how the Slovenian transition from communism to democratic consolidation influenced the institutional engineering in Slovenia. Since there was no real tradition of statehood or experience ...
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Describes how the Slovenian transition from communism to democratic consolidation influenced the institutional engineering in Slovenia. Since there was no real tradition of statehood or experience with state‐building in Slovenia, the establishment of a new constitutional structure after its break from Yugoslavia was immensely important both as a foundation for the new political and economic system and as the country's calling card for entry into the international community. The chapter indicates the positive and negative aspects of institutional engineering in Slovenia. Although Slovenian political elites arrived at a consensus on almost all of the pressing issues involved in democracy‐ and state‐building quickly, the result of the quick adoption of the Constitution left important issues unresolved, and ultimately hampered the legislative process. Despite the political turbulence that continues to dominate Slovene politics, democratic consolidation in Slovenia can be regarded as largely achieved.Less
Describes how the Slovenian transition from communism to democratic consolidation influenced the institutional engineering in Slovenia. Since there was no real tradition of statehood or experience with state‐building in Slovenia, the establishment of a new constitutional structure after its break from Yugoslavia was immensely important both as a foundation for the new political and economic system and as the country's calling card for entry into the international community. The chapter indicates the positive and negative aspects of institutional engineering in Slovenia. Although Slovenian political elites arrived at a consensus on almost all of the pressing issues involved in democracy‐ and state‐building quickly, the result of the quick adoption of the Constitution left important issues unresolved, and ultimately hampered the legislative process. Despite the political turbulence that continues to dominate Slovene politics, democratic consolidation in Slovenia can be regarded as largely achieved.
William Mishler and Richard Rose
- Published in print:
- 1999
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780198295686
- eISBN:
- 9780191600043
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0198295685.003.0004
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics
Assesses the trajectories and dynamics of public support for seven democratizing regimes in Central and Eastern Europe—Bulgaria, the Czech Republic, Slovakia, Hungary, Poland, Romania, and ...
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Assesses the trajectories and dynamics of public support for seven democratizing regimes in Central and Eastern Europe—Bulgaria, the Czech Republic, Slovakia, Hungary, Poland, Romania, and Slovenia—during the first five years following the fall of communism. It begins by offering a reconceptualization of support for new democracies. An examination is then made of popular approval of the new regimes in 1991, shortly following the collapse of communism, and the trajectory of support is tracked through to 1995. Next, a model of the dynamics underlying these trends is developed and tested, paying particular attention to the extent to which support is contingent on political and economic performance. More generally, an exploration is made of whether and to what extent the sources of support change over time as citizens acquire experience with the new regimes.Less
Assesses the trajectories and dynamics of public support for seven democratizing regimes in Central and Eastern Europe—Bulgaria, the Czech Republic, Slovakia, Hungary, Poland, Romania, and Slovenia—during the first five years following the fall of communism. It begins by offering a reconceptualization of support for new democracies. An examination is then made of popular approval of the new regimes in 1991, shortly following the collapse of communism, and the trajectory of support is tracked through to 1995. Next, a model of the dynamics underlying these trends is developed and tested, paying particular attention to the extent to which support is contingent on political and economic performance. More generally, an exploration is made of whether and to what extent the sources of support change over time as citizens acquire experience with the new regimes.
Magnus Feldmann
- Published in print:
- 2007
- Published Online:
- September 2008
- ISBN:
- 9780199206483
- eISBN:
- 9780191709715
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199206483.003.0012
- Subject:
- Business and Management, Political Economy
This chapter studies the origins of varieties of capitalism in post-socialist Central and Eastern Europe. It develops a theory of network-promotion and network-disruption to explain the emergence of ...
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This chapter studies the origins of varieties of capitalism in post-socialist Central and Eastern Europe. It develops a theory of network-promotion and network-disruption to explain the emergence of LME and CME institutions. This theory is examined in the context of two countries in the region, Estonia and Slovenia, which are shown to be very good examples of liberal and coordinated market economies. This chapter focuses on industrial relations and wage bargaining in these two countries. It shows how inherited economic institutions and strategic policy choices in early transition have shaped networks and emerging varieties of capitalism.Less
This chapter studies the origins of varieties of capitalism in post-socialist Central and Eastern Europe. It develops a theory of network-promotion and network-disruption to explain the emergence of LME and CME institutions. This theory is examined in the context of two countries in the region, Estonia and Slovenia, which are shown to be very good examples of liberal and coordinated market economies. This chapter focuses on industrial relations and wage bargaining in these two countries. It shows how inherited economic institutions and strategic policy choices in early transition have shaped networks and emerging varieties of capitalism.
