Fergus Campbell
- Published in print:
- 2005
- Published Online:
- September 2007
- ISBN:
- 9780199273249
- eISBN:
- 9780191706387
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199273249.003.0006
- Subject:
- History, British and Irish Modern History
This chapter explores the evolution of separatist politics in county Galway, from the formation of Sinn Féin in 1905, to its electoral victory in December 1918, and includes the first detailed ...
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This chapter explores the evolution of separatist politics in county Galway, from the formation of Sinn Féin in 1905, to its electoral victory in December 1918, and includes the first detailed narrative account of the 1916 Easter Rising in Galway. The small Sinn Féin party, first established in Galway in 1906, had become the largest and most influential political organization in the county by 1918; the most prominent leader of Sinn Féin in Galway was Tom Kenny, the Craughwell blacksmith. The evidence presented in this chapter suggests that it may not have been possible to apply all aspects of Fitzpatrick's Clare model to neighbouring Galway. Far from being established on the basis of the ‘Home Rule tradition’, Sinn Féin emerged from the radical agrarian and republican political culture of Kenny's secret society. This chapter also suggests that the personnel of Sinn Féin in Galway were not, by and large, the old Home Rule wine decanted into new bottles.Less
This chapter explores the evolution of separatist politics in county Galway, from the formation of Sinn Féin in 1905, to its electoral victory in December 1918, and includes the first detailed narrative account of the 1916 Easter Rising in Galway. The small Sinn Féin party, first established in Galway in 1906, had become the largest and most influential political organization in the county by 1918; the most prominent leader of Sinn Féin in Galway was Tom Kenny, the Craughwell blacksmith. The evidence presented in this chapter suggests that it may not have been possible to apply all aspects of Fitzpatrick's Clare model to neighbouring Galway. Far from being established on the basis of the ‘Home Rule tradition’, Sinn Féin emerged from the radical agrarian and republican political culture of Kenny's secret society. This chapter also suggests that the personnel of Sinn Féin in Galway were not, by and large, the old Home Rule wine decanted into new bottles.
Fergus Campbell
- Published in print:
- 2005
- Published Online:
- September 2007
- ISBN:
- 9780199273249
- eISBN:
- 9780191706387
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199273249.003.0007
- Subject:
- History, British and Irish Modern History
Recently, a debate has begun among Irish historians as to the nature of the Irish revolution, and Peter Hart has provided a useful definition of what is meant by the term the ‘Irish revolution’. Hart ...
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Recently, a debate has begun among Irish historians as to the nature of the Irish revolution, and Peter Hart has provided a useful definition of what is meant by the term the ‘Irish revolution’. Hart suggests that the Irish revolution was a period during which two distinct blocs made competing claims to the state (beginning with the Easter Rising), resulting in a period of multiple sovereignty which was only concluded in May 1923, when the anti-Treaty republicans gave up their attempt to dispute the existence of the southern state. This chapter examines the broader social dynamics of the Irish revolution in the west of Ireland between the general election of December 1918 and the Truce of July 1921, and considers the extent to which Irish society was transformed between these years.Less
Recently, a debate has begun among Irish historians as to the nature of the Irish revolution, and Peter Hart has provided a useful definition of what is meant by the term the ‘Irish revolution’. Hart suggests that the Irish revolution was a period during which two distinct blocs made competing claims to the state (beginning with the Easter Rising), resulting in a period of multiple sovereignty which was only concluded in May 1923, when the anti-Treaty republicans gave up their attempt to dispute the existence of the southern state. This chapter examines the broader social dynamics of the Irish revolution in the west of Ireland between the general election of December 1918 and the Truce of July 1921, and considers the extent to which Irish society was transformed between these years.
Fergus Campbell
- Published in print:
- 2005
- Published Online:
- September 2007
- ISBN:
- 9780199273249
- eISBN:
- 9780191706387
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199273249.001.0001
- Subject:
- History, British and Irish Modern History
In the 1890s, most of the inhabitants of the west of Ireland experienced great poverty and hardship, living as they did on farms that were too small to provide them with a reasonable standard of ...
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In the 1890s, most of the inhabitants of the west of Ireland experienced great poverty and hardship, living as they did on farms that were too small to provide them with a reasonable standard of living. By 1921, however, the living conditions of many of them had been transformed by a series of Land Acts that revolutionized the system of land holding in Ireland. This book examines agrarian conflict in Ireland during the neglected period between the death of Parnell (1891) and the signing of the Anglo-Irish Treaty (1921), and demonstrates that land reform was often introduced in response to popular protest. This book provides an account of popular political activity in late 19th- and 20th-century Ireland and the social background, ideas, and activities of grassroots political activists are explored, as are the class conflicts that threatened to fragment the unity of the nationalist movement in rural communities. This book suggests new interpretations of a number of critical developments including the failure of ‘constructive unionism’, the origins of Sinn Féin, and the nature and dynamics of the Irish revolution (1916-23).Less
In the 1890s, most of the inhabitants of the west of Ireland experienced great poverty and hardship, living as they did on farms that were too small to provide them with a reasonable standard of living. By 1921, however, the living conditions of many of them had been transformed by a series of Land Acts that revolutionized the system of land holding in Ireland. This book examines agrarian conflict in Ireland during the neglected period between the death of Parnell (1891) and the signing of the Anglo-Irish Treaty (1921), and demonstrates that land reform was often introduced in response to popular protest. This book provides an account of popular political activity in late 19th- and 20th-century Ireland and the social background, ideas, and activities of grassroots political activists are explored, as are the class conflicts that threatened to fragment the unity of the nationalist movement in rural communities. This book suggests new interpretations of a number of critical developments including the failure of ‘constructive unionism’, the origins of Sinn Féin, and the nature and dynamics of the Irish revolution (1916-23).
Agnès Maillot
- Published in print:
- 2015
- Published Online:
- May 2016
- ISBN:
- 9780719084898
- eISBN:
- 9781526103918
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Manchester University Press
- DOI:
- 10.7228/manchester/9780719084898.003.0004
- Subject:
- Political Science, Public Policy
In 1941 Sinn Féin President Margaret Buckley took legal action against the State in an attempt to recover the Sinn Féin funds that had been lodged in the Free State Courts two decades earlier. This ...
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In 1941 Sinn Féin President Margaret Buckley took legal action against the State in an attempt to recover the Sinn Féin funds that had been lodged in the Free State Courts two decades earlier. This episode gave an interesting insight into what Sinn Féin had contributed to Irish history, how the past was recorded by those who had played a major part in the Revolutionary period, and who could claim the legacy of the pre-Civil War party.Less
In 1941 Sinn Féin President Margaret Buckley took legal action against the State in an attempt to recover the Sinn Féin funds that had been lodged in the Free State Courts two decades earlier. This episode gave an interesting insight into what Sinn Féin had contributed to Irish history, how the past was recorded by those who had played a major part in the Revolutionary period, and who could claim the legacy of the pre-Civil War party.
A. C. Hepburn
- Published in print:
- 2008
- Published Online:
- January 2009
- ISBN:
- 9780199298846
- eISBN:
- 9780191711466
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199298846.003.0007
- Subject:
- History, British and Irish Modern History
This chapter focuses on the years between 1914 and 1918. The years 1913-14 were a time of trial for Devlin, from the pressure to accept temporary exclusion in February 1914 to the unwelcome emergence ...
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This chapter focuses on the years between 1914 and 1918. The years 1913-14 were a time of trial for Devlin, from the pressure to accept temporary exclusion in February 1914 to the unwelcome emergence of paramilitary forces on both sides and then his exclusion from the Buckingham Palace Conference. He did not cave in and remained supportive of the Liberal Government, and, for the first time in his career, felt closer to Redmond than to Dillon in positive support for the war effort. However, the next four years were to see a downward spiral. The Volunteer movement brought violent revolution and repression, which drove an ever-deeper wedge between the two communities in Belfast and destroyed the constitutional movement across the country. The government at Westminster degenerated into coalitions that were more concerned with maintaining their own stability (and winning the war) than with settling the Irish question. Meanwhile, the Catholic Church was more concerned to run with popular opinion than to take political risks in order to achieve a compromise settlement.Less
This chapter focuses on the years between 1914 and 1918. The years 1913-14 were a time of trial for Devlin, from the pressure to accept temporary exclusion in February 1914 to the unwelcome emergence of paramilitary forces on both sides and then his exclusion from the Buckingham Palace Conference. He did not cave in and remained supportive of the Liberal Government, and, for the first time in his career, felt closer to Redmond than to Dillon in positive support for the war effort. However, the next four years were to see a downward spiral. The Volunteer movement brought violent revolution and repression, which drove an ever-deeper wedge between the two communities in Belfast and destroyed the constitutional movement across the country. The government at Westminster degenerated into coalitions that were more concerned with maintaining their own stability (and winning the war) than with settling the Irish question. Meanwhile, the Catholic Church was more concerned to run with popular opinion than to take political risks in order to achieve a compromise settlement.
S.A. Whiting
- Published in print:
- 2015
- Published Online:
- January 2016
- ISBN:
- 9780719095726
- eISBN:
- 9781781708767
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Manchester University Press
- DOI:
- 10.7228/manchester/9780719095726.003.0004
- Subject:
- Political Science, Conflict Politics and Policy
The evolution within Sinn Féin and ‘Provisional’ republicanism involved the broadening of ideas, the rearranging of principles and a change of tactics. The sum of these parts was a considerable ...
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The evolution within Sinn Féin and ‘Provisional’ republicanism involved the broadening of ideas, the rearranging of principles and a change of tactics. The sum of these parts was a considerable transition. This chapter examines the ideological and political change within Sinn Féin. The academic literature that considers the evolution of Sinn Féin is wide-ranging in assessing the impact of military fortune and British state strategy but has appeared reluctant to comprehend Sinn Féin as essentially an ordinary political party in modern times, conditioned by the rules of the electoral game and successfully adapting to those rules. In order to begin understanding the dissident ideological standpoint it is necessary to consider Sinn Féin’s movement into constitutional politics within a consociational power-sharing agreement and to what extent that represented the updating, revising or contorting of Irish republican principles.Less
The evolution within Sinn Féin and ‘Provisional’ republicanism involved the broadening of ideas, the rearranging of principles and a change of tactics. The sum of these parts was a considerable transition. This chapter examines the ideological and political change within Sinn Féin. The academic literature that considers the evolution of Sinn Féin is wide-ranging in assessing the impact of military fortune and British state strategy but has appeared reluctant to comprehend Sinn Féin as essentially an ordinary political party in modern times, conditioned by the rules of the electoral game and successfully adapting to those rules. In order to begin understanding the dissident ideological standpoint it is necessary to consider Sinn Féin’s movement into constitutional politics within a consociational power-sharing agreement and to what extent that represented the updating, revising or contorting of Irish republican principles.
Paddy Hoey
- Published in print:
- 2018
- Published Online:
- September 2018
- ISBN:
- 9781526114242
- eISBN:
- 9781526136091
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Manchester University Press
- DOI:
- 10.7228/manchester/9781526114242.003.0002
- Subject:
- Sociology, Politics, Social Movements and Social Change
Borrowing on a tradition of radical journalism dating back more than 200 years, modern Irish republicans, in particular, Sinn Féin, have used activist media to articulate their ideological since the ...
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Borrowing on a tradition of radical journalism dating back more than 200 years, modern Irish republicans, in particular, Sinn Féin, have used activist media to articulate their ideological since the late 1960s and the start of the Troubles. At times of marginalisation from the political mainstream through broadcasting bans and structural bias in the media, republicans used their own activist newspapers, pamphlets and promotional materials to convey their political messages. In the same period Sinn Féin began and finished the journey from being the marginal political wing of the Provisional IRA to being arguably the most prominent political party in Irish nationalist politics. Its transformation from minority voice of an armed organisation which saw violence as central to its goals to the main voice of republicanism that had accepted ceasefires and the political path was remarkable. Activist media was central to ideological journey of the Shinners, providing an internal space in which to articulate and interrogate dynamic shifts in ideology and an outward face to communicate these developments.Less
Borrowing on a tradition of radical journalism dating back more than 200 years, modern Irish republicans, in particular, Sinn Féin, have used activist media to articulate their ideological since the late 1960s and the start of the Troubles. At times of marginalisation from the political mainstream through broadcasting bans and structural bias in the media, republicans used their own activist newspapers, pamphlets and promotional materials to convey their political messages. In the same period Sinn Féin began and finished the journey from being the marginal political wing of the Provisional IRA to being arguably the most prominent political party in Irish nationalist politics. Its transformation from minority voice of an armed organisation which saw violence as central to its goals to the main voice of republicanism that had accepted ceasefires and the political path was remarkable. Activist media was central to ideological journey of the Shinners, providing an internal space in which to articulate and interrogate dynamic shifts in ideology and an outward face to communicate these developments.
Paddy Hoey
- Published in print:
- 2018
- Published Online:
- September 2018
- ISBN:
- 9781526114242
- eISBN:
- 9781526136091
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Manchester University Press
- DOI:
- 10.7228/manchester/9781526114242.003.0003
- Subject:
- Sociology, Politics, Social Movements and Social Change
Sinn Féin’s elevation to the undoubted voice of establishment republicanism did not come without its ideological challenges which charged it with selling out ideological values of the movement which ...
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Sinn Féin’s elevation to the undoubted voice of establishment republicanism did not come without its ideological challenges which charged it with selling out ideological values of the movement which dated back at least to the 1916 Rising. These initially came from dissident republican organisations (the dissos) like Republican Sinn Féin and the 32 County Sovereignty Movement with links to armed groups still pledged to maintain violent opposition to the British presence in Ireland. Newer groups emerged to challenge older forms of traditional and militarist ideology, specifically éirígí and Republican Network for Unity, who used the Internet and activist media to communicate their positions on the changes to republicanism. Between these two blocs, an interesting group of non-aligned activists emerged in the early 2000s using old media like newspapers and new technology of the Internet to discuss alternatives to Sinn Féin’s reformism and acceptance of the compromises made necessary by the Peace Process. These writers contributed a new strand of dissenting opinion which was supported the peace but was critical of the process.Less
Sinn Féin’s elevation to the undoubted voice of establishment republicanism did not come without its ideological challenges which charged it with selling out ideological values of the movement which dated back at least to the 1916 Rising. These initially came from dissident republican organisations (the dissos) like Republican Sinn Féin and the 32 County Sovereignty Movement with links to armed groups still pledged to maintain violent opposition to the British presence in Ireland. Newer groups emerged to challenge older forms of traditional and militarist ideology, specifically éirígí and Republican Network for Unity, who used the Internet and activist media to communicate their positions on the changes to republicanism. Between these two blocs, an interesting group of non-aligned activists emerged in the early 2000s using old media like newspapers and new technology of the Internet to discuss alternatives to Sinn Féin’s reformism and acceptance of the compromises made necessary by the Peace Process. These writers contributed a new strand of dissenting opinion which was supported the peace but was critical of the process.
S.A. Whiting
- Published in print:
- 2015
- Published Online:
- January 2016
- ISBN:
- 9780719095726
- eISBN:
- 9781781708767
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Manchester University Press
- DOI:
- 10.7228/manchester/9780719095726.003.0002
- Subject:
- Political Science, Conflict Politics and Policy
This chapter provides the historical and contextual backdrop to the emergence of dissident republicanism. The aim is to address the gaps that exist in the literature in order to go beyond the ...
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This chapter provides the historical and contextual backdrop to the emergence of dissident republicanism. The aim is to address the gaps that exist in the literature in order to go beyond the description of dissidents as, ‘irritants, embarrassing Sinn Féin’ (Mac Ginty, 2006). Irish republicanism has never been cast in a rigid mould making it harder to define and therefore easier for Sinn Féin, despite the obvious compromises made, to proclaim they remain the embodiment of republican principles. Similarly, ‘dissident’ groups fail to represent a monolithic entity, meaning they cannot be easily slotted into simple categorisations and easily labelled. This chapter explores the impact of external ideological forces, social, political and military circumstances and the influence of other global peace processes on republicanism in Northern Ireland.Less
This chapter provides the historical and contextual backdrop to the emergence of dissident republicanism. The aim is to address the gaps that exist in the literature in order to go beyond the description of dissidents as, ‘irritants, embarrassing Sinn Féin’ (Mac Ginty, 2006). Irish republicanism has never been cast in a rigid mould making it harder to define and therefore easier for Sinn Féin, despite the obvious compromises made, to proclaim they remain the embodiment of republican principles. Similarly, ‘dissident’ groups fail to represent a monolithic entity, meaning they cannot be easily slotted into simple categorisations and easily labelled. This chapter explores the impact of external ideological forces, social, political and military circumstances and the influence of other global peace processes on republicanism in Northern Ireland.
- Published in print:
- 2007
- Published Online:
- June 2013
- ISBN:
- 9781846311444
- eISBN:
- 9781846314193
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Liverpool University Press
- DOI:
- 10.5949/UPO9781846314193.008
- Subject:
- Political Science, UK Politics
This chapter delves into the ambiguity of the mechanisms of transitioning the Provisional movement as opposed to the straightforwardness of the Republican tradition towards reunification, and aims to ...
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This chapter delves into the ambiguity of the mechanisms of transitioning the Provisional movement as opposed to the straightforwardness of the Republican tradition towards reunification, and aims to examine and trace the said transition from radical to diplomatic to the politics of accommodation of state power and authority. The receding revolutionary tide and how republicans strategized their way towards adaptation is also explored. Various tactics and workings are reviewed to describe how Sinn Féin's position in the overall political terrain of Ireland was strengthened within the peace process. The political dynamics during the transition and how it was used to create historical inevitability are also discussed, as are the definition of the transitional phase and reunification in lieu of revolutionary transformation and abandonment of Republican ambitions.Less
This chapter delves into the ambiguity of the mechanisms of transitioning the Provisional movement as opposed to the straightforwardness of the Republican tradition towards reunification, and aims to examine and trace the said transition from radical to diplomatic to the politics of accommodation of state power and authority. The receding revolutionary tide and how republicans strategized their way towards adaptation is also explored. Various tactics and workings are reviewed to describe how Sinn Féin's position in the overall political terrain of Ireland was strengthened within the peace process. The political dynamics during the transition and how it was used to create historical inevitability are also discussed, as are the definition of the transitional phase and reunification in lieu of revolutionary transformation and abandonment of Republican ambitions.
Bruce Nelson
- Published in print:
- 2012
- Published Online:
- October 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780691153124
- eISBN:
- 9781400842230
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Princeton University Press
- DOI:
- 10.23943/princeton/9780691153124.003.0008
- Subject:
- History, European Modern History
This chapter focuses on the strong attraction that Ireland held for Afro-Caribbean and African American intellectuals and activists such as Marcus Garvey, Cyril Briggs, Claude McKay, Hubert Harrison, ...
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This chapter focuses on the strong attraction that Ireland held for Afro-Caribbean and African American intellectuals and activists such as Marcus Garvey, Cyril Briggs, Claude McKay, Hubert Harrison, W.E.B. Du Bois, and A. Philip Randolph. The Afro-Caribbean activists, in particular, took inspiration from the “Irish Revolution.” References to the Irish Parliamentary Party, Sinn Féin, and the Irish Republican Brotherhood dotted their newspapers and broadsides, as did the names of Irish revolutionary heroes such as Terence MacSwiney and Eamon de Valera. Insofar as they embraced black nationalism, they pointed to the Irish preoccupation with “Ourselves,” which they translated as “Race First.” Some African American intellectuals, above all Du Bois, were more circumspect about the Irish. They were keenly aware of the antagonism that for generations had marked the relationships between blacks and Irish immigrants in the United States. And yet even for Du Bois “Bleeding Ireland” became an irresistible symbol of the human capacity for suffering and regeneration.Less
This chapter focuses on the strong attraction that Ireland held for Afro-Caribbean and African American intellectuals and activists such as Marcus Garvey, Cyril Briggs, Claude McKay, Hubert Harrison, W.E.B. Du Bois, and A. Philip Randolph. The Afro-Caribbean activists, in particular, took inspiration from the “Irish Revolution.” References to the Irish Parliamentary Party, Sinn Féin, and the Irish Republican Brotherhood dotted their newspapers and broadsides, as did the names of Irish revolutionary heroes such as Terence MacSwiney and Eamon de Valera. Insofar as they embraced black nationalism, they pointed to the Irish preoccupation with “Ourselves,” which they translated as “Race First.” Some African American intellectuals, above all Du Bois, were more circumspect about the Irish. They were keenly aware of the antagonism that for generations had marked the relationships between blacks and Irish immigrants in the United States. And yet even for Du Bois “Bleeding Ireland” became an irresistible symbol of the human capacity for suffering and regeneration.
P. J. McLoughlin
- Published in print:
- 2012
- Published Online:
- July 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780719079566
- eISBN:
- 9781781702468
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Manchester University Press
- DOI:
- 10.7228/manchester/9780719079566.003.0009
- Subject:
- Political Science, European Union
The Social Democratic and Labour Party (SDLP)–Sinn Féin talks of 1988 wholly contradicted the intended outcome of the Anglo-Irish Agreement, and were prefaced by an exchange of letters by John Hume ...
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The Social Democratic and Labour Party (SDLP)–Sinn Féin talks of 1988 wholly contradicted the intended outcome of the Anglo-Irish Agreement, and were prefaced by an exchange of letters by John Hume and Gerry Adams. Hume focused upon the means and the motives of the republican movement, and also offered an alternative explanation of the Northern Ireland problem, as well as a political approach towards its resolution. Adams's letter to him was much shorter, but included a position paper outlining his party's understanding of the conflict and the means to its resolution. Hume and the SDLP faced enormous criticism for talking to Sinn Féin. Pan-nationalism was about providing republicans with a credible alternative to the armed struggle. Hume turned to London, hoping that the British government would offer validation of the arguments he had presented to Sinn Féin.Less
The Social Democratic and Labour Party (SDLP)–Sinn Féin talks of 1988 wholly contradicted the intended outcome of the Anglo-Irish Agreement, and were prefaced by an exchange of letters by John Hume and Gerry Adams. Hume focused upon the means and the motives of the republican movement, and also offered an alternative explanation of the Northern Ireland problem, as well as a political approach towards its resolution. Adams's letter to him was much shorter, but included a position paper outlining his party's understanding of the conflict and the means to its resolution. Hume and the SDLP faced enormous criticism for talking to Sinn Féin. Pan-nationalism was about providing republicans with a credible alternative to the armed struggle. Hume turned to London, hoping that the British government would offer validation of the arguments he had presented to Sinn Féin.
A.C. Hepburn
- Published in print:
- 2008
- Published Online:
- January 2009
- ISBN:
- 9780199298846
- eISBN:
- 9780191711466
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199298846.001.0001
- Subject:
- History, British and Irish Modern History
The Irish revolution of 1916-23 is generally regarded as a success. It was a disastrous failure, however, for the Catholic and nationalist minority in what became Northern Ireland. It resulted in ...
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The Irish revolution of 1916-23 is generally regarded as a success. It was a disastrous failure, however, for the Catholic and nationalist minority in what became Northern Ireland. It resulted in partition, a discriminatory majoritarian regime and, more recently, a generation of renewed violence and a decade of political impasse. It is often suggested that the blame for this outcome rests not only on ‘perfidious Albion’ and the ‘bigotry’ of Ulster Unionism but also on the constitutional nationalist leaders, John Redmond, John Dillon, and Joe Devlin. This book argues that, on the contrary, the era of violence provoked by Sinn Féin's 1918 general election victory was the primary cause of partition so far as actions on the nationalist side were concerned. The book also suggests that the exclusively Catholic Ancient Order of Hibernians was in fact less sectarian than Sinn Féin, and that Devlin's practical contribution to the improvement of working-class conditions was more substantial than that of his republican socialist contemporaries. Too much Irish history has been written from the standpoint of the winners. This book, as well as detailing the life of an important but neglected individual in the context of a social history of Catholic Belfast, offers a general re-interpretation of Irish political history between the 1890s and the 1930s from the perspective of the losers.Less
The Irish revolution of 1916-23 is generally regarded as a success. It was a disastrous failure, however, for the Catholic and nationalist minority in what became Northern Ireland. It resulted in partition, a discriminatory majoritarian regime and, more recently, a generation of renewed violence and a decade of political impasse. It is often suggested that the blame for this outcome rests not only on ‘perfidious Albion’ and the ‘bigotry’ of Ulster Unionism but also on the constitutional nationalist leaders, John Redmond, John Dillon, and Joe Devlin. This book argues that, on the contrary, the era of violence provoked by Sinn Féin's 1918 general election victory was the primary cause of partition so far as actions on the nationalist side were concerned. The book also suggests that the exclusively Catholic Ancient Order of Hibernians was in fact less sectarian than Sinn Féin, and that Devlin's practical contribution to the improvement of working-class conditions was more substantial than that of his republican socialist contemporaries. Too much Irish history has been written from the standpoint of the winners. This book, as well as detailing the life of an important but neglected individual in the context of a social history of Catholic Belfast, offers a general re-interpretation of Irish political history between the 1890s and the 1930s from the perspective of the losers.
Andrew Sanders
- Published in print:
- 2011
- Published Online:
- March 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780748641123
- eISBN:
- 9780748652907
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Edinburgh University Press
- DOI:
- 10.3366/edinburgh/9780748641123.003.0007
- Subject:
- Political Science, UK Politics
The trend towards politics that was established during the 1980s continued during the 1990s as the Provisional republican movement made its final move away from violence with two major ceasefires in ...
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The trend towards politics that was established during the 1980s continued during the 1990s as the Provisional republican movement made its final move away from violence with two major ceasefires in the middle years of the decade. The republican militarist tradition proved durable as a series of splinter groups emerged for a variety of reasons. Factionalism occurred as a result of both ideological and personal differences as Northern Ireland moved closer to peace, the involvement of mainstream republicanism stimulating the military prerogatives of a significant minority. While the political transition of Sinn Féin is well covered, this chapter aims to consider how this influenced further division that occurred within republicanism as the peace process developed.Less
The trend towards politics that was established during the 1980s continued during the 1990s as the Provisional republican movement made its final move away from violence with two major ceasefires in the middle years of the decade. The republican militarist tradition proved durable as a series of splinter groups emerged for a variety of reasons. Factionalism occurred as a result of both ideological and personal differences as Northern Ireland moved closer to peace, the involvement of mainstream republicanism stimulating the military prerogatives of a significant minority. While the political transition of Sinn Féin is well covered, this chapter aims to consider how this influenced further division that occurred within republicanism as the peace process developed.
Kevin Bean
- Published in print:
- 2007
- Published Online:
- June 2013
- ISBN:
- 9781846311444
- eISBN:
- 9781846314193
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Liverpool University Press
- DOI:
- 10.5949/UPO9781846314193
- Subject:
- Political Science, UK Politics
This book is an assessment of the ideological and organizational development of Provisional republicanism since 1985. It explores how the Republican movement has changed from an anti-state insurgency ...
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This book is an assessment of the ideological and organizational development of Provisional republicanism since 1985. It explores how the Republican movement has changed from an anti-state insurgency to a potential partner in governing the state it was pledged to destroy, and, in particular, attempts to consider the origins of what has become known as ‘New Sinn Féin’.Less
This book is an assessment of the ideological and organizational development of Provisional republicanism since 1985. It explores how the Republican movement has changed from an anti-state insurgency to a potential partner in governing the state it was pledged to destroy, and, in particular, attempts to consider the origins of what has become known as ‘New Sinn Féin’.
Christopher Norton
- Published in print:
- 2014
- Published Online:
- September 2014
- ISBN:
- 9780719059032
- eISBN:
- 9781781706763
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Manchester University Press
- DOI:
- 10.7228/manchester/9780719059032.003.0007
- Subject:
- Political Science, UK Politics
This chapter deals with the demise of the IAPL in a period which witnessed the revival of IRA militarism and the rise of republican parties - Sinn Féin and Fianna Uladh - as competitors for the ...
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This chapter deals with the demise of the IAPL in a period which witnessed the revival of IRA militarism and the rise of republican parties - Sinn Féin and Fianna Uladh - as competitors for the nationalist vote. The decision by the IALP not to contest the nationalist held seats of Mid Ulster and Fermanagh & South Tyrone and to leave Sinn Féin as the only anti-partition challengers is shown to have been a major political and tactical blunder. The chapter argues that while Sinn Féin’s success in taking the seats led some within the IALP to retreated to traditional positions other liberal-left and moderate elements within constitutional nationalism took the opportunity to push for a renewed and united nationalist party. The failure of the new Nationalist Party to integrate the existing left-nationalist parties, its failure to take on board the significance of the revived electoral fortunes of the Northern Ireland Labour Party in 1958, and the decision to again concede winnable Westminster parliamentary seats to Sinn Féin in 1959, are all identified as being symptomatic of a party whose strategy was becoming increasingly redundant.Less
This chapter deals with the demise of the IAPL in a period which witnessed the revival of IRA militarism and the rise of republican parties - Sinn Féin and Fianna Uladh - as competitors for the nationalist vote. The decision by the IALP not to contest the nationalist held seats of Mid Ulster and Fermanagh & South Tyrone and to leave Sinn Féin as the only anti-partition challengers is shown to have been a major political and tactical blunder. The chapter argues that while Sinn Féin’s success in taking the seats led some within the IALP to retreated to traditional positions other liberal-left and moderate elements within constitutional nationalism took the opportunity to push for a renewed and united nationalist party. The failure of the new Nationalist Party to integrate the existing left-nationalist parties, its failure to take on board the significance of the revived electoral fortunes of the Northern Ireland Labour Party in 1958, and the decision to again concede winnable Westminster parliamentary seats to Sinn Féin in 1959, are all identified as being symptomatic of a party whose strategy was becoming increasingly redundant.
Matt Treacy
- Published in print:
- 2011
- Published Online:
- July 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780719084720
- eISBN:
- 9781781700068
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Manchester University Press
- DOI:
- 10.7228/manchester/9780719084720.003.0006
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
The Wolfe Tone Society met with Sinn Féin representatives for talks which focused on Tony Meade's desire to expand the Society into an organisation that would supplant Sinn Féin. Nothing came of this ...
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The Wolfe Tone Society met with Sinn Féin representatives for talks which focused on Tony Meade's desire to expand the Society into an organisation that would supplant Sinn Féin. Nothing came of this as suspicions grew among traditionalists regarding moves towards an alliance with groups outside of the movement. Meade's proposal would have meant that members of Sinn Féin and the Irish Republican Army would have been part of the same organisation as members of the Irish Workers Party and the Communist Party of Northern Ireland and indeed some members of the Labour Party. When Meade resigned as editor of the United Irishman, Anthony Coughlan was asked to replace him but declined. Despite Meade's frustration, the modernisers proceeded with their plans for a merger with other groups. A paper was given by Roy Johnston on radical movements in Ireland at special conference of the Wolfe Tone Society on the weekend of June 24 and 25 in Dublin.Less
The Wolfe Tone Society met with Sinn Féin representatives for talks which focused on Tony Meade's desire to expand the Society into an organisation that would supplant Sinn Féin. Nothing came of this as suspicions grew among traditionalists regarding moves towards an alliance with groups outside of the movement. Meade's proposal would have meant that members of Sinn Féin and the Irish Republican Army would have been part of the same organisation as members of the Irish Workers Party and the Communist Party of Northern Ireland and indeed some members of the Labour Party. When Meade resigned as editor of the United Irishman, Anthony Coughlan was asked to replace him but declined. Despite Meade's frustration, the modernisers proceeded with their plans for a merger with other groups. A paper was given by Roy Johnston on radical movements in Ireland at special conference of the Wolfe Tone Society on the weekend of June 24 and 25 in Dublin.
Brendan O’Leary
- Published in print:
- 2019
- Published Online:
- June 2019
- ISBN:
- 9780199243341
- eISBN:
- 9780191863462
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/oso/9780199243341.003.0006
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
This chapter demonstrates the significance of the First World War in the partial successes of Irish republicanism and Ulster unionism. The run-up to the 1916 Rising was preceded by significant ...
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This chapter demonstrates the significance of the First World War in the partial successes of Irish republicanism and Ulster unionism. The run-up to the 1916 Rising was preceded by significant evidence of declining support for Redmond’s Irish Parliamentary Party. The 1916 Rising, British wartime policy, and the elections of 1918 are examined to demonstrate the weakening of British authority in Ireland. The Rising itself was more rational and less romantic than it is typically portrayed. The British decision to ignore the election outcomes in Ireland at the end of the First World War led militant republicans to return to armed combat, conducting a guerrilla war of independence. The partition of Ireland and the war of independence are surveyed before a puzzle is addressed: why did the English prove incapable of federalizing their dominions and their dependencies in the Isles? The development of Irish nationalism and Ulster unionