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The Evolution of Sinn Féin: Separatist Politics in County Galway, 1905–1918

Fergus Campbell

in Land and Revolution: Nationalist Politics in the West of Ireland 1891-1921

This chapter explores the evolution of separatist politics in county Galway, from the formation of Sinn Féin in 1905, to its electoral victory in December 1918, and includes the first detailed ... More

This chapter explores the evolution of separatist politics in county Galway, from the formation of Sinn Féin in 1905, to its electoral victory in December 1918, and includes the first detailed narrative account of the 1916 Easter Rising in Galway. The small Sinn Féin party, first established in Galway in 1906, had become the largest and most influential political organization in the county by 1918; the most prominent leader of Sinn Féin in Galway was Tom Kenny, the Craughwell blacksmith. The evidence presented in this chapter suggests that it may not have been possible to apply all aspects of Fitzpatrick's Clare model to neighbouring Galway. Far from being established on the basis of the ‘Home Rule tradition’, Sinn Féin emerged from the radical agrarian and republican political culture of Kenny's secret society. This chapter also suggests that the personnel of Sinn Féin in Galway were not, by and large, the old Home Rule wine decanted into new bottles.Less

Land and Revolution in the West of Ireland, 1918–1921

Fergus Campbell

in Land and Revolution: Nationalist Politics in the West of Ireland 1891-1921

Recently, a debate has begun among Irish historians as to the nature of the Irish revolution, and Peter Hart has provided a useful definition of what is meant by the term the ‘Irish revolution’. Hart ... More

Recently, a debate has begun among Irish historians as to the nature of the Irish revolution, and Peter Hart has provided a useful definition of what is meant by the term the ‘Irish revolution’. Hart suggests that the Irish revolution was a period during which two distinct blocs made competing claims to the state (beginning with the Easter Rising), resulting in a period of multiple sovereignty which was only concluded in May 1923, when the anti-Treaty republicans gave up their attempt to dispute the existence of the southern state. This chapter examines the broader social dynamics of the Irish revolution in the west of Ireland between the general election of December 1918 and the Truce of July 1921, and considers the extent to which Irish society was transformed between these years.Less

The Funds Case, 1941–48

Agnès Maillot

in In the Shadow of History: Sinn Féin 1926-70

In 1941 Sinn Féin President Margaret Buckley took legal action against the State in an attempt to recover the Sinn Féin funds that had been lodged in the Free State Courts two decades earlier. This ... More

In 1941 Sinn Féin President Margaret Buckley took legal action against the State in an attempt to recover the Sinn Féin funds that had been lodged in the Free State Courts two decades earlier. This episode gave an interesting insight into what Sinn Féin had contributed to Irish history, how the past was recorded by those who had played a major part in the Revolutionary period, and who could claim the legacy of the pre-Civil War party.Less

Belfast, Ireland, and the War, 1914–1918

A. C. Hepburn

in Catholic Belfast and Nationalist Ireland in the Era of Joe Devlin, 1871-1934

This chapter focuses on the years between 1914 and 1918. The years 1913-14 were a time of trial for Devlin, from the pressure to accept temporary exclusion in February 1914 to the unwelcome emergence ... More

This chapter focuses on the years between 1914 and 1918. The years 1913-14 were a time of trial for Devlin, from the pressure to accept temporary exclusion in February 1914 to the unwelcome emergence of paramilitary forces on both sides and then his exclusion from the Buckingham Palace Conference. He did not cave in and remained supportive of the Liberal Government, and, for the first time in his career, felt closer to Redmond than to Dillon in positive support for the war effort. However, the next four years were to see a downward spiral. The Volunteer movement brought violent revolution and repression, which drove an ever-deeper wedge between the two communities in Belfast and destroyed the constitutional movement across the country. The government at Westminster degenerated into coalitions that were more concerned with maintaining their own stability (and winning the war) than with settling the Irish question. Meanwhile, the Catholic Church was more concerned to run with popular opinion than to take political risks in order to achieve a compromise settlement.Less

Creating political space for ‘dissidents’? the extent of ideological compromise by Sinn Féin and ‘Provisional’ republicanism

S.A. Whiting

in Spoiling the peace?: The threat of dissident Republicans to peace in Northern Ireland

The evolution within Sinn Féin and ‘Provisional’ republicanism involved the broadening of ideas, the rearranging of principles and a change of tactics. The sum of these parts was a considerable ... More

The evolution within Sinn Féin and ‘Provisional’ republicanism involved the broadening of ideas, the rearranging of principles and a change of tactics. The sum of these parts was a considerable transition. This chapter examines the ideological and political change within Sinn Féin. The academic literature that considers the evolution of Sinn Féin is wide-ranging in assessing the impact of military fortune and British state strategy but has appeared reluctant to comprehend Sinn Féin as essentially an ordinary political party in modern times, conditioned by the rules of the electoral game and successfully adapting to those rules. In order to begin understanding the dissident ideological standpoint it is necessary to consider Sinn Féin’s movement into constitutional politics within a consociational power-sharing agreement and to what extent that represented the updating, revising or contorting of Irish republican principles.Less

Contemporary Irish republicanism since 1998: the Shinners¹

Paddy Hoey

in Shinners, Dissos and Dissenters: Irish republican media activism since the Good Friday Agreement

Borrowing on a tradition of radical journalism dating back more than 200 years, modern Irish republicans, in particular, Sinn Féin, have used activist media to articulate their ideological since the ... More

Borrowing on a tradition of radical journalism dating back more than 200 years, modern Irish republicans, in particular, Sinn Féin, have used activist media to articulate their ideological since the late 1960s and the start of the Troubles. At times of marginalisation from the political mainstream through broadcasting bans and structural bias in the media, republicans used their own activist newspapers, pamphlets and promotional materials to convey their political messages. In the same period Sinn Féin began and finished the journey from being the marginal political wing of the Provisional IRA to being arguably the most prominent political party in Irish nationalist politics. Its transformation from minority voice of an armed organisation which saw violence as central to its goals to the main voice of republicanism that had accepted ceasefires and the political path was remarkable. Activist media was central to ideological journey of the Shinners, providing an internal space in which to articulate and interrogate dynamic shifts in ideology and an outward face to communicate these developments.Less

Contemporary Irish republicanism since 1998: dissos and dissenters¹

Paddy Hoey

in Shinners, Dissos and Dissenters: Irish republican media activism since the Good Friday Agreement

Sinn Féin’s elevation to the undoubted voice of establishment republicanism did not come without its ideological challenges which charged it with selling out ideological values of the movement which ... More

Sinn Féin’s elevation to the undoubted voice of establishment republicanism did not come without its ideological challenges which charged it with selling out ideological values of the movement which dated back at least to the 1916 Rising. These initially came from dissident republican organisations (the dissos) like Republican Sinn Féin and the 32 County Sovereignty Movement with links to armed groups still pledged to maintain violent opposition to the British presence in Ireland. Newer groups emerged to challenge older forms of traditional and militarist ideology, specifically éirígí and Republican Network for Unity, who used the Internet and activist media to communicate their positions on the changes to republicanism. Between these two blocs, an interesting group of non-aligned activists emerged in the early 2000s using old media like newspapers and new technology of the Internet to discuss alternatives to Sinn Féin’s reformism and acceptance of the compromises made necessary by the Peace Process. These writers contributed a new strand of dissenting opinion which was supported the peace but was critical of the process.Less

Evaluating historic splits in Irish republicanism: is there space for the emergence of ‘dissidents’?

S.A. Whiting

in Spoiling the peace?: The threat of dissident Republicans to peace in Northern Ireland

This chapter provides the historical and contextual backdrop to the emergence of dissident republicanism. The aim is to address the gaps that exist in the literature in order to go beyond the ... More

This chapter provides the historical and contextual backdrop to the emergence of dissident republicanism. The aim is to address the gaps that exist in the literature in order to go beyond the description of dissidents as, ‘irritants, embarrassing Sinn Féin’ (Mac Ginty, 2006). Irish republicanism has never been cast in a rigid mould making it harder to define and therefore easier for Sinn Féin, despite the obvious compromises made, to proclaim they remain the embodiment of republican principles. Similarly, ‘dissident’ groups fail to represent a monolithic entity, meaning they cannot be easily slotted into simple categorisations and easily labelled. This chapter explores the impact of external ideological forces, social, political and military circumstances and the influence of other global peace processes on republicanism in Northern Ireland.Less

On the Long Road: The Provisional Politics of Transition1

in The New Politics of Sinn Féin

This chapter delves into the ambiguity of the mechanisms of transitioning the Provisional movement as opposed to the straightforwardness of the Republican tradition towards reunification, and aims to ... More

This chapter delves into the ambiguity of the mechanisms of transitioning the Provisional movement as opposed to the straightforwardness of the Republican tradition towards reunification, and aims to examine and trace the said transition from radical to diplomatic to the politics of accommodation of state power and authority. The receding revolutionary tide and how republicans strategized their way towards adaptation is also explored. Various tactics and workings are reviewed to describe how Sinn Féin's position in the overall political terrain of Ireland was strengthened within the peace process. The political dynamics during the transition and how it was used to create historical inevitability are also discussed, as are the definition of the transitional phase and reunification in lieu of revolutionary transformation and abandonment of Republican ambitions.Less

West of the Shannon: Connacht

Christopher Doughan

in The Voice of the Provinces: The Regional Press in Revolutionary Ireland, 1914-1921

This chapter concentrates on regional newspapers in Connacht and presents an overview of the regional press in the province during the 1914-21 period. A brief history of some of the main newspapers ... More

This chapter concentrates on regional newspapers in Connacht and presents an overview of the regional press in the province during the 1914-21 period. A brief history of some of the main newspapers is provided while some of the key figures involved in those titles are also considered. However, the chapter specifically focuses on four titles, the Tuam Herald, Roscommon Herald, Mayo News, and Leitrim Observer. The first two papers broadly represented a more constitutional form of Irish nationalism while the latter two came to be regarded as Sinn Féin or republican organs. Individual sections record the origins and history of each title while the key figures involved in of each of these publications are also profiled. Additionally, the editorial commentary of all four papers between 1914 and 1921 is reviewed and analysed. Some of these titles were subjected to censorship, suppression, and forcible closure while in certain cases the proprietors were arrested or imprisoned. The experiences of each of these newspapers are documented in this chapter.Less

No selfish strategic or economic interest

P. J. McLoughlin

in John Hume and the Revision of Irish Nationalism

The Social Democratic and Labour Party (SDLP)–Sinn Féin talks of 1988 wholly contradicted the intended outcome of the Anglo-Irish Agreement, and were prefaced by an exchange of letters by John Hume ... More

The Social Democratic and Labour Party (SDLP)–Sinn Féin talks of 1988 wholly contradicted the intended outcome of the Anglo-Irish Agreement, and were prefaced by an exchange of letters by John Hume and Gerry Adams. Hume focused upon the means and the motives of the republican movement, and also offered an alternative explanation of the Northern Ireland problem, as well as a political approach towards its resolution. Adams's letter to him was much shorter, but included a position paper outlining his party's understanding of the conflict and the means to its resolution. Hume and the SDLP faced enormous criticism for talking to Sinn Féin. Pan-nationalism was about providing republicans with a credible alternative to the armed struggle. Hume turned to London, hoping that the British government would offer validation of the arguments he had presented to Sinn Féin.Less

Negro Sinn Féiners and Black Fenians: “Heroic ireland” and the Black Nationalist Imagination

Bruce Nelson

in Irish Nationalists and the Making of the Irish Race

This chapter focuses on the strong attraction that Ireland held for Afro-Caribbean and African American intellectuals and activists such as Marcus Garvey, Cyril Briggs, Claude McKay, Hubert Harrison, ... More

This chapter focuses on the strong attraction that Ireland held for Afro-Caribbean and African American intellectuals and activists such as Marcus Garvey, Cyril Briggs, Claude McKay, Hubert Harrison, W.E.B. Du Bois, and A. Philip Randolph. The Afro-Caribbean activists, in particular, took inspiration from the “Irish Revolution.” References to the Irish Parliamentary Party, Sinn Féin, and the Irish Republican Brotherhood dotted their newspapers and broadsides, as did the names of Irish revolutionary heroes such as Terence MacSwiney and Eamon de Valera. Insofar as they embraced black nationalism, they pointed to the Irish preoccupation with “Ourselves,” which they translated as “Race First.” Some African American intellectuals, above all Du Bois, were more circumspect about the Irish. They were keenly aware of the antagonism that for generations had marked the relationships between blacks and Irish immigrants in the United States. And yet even for Du Bois “Bleeding Ireland” became an irresistible symbol of the human capacity for suffering and regeneration.Less

Changed Priorities: The 1990s

Andrew Sanders

in Inside the IRA: Dissident Republicans and the War for Legitimacy

The trend towards politics that was established during the 1980s continued during the 1990s as the Provisional republican movement made its final move away from violence with two major ceasefires in ... More

The trend towards politics that was established during the 1980s continued during the 1990s as the Provisional republican movement made its final move away from violence with two major ceasefires in the middle years of the decade. The republican militarist tradition proved durable as a series of splinter groups emerged for a variety of reasons. Factionalism occurred as a result of both ideological and personal differences as Northern Ireland moved closer to peace, the involvement of mainstream republicanism stimulating the military prerogatives of a significant minority. While the political transition of Sinn Féin is well covered, this chapter aims to consider how this influenced further division that occurred within republicanism as the peace process developed.Less

Southern Exposure: Munster

Christopher Doughan

in The Voice of the Provinces: The Regional Press in Revolutionary Ireland, 1914-1921

This chapter concentrates on regional newspapers in Munster and presents an overview of the regional press in the province during the 1914-21 period. A brief history of some of the main newspapers is ... More

This chapter concentrates on regional newspapers in Munster and presents an overview of the regional press in the province during the 1914-21 period. A brief history of some of the main newspapers is provided while some of the key figures involved in those titles are also considered. However, the chapter specifically focuses on five titles, the Cork Constitution, Skibbereen Eagle, Southern Star, Clonmel Chronicle, and Kerryman. These represent a broad range of political sympathies – one unionist title, two independent titles, and two titles that were strongly associated with the Sinn Féin party. Individual sections record the origins and history of each title while the key figures involved in of each of these publications are also profiled. Additionally, the editorial commentary of all five papers between 1914 and 1921 is reviewed and analysed. All bar one of these papers were affected by the Anglo-Irish conflict – the Southern Star and Kerryman experienced censorship, suppression, and forcible closure while the Cork Constitution and Skibbereen Eagle were targeted by Irish republicans. The experiences of each of these newspapers are documented in this chapter.Less

The Pale and Beyond: Leinster

Christopher Doughan

in The Voice of the Provinces: The Regional Press in Revolutionary Ireland, 1914-1921

This chapter concentrates on regional newspapers in Leinster (excluding Dublin) and presents an overview of the regional press in the province during the 1914-21 period. A brief history of some of ... More

This chapter concentrates on regional newspapers in Leinster (excluding Dublin) and presents an overview of the regional press in the province during the 1914-21 period. A brief history of some of the main newspapers is provided while some of the key figures involved in those titles are also considered. However, the chapter specifically focuses on four titles, the Meath Chronicle, Enniscorthy Echo, Kilkenny People, and Midland Tribune, papers that came to be regarded as Sinn Féin or republican organs. Individual sections document the origins and history of each title while the key figures involved in of each of these publications are also profiled. Additionally, the editorial commentary of all four papers between 1914 and 1921 is reviewed and analysed. All of these titles were subjected to varying degrees of censorship and suppression while in some cases editors or proprietors were arrested and imprisoned. The experiences of each of these newspapers are documented in this chapter.Less

From Treaty to Civil War, 1921–2

Michael Hopkinson

in A New History of Ireland Volume VII: Ireland 1921-84

The Anglo-Irish treaty of 1921 was designed to produce a settlement of Anglo-Irish differences over the issue of self government, differences that from 1919 onwards had taken the form of an armed ... More

The Anglo-Irish treaty of 1921 was designed to produce a settlement of Anglo-Irish differences over the issue of self government, differences that from 1919 onwards had taken the form of an armed conflict. A home rule measure, passed by the United Kingdom parliament in 1914, but suspended for the duration of the First World War, had been vitiated in the eyes of Irish nationalists by the British government's concessions to the anti-home rule sentiments of unionists. Moreover, ‘home rule’ had been overtaken by events such as the Easter rising in 1916 and the later eclipse of constitutional nationalism by the growth of Sinn Féin (‘ourselves alone’), a party committed to abstaining from the London parliament in order to pursue Irish interests at home.Less

The Sinn Féin challenge and the birth of the Nationalist Party, 1955–59

Christopher Norton

in The politics of constitutional nationalism in Northern Ireland, 1932-1970: Between grievance and reconciliation

This chapter deals with the demise of the IAPL in a period which witnessed the revival of IRA militarism and the rise of republican parties - Sinn Féin and Fianna Uladh - as competitors for the ... More

This chapter deals with the demise of the IAPL in a period which witnessed the revival of IRA militarism and the rise of republican parties - Sinn Féin and Fianna Uladh - as competitors for the nationalist vote. The decision by the IALP not to contest the nationalist held seats of Mid Ulster and Fermanagh & South Tyrone and to leave Sinn Féin as the only anti-partition challengers is shown to have been a major political and tactical blunder. The chapter argues that while Sinn Féin’s success in taking the seats led some within the IALP to retreated to traditional positions other liberal-left and moderate elements within constitutional nationalism took the opportunity to push for a renewed and united nationalist party. The failure of the new Nationalist Party to integrate the existing left-nationalist parties, its failure to take on board the significance of the revived electoral fortunes of the Northern Ireland Labour Party in 1958, and the decision to again concede winnable Westminster parliamentary seats to Sinn Féin in 1959, are all identified as being symptomatic of a party whose strategy was becoming increasingly redundant.Less