Miro Cerar
- Published in print:
- 1999
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780198293866
- eISBN:
- 9780191599156
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0198293860.003.0012
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics
In Slovenia the power of the state is divided along classical lines into a legislature, an executive and a judiciary: legislative power is exercised by the parliament, comprising a National Assembly, ...
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In Slovenia the power of the state is divided along classical lines into a legislature, an executive and a judiciary: legislative power is exercised by the parliament, comprising a National Assembly, which is the general representative house, and a National Council, which is a body representing various interests and has very limited powers; executive power is divided between the president and the government; judicial power is exercised by the ordinary courts and the Constitutional Court, which rules on the conformity of legal enactments with the constitution and the law and decides constitutional complaints and certain other matters. It is generally accepted that Slovenia has a parliamentary system in which the focus of political decision–making lies with the parliament and the government. As in most other Central and East European countries in transition, in Slovenia the formal powers of parliament remain very strong, but, unlike the pure parliamentarism that certain countries opted for, the Slovene arrangements belong more to a group that could be characterized as parliamentarism with a directly (popularly) elected (or semi‐presidential) president. The role of the president is relatively small, and is to act as the head of state, whose function or powers are mainly of a representative, initiative, and protocol nature. After an introduction discussing whether Slovenia has a parliamentary or semi‐presidential system, this chapter focuses on the actual nature and features of the position and role of the president in the context of the constitutional and political system of the Republic of Slovenia, in six further sections: National Independence and Establishment of the First President of the Republic, Parliament and Government; Historical Factors and the Events Surrounding the Formation of the Regime; The Constitutional Powers of the President, Prime Minister, and Parliament; The Nature of the Parliamentary Majority and the Relationship Between the President and the Majority; and Conclusion.Less
In Slovenia the power of the state is divided along classical lines into a legislature, an executive and a judiciary: legislative power is exercised by the parliament, comprising a National Assembly, which is the general representative house, and a National Council, which is a body representing various interests and has very limited powers; executive power is divided between the president and the government; judicial power is exercised by the ordinary courts and the Constitutional Court, which rules on the conformity of legal enactments with the constitution and the law and decides constitutional complaints and certain other matters. It is generally accepted that Slovenia has a parliamentary system in which the focus of political decision–making lies with the parliament and the government. As in most other Central and East European countries in transition, in Slovenia the formal powers of parliament remain very strong, but, unlike the pure parliamentarism that certain countries opted for, the Slovene arrangements belong more to a group that could be characterized as parliamentarism with a directly (popularly) elected (or semi‐presidential) president. The role of the president is relatively small, and is to act as the head of state, whose function or powers are mainly of a representative, initiative, and protocol nature. After an introduction discussing whether Slovenia has a parliamentary or semi‐presidential system, this chapter focuses on the actual nature and features of the position and role of the president in the context of the constitutional and political system of the Republic of Slovenia, in six further sections: National Independence and Establishment of the First President of the Republic, Parliament and Government; Historical Factors and the Events Surrounding the Formation of the Regime; The Constitutional Powers of the President, Prime Minister, and Parliament; The Nature of the Parliamentary Majority and the Relationship Between the President and the Majority; and Conclusion.
Vesna Leskošek and Romana Zidar
- Published in print:
- 2020
- Published Online:
- September 2020
- ISBN:
- 9781447340003
- eISBN:
- 9781447347606
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Policy Press
- DOI:
- 10.1332/policypress/9781447340003.003.0006
- Subject:
- Economics and Finance, Public and Welfare
This chapter forms the land case study for Slovenia. As with all empirical chapters it explores several key themes in relation to food charity in Slovenia:
• the history of food charity in the ...
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This chapter forms the land case study for Slovenia. As with all empirical chapters it explores several key themes in relation to food charity in Slovenia:
• the history of food charity in the national context and the relationship between the welfare state and charities;
• the nature of and drivers behind contemporary food charity provision;
• key changes in social policy and their impact on rising charitable food provision;
• and the social justice implications of increasing need for charitable assistance with food.
The chapter concludes with critical reflections on the future direction of food charity provision in the Slovenia and the implications of this.Less
This chapter forms the land case study for Slovenia. As with all empirical chapters it explores several key themes in relation to food charity in Slovenia:
• the history of food charity in the national context and the relationship between the welfare state and charities;
• the nature of and drivers behind contemporary food charity provision;
• key changes in social policy and their impact on rising charitable food provision;
• and the social justice implications of increasing need for charitable assistance with food.
The chapter concludes with critical reflections on the future direction of food charity provision in the Slovenia and the implications of this.
Vjekoslav Perica
- Published in print:
- 2002
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780195148565
- eISBN:
- 9780199834556
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0195148568.003.0009
- Subject:
- Religion, Religion and Society
After Tito's death, ethnic nationalism was simmering in all parts of Yugoslavia from Slovenia in the northwest to Kosovo in the southeast. The secular politics of the regime's establishment involved ...
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After Tito's death, ethnic nationalism was simmering in all parts of Yugoslavia from Slovenia in the northwest to Kosovo in the southeast. The secular politics of the regime's establishment involved factional quarrels, and the activities of secular intellectual elites have been analyzed at length elsewhere. The religious scene, where important things occurred, has remained obscure, yet visible religious symbols and movements were no less telling harbingers of what was to happen in the 1990s; these are the subject of this chapter. The different sections cover: the clerical offensive and the communist regime's last stand (1979–87); the promise of peaceful transition (moderate religious policies and the belated democratization of the regime, 1988–90); ethnoreligious realignment and multiparty elections; worsening relations between the Catholic and Orthodox Churches, and the schisms between nation‐states in the Serbian Orthodox Church; the Churches and the official history of the genocide of Serbs by Croats in World War II; the establishment of a site of Serb martyrdom at Jasenovac in Croatia (completed in 1983) to commemorate the genocide of 1941, and the myths surrounding this; disputes over holy places; the collapse of interfaith dialog; untimely Serbian commemorations of World War II sufferings in 1990–1; and calls for partition and revenge by the Serbs.Less
After Tito's death, ethnic nationalism was simmering in all parts of Yugoslavia from Slovenia in the northwest to Kosovo in the southeast. The secular politics of the regime's establishment involved factional quarrels, and the activities of secular intellectual elites have been analyzed at length elsewhere. The religious scene, where important things occurred, has remained obscure, yet visible religious symbols and movements were no less telling harbingers of what was to happen in the 1990s; these are the subject of this chapter. The different sections cover: the clerical offensive and the communist regime's last stand (1979–87); the promise of peaceful transition (moderate religious policies and the belated democratization of the regime, 1988–90); ethnoreligious realignment and multiparty elections; worsening relations between the Catholic and Orthodox Churches, and the schisms between nation‐states in the Serbian Orthodox Church; the Churches and the official history of the genocide of Serbs by Croats in World War II; the establishment of a site of Serb martyrdom at Jasenovac in Croatia (completed in 1983) to commemorate the genocide of 1941, and the myths surrounding this; disputes over holy places; the collapse of interfaith dialog; untimely Serbian commemorations of World War II sufferings in 1990–1; and calls for partition and revenge by the Serbs.
Zoltan Barany
- Published in print:
- 2012
- Published Online:
- October 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780691137681
- eISBN:
- 9781400845491
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Princeton University Press
- DOI:
- 10.23943/princeton/9780691137681.003.0008
- Subject:
- Political Science, American Politics
This chapter examines three East European states: Slovenia, a small country that has enjoyed a smooth transition to democracy and market economy; Russia, the world's largest state, which has failed ...
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This chapter examines three East European states: Slovenia, a small country that has enjoyed a smooth transition to democracy and market economy; Russia, the world's largest state, which has failed to establish democratic rule; and Romania, a medium-sized Balkan country that, following some early stumbling, found its way into NATO and the European Union. The three postcommunist states suggest very different experiences of building democratic armies. No postcommunist country had fewer major problems in establishing democratic civil–military relations than Slovenia, even though it had to create a new army on the rather flimsy foundations of the Territorial Defense Force. Meanwhile, the specific shortcomings of Russian military politics reflect the power relations that have doomed Russia's democratization prospects. Romania's postcommunist record of building civil–military relations falls between the two others in terms of democratic performance, though it is much closer to Slovenia than to Russia.Less
This chapter examines three East European states: Slovenia, a small country that has enjoyed a smooth transition to democracy and market economy; Russia, the world's largest state, which has failed to establish democratic rule; and Romania, a medium-sized Balkan country that, following some early stumbling, found its way into NATO and the European Union. The three postcommunist states suggest very different experiences of building democratic armies. No postcommunist country had fewer major problems in establishing democratic civil–military relations than Slovenia, even though it had to create a new army on the rather flimsy foundations of the Territorial Defense Force. Meanwhile, the specific shortcomings of Russian military politics reflect the power relations that have doomed Russia's democratization prospects. Romania's postcommunist record of building civil–military relations falls between the two others in terms of democratic performance, though it is much closer to Slovenia than to Russia.
Miroslav Stanojević and Alenka Krašovec
- Published in print:
- 2011
- Published Online:
- September 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780199590742
- eISBN:
- 9780191728891
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199590742.003.0010
- Subject:
- Political Science, European Union, Political Economy
This chapter on Slovenia analyses a country where social pacting was the only mode of coordination able to ensure a relatively efficient regulation and resolution of the key economic, social, and ...
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This chapter on Slovenia analyses a country where social pacting was the only mode of coordination able to ensure a relatively efficient regulation and resolution of the key economic, social, and political problems of the early post-communist transition years, when high inflation, moderately strong unions, and unstable centre-left coalition governments combined with the weakening legacy of national integration to create a particular configuration of problem load, actors, and institutions. Although these circumstances prevailed during the period of stabilization and accommodation to the EU and EMU, after 2004, when Slovenia became a full EU member state, not only did the problem load change but so also did the main drivers of pacting, leading to a process of social pact deinstitutionalization. Rather than inflation—the main driver of former pacts—growing unemployment and rising debt levels have become the most important challenges, while unions have significantly weakened.Less
This chapter on Slovenia analyses a country where social pacting was the only mode of coordination able to ensure a relatively efficient regulation and resolution of the key economic, social, and political problems of the early post-communist transition years, when high inflation, moderately strong unions, and unstable centre-left coalition governments combined with the weakening legacy of national integration to create a particular configuration of problem load, actors, and institutions. Although these circumstances prevailed during the period of stabilization and accommodation to the EU and EMU, after 2004, when Slovenia became a full EU member state, not only did the problem load change but so also did the main drivers of pacting, leading to a process of social pact deinstitutionalization. Rather than inflation—the main driver of former pacts—growing unemployment and rising debt levels have become the most important challenges, while unions have significantly weakened.
Marc Weller
- Published in print:
- 2009
- Published Online:
- May 2009
- ISBN:
- 9780199566167
- eISBN:
- 9780191705373
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199566167.003.0003
- Subject:
- Law, Public International Law
This chapter continues to trace the recent history of Kosovo within the context of the dissolution of the Yugoslav federation. Picking up in 1991, it examines the fall-out from the Serbian and ...
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This chapter continues to trace the recent history of Kosovo within the context of the dissolution of the Yugoslav federation. Picking up in 1991, it examines the fall-out from the Serbian and Croatian declarations of independence, notably the Serbian military response and the internationally driven Carrington process. Of particular note was the restrictive and discretionary attitude of the Badinter Commission towards Kosovo's future status. The perceived sidelining of Kosovo is revisited in subsequent discussion of the 1992 London conference and follow-on meetings. The chapter also examines international efforts to stabilize the situation on the ground through the newly developed conflict prevention mechanisms of the Conference/Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe (C/OSCE), notably its Mission of Long Duration, which undertook responsibilities relating to monitoring mediation and protection of individuals.Less
This chapter continues to trace the recent history of Kosovo within the context of the dissolution of the Yugoslav federation. Picking up in 1991, it examines the fall-out from the Serbian and Croatian declarations of independence, notably the Serbian military response and the internationally driven Carrington process. Of particular note was the restrictive and discretionary attitude of the Badinter Commission towards Kosovo's future status. The perceived sidelining of Kosovo is revisited in subsequent discussion of the 1992 London conference and follow-on meetings. The chapter also examines international efforts to stabilize the situation on the ground through the newly developed conflict prevention mechanisms of the Conference/Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe (C/OSCE), notably its Mission of Long Duration, which undertook responsibilities relating to monitoring mediation and protection of individuals.
Lavinia Stan and Lucian Turcescu
- Published in print:
- 2011
- Published Online:
- September 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780195337105
- eISBN:
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195337105.003.0011
- Subject:
- Religion, Religion and Society
The predominantly Catholic Slovenia has chosen to separate church and state in post-communist times, by taking its inspiration from France and the United States. In virtue of this model, religion is ...
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The predominantly Catholic Slovenia has chosen to separate church and state in post-communist times, by taking its inspiration from France and the United States. In virtue of this model, religion is not offered in public schools at any level, although “education about religion is allowed.” For the first fifteen years of post-communist rule, the Liberal Democrats strictly enforced the church-state separation model, but since then a number of concessions have been obtained by politicians with religious beliefs. Parties are not prohibited from using religious symbols, but religious groups have remained relatively neutral. Legislation pertaining to homosexual behavior and abortion remains liberal by Eastern European standards.Less
The predominantly Catholic Slovenia has chosen to separate church and state in post-communist times, by taking its inspiration from France and the United States. In virtue of this model, religion is not offered in public schools at any level, although “education about religion is allowed.” For the first fifteen years of post-communist rule, the Liberal Democrats strictly enforced the church-state separation model, but since then a number of concessions have been obtained by politicians with religious beliefs. Parties are not prohibited from using religious symbols, but religious groups have remained relatively neutral. Legislation pertaining to homosexual behavior and abortion remains liberal by Eastern European standards.
Elli Louka
- Published in print:
- 2008
- Published Online:
- January 2009
- ISBN:
- 9780195374131
- eISBN:
- 9780199871841
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195374131.003.0012
- Subject:
- Law, Environmental and Energy Law
This chapter presents case studies on water management in various EU countries. These include Czech Republic, Slovakia, Slovenia, Netherlands, Hungary, Romania, Bulgaria, and Greece.
This chapter presents case studies on water management in various EU countries. These include Czech Republic, Slovakia, Slovenia, Netherlands, Hungary, Romania, Bulgaria, and Greece.
Ana S. Trbovich
- Published in print:
- 2008
- Published Online:
- January 2009
- ISBN:
- 9780195333435
- eISBN:
- 9780199868834
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195333435.003.0002
- Subject:
- Law, Public International Law
The legal aspects of the Yugoslav wars center around one key question: Can internal administrative boundaries serve as a legal basis for secession? This chapter analyzes the territorial division of ...
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The legal aspects of the Yugoslav wars center around one key question: Can internal administrative boundaries serve as a legal basis for secession? This chapter analyzes the territorial division of Yugoslavia since its creation in 1918 in order to define the notion of administrative boundaries. The relevant pre-1918 historical context relating to administrative division will also be provided to shed further light on the legal and political consequences of this division.Less
The legal aspects of the Yugoslav wars center around one key question: Can internal administrative boundaries serve as a legal basis for secession? This chapter analyzes the territorial division of Yugoslavia since its creation in 1918 in order to define the notion of administrative boundaries. The relevant pre-1918 historical context relating to administrative division will also be provided to shed further light on the legal and political consequences of this division.
Ana S. Trbovich
- Published in print:
- 2008
- Published Online:
- January 2009
- ISBN:
- 9780195333435
- eISBN:
- 9780199868834
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195333435.003.0004
- Subject:
- Law, Public International Law
This chapter examines the right to self-determination of the peoples of Yugoslavia. The Constitution of the Socialist Federalist Republic of Yugoslavia (SFRY) limited “the right to ...
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This chapter examines the right to self-determination of the peoples of Yugoslavia. The Constitution of the Socialist Federalist Republic of Yugoslavia (SFRY) limited “the right to self-determination, including secession” to six Yugoslav constituent peoples/nations: Slovenes, Croats, Muslims, Serbs, Montenegrins, and Macedonians. Yugoslav “nationalities”, the largest of which were the Albanians, did not enjoy the constitutional right to self-determination, including the right to secession (to be effected by means of constitutional amendments).Less
This chapter examines the right to self-determination of the peoples of Yugoslavia. The Constitution of the Socialist Federalist Republic of Yugoslavia (SFRY) limited “the right to self-determination, including secession” to six Yugoslav constituent peoples/nations: Slovenes, Croats, Muslims, Serbs, Montenegrins, and Macedonians. Yugoslav “nationalities”, the largest of which were the Albanians, did not enjoy the constitutional right to self-determination, including the right to secession (to be effected by means of constitutional amendments).
Ana S. Trbovich
- Published in print:
- 2008
- Published Online:
- January 2009
- ISBN:
- 9780195333435
- eISBN:
- 9780199868834
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195333435.003.0006
- Subject:
- Law, Public International Law
This chapter focuses on how the peace process in the former Yugoslav republics was marred by continued violence. The road to peace was constructed almost exclusively by force, both of indigenous and ...
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This chapter focuses on how the peace process in the former Yugoslav republics was marred by continued violence. The road to peace was constructed almost exclusively by force, both of indigenous and external origin. The force employed affected the application of the right to self-determination, translating this right to territorial autonomy in Bosnia, self-government under international supervision in Kosovo and Metohia, decentralization and group rights in Macedonia, or nominal human rights without a right to territorial autonomy in Croatia. The magnitude of force and the international evaluation of the legitimacy of the use of force by the official authorities and the insurgents became crucial to the redrafting of constitutions to mandate stronger group rights, in some cases coupled with the redrawing of boundaries—albeit within the newly independent states. Self-determination, on its own and with the exception of a general insistence on respect for human rights, was irrelevant to the international community.Less
This chapter focuses on how the peace process in the former Yugoslav republics was marred by continued violence. The road to peace was constructed almost exclusively by force, both of indigenous and external origin. The force employed affected the application of the right to self-determination, translating this right to territorial autonomy in Bosnia, self-government under international supervision in Kosovo and Metohia, decentralization and group rights in Macedonia, or nominal human rights without a right to territorial autonomy in Croatia. The magnitude of force and the international evaluation of the legitimacy of the use of force by the official authorities and the insurgents became crucial to the redrafting of constitutions to mandate stronger group rights, in some cases coupled with the redrawing of boundaries—albeit within the newly independent states. Self-determination, on its own and with the exception of a general insistence on respect for human rights, was irrelevant to the international community.
Eirik Bjorge
- Published in print:
- 2014
- Published Online:
- September 2014
- ISBN:
- 9780198716143
- eISBN:
- 9780191784873
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198716143.003.0005
- Subject:
- Law, Public International Law, Legal History
Chapter 5 gives an instance of a situation where an international court, the Grand Chamber of the European Court of Human Rights, in Šilih v Slovenia, treated an issue as evolutionary interpretation ...
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Chapter 5 gives an instance of a situation where an international court, the Grand Chamber of the European Court of Human Rights, in Šilih v Slovenia, treated an issue as evolutionary interpretation but where it would have been more correct not to do so, as the result which was reached by way of ‘evolution’ could more rationally have been reached by reliance upon general international law, that is, the traditional doctrine of the Permanent International Court of Justice in relation to jurisdiction by reference to time (ratione temporis). This particular jurisprudence is analysed in order to bring out the point that at times it may be unhelpful, in fact quite confusing, to analyse a judicial development as evolutionary interpretation.Less
Chapter 5 gives an instance of a situation where an international court, the Grand Chamber of the European Court of Human Rights, in Šilih v Slovenia, treated an issue as evolutionary interpretation but where it would have been more correct not to do so, as the result which was reached by way of ‘evolution’ could more rationally have been reached by reliance upon general international law, that is, the traditional doctrine of the Permanent International Court of Justice in relation to jurisdiction by reference to time (ratione temporis). This particular jurisprudence is analysed in order to bring out the point that at times it may be unhelpful, in fact quite confusing, to analyse a judicial development as evolutionary interpretation.
Majda Pahor
- Published in print:
- 2008
- Published Online:
- March 2012
- ISBN:
- 9781861349569
- eISBN:
- 9781447303251
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Policy Press
- DOI:
- 10.1332/policypress/9781861349569.003.0008
- Subject:
- Public Health and Epidemiology, Public Health
This chapter discusses research into interprofessional relationships between nurses and doctors in Slovenia, introducing the notion of culture as a hidden organiser of professional action and ...
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This chapter discusses research into interprofessional relationships between nurses and doctors in Slovenia, introducing the notion of culture as a hidden organiser of professional action and identity. It places the individual perceptions and actor-based changes in the Slovenian healthcare system in the context of the historical formation of Roman Catholic culture and the experiences of the centralised bureaucracy of the socialist era. The concept of individualisation and self-determination and the notion of trust serve to explore the complexity and cultural embeddedness of professional relationships in healthcare.Less
This chapter discusses research into interprofessional relationships between nurses and doctors in Slovenia, introducing the notion of culture as a hidden organiser of professional action and identity. It places the individual perceptions and actor-based changes in the Slovenian healthcare system in the context of the historical formation of Roman Catholic culture and the experiences of the centralised bureaucracy of the socialist era. The concept of individualisation and self-determination and the notion of trust serve to explore the complexity and cultural embeddedness of professional relationships in healthcare.
Bram Peper, Laura den Dulk, Nevenka Černigoj Sadar, Suzan Lewis, Janet Smithson, and Anneke van Doorne-Huiskes
- Published in print:
- 2013
- Published Online:
- January 2014
- ISBN:
- 9780199681136
- eISBN:
- 9780191767449
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199681136.003.0008
- Subject:
- Economics and Finance, Public and Welfare
In this chapter we explore the role of managers’ attitudes toward and responses to worklife policies and experiences of working parents in three financial organizations within the Netherlands, the UK ...
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In this chapter we explore the role of managers’ attitudes toward and responses to worklife policies and experiences of working parents in three financial organizations within the Netherlands, the UK and Slovenia. Few researchers have examined the factors that shape the practical implementation of worklife policies as part of the multi-layer dynamics influencing the impact of policies in specific contexts. We view these dynamics from the managers’ perspective and the employees’ experiences. By studying managerial attitudes and practices concerning worklife policies, we investigate how institutional factors can influence the potential capabilities of workers for a better worklife balance within specific workplace organizational contexts. We focus on the role of managers not only as implementers of policies, but also as translators, mediators and interpreters of the discursive rationales for promoting or denying worklife balance claims. Looking from the employees’ perspective, we analyse the impact of managers’ attitudes on employees’ capabilities.Less
In this chapter we explore the role of managers’ attitudes toward and responses to worklife policies and experiences of working parents in three financial organizations within the Netherlands, the UK and Slovenia. Few researchers have examined the factors that shape the practical implementation of worklife policies as part of the multi-layer dynamics influencing the impact of policies in specific contexts. We view these dynamics from the managers’ perspective and the employees’ experiences. By studying managerial attitudes and practices concerning worklife policies, we investigate how institutional factors can influence the potential capabilities of workers for a better worklife balance within specific workplace organizational contexts. We focus on the role of managers not only as implementers of policies, but also as translators, mediators and interpreters of the discursive rationales for promoting or denying worklife balance claims. Looking from the employees’ perspective, we analyse the impact of managers’ attitudes on employees’ capabilities.
Nevenka Černigoj Sadar
- Published in print:
- 2005
- Published Online:
- March 2012
- ISBN:
- 9781861346049
- eISBN:
- 9781447301592
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Policy Press
- DOI:
- 10.1332/policypress/9781861346049.003.0012
- Subject:
- Social Work, Social Policy
This chapter emphasizes the socio-economic, social policy and individual level influences seen on the production and reproduction of gender divisions in care work in the last few decades in Slovenia. ...
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This chapter emphasizes the socio-economic, social policy and individual level influences seen on the production and reproduction of gender divisions in care work in the last few decades in Slovenia. To overcome the gender-biased impacts, possibilities for re-conceptualisation of caring and the parenting/family employment relationship are examined. There are two main objectives for increasing the public provision of childcare. It is shown that pluralisation of childcare forms is yet to be achieved in Slovenia and that some mothers would like to care at home for the children during their first years of life. It can be concluded that long-term public policies enhancing women's labour market participation have limited but positive effects, during the drastic economic and social changes the majority of women succeeded in obtaining their labour market positions.Less
This chapter emphasizes the socio-economic, social policy and individual level influences seen on the production and reproduction of gender divisions in care work in the last few decades in Slovenia. To overcome the gender-biased impacts, possibilities for re-conceptualisation of caring and the parenting/family employment relationship are examined. There are two main objectives for increasing the public provision of childcare. It is shown that pluralisation of childcare forms is yet to be achieved in Slovenia and that some mothers would like to care at home for the children during their first years of life. It can be concluded that long-term public policies enhancing women's labour market participation have limited but positive effects, during the drastic economic and social changes the majority of women succeeded in obtaining their labour market positions.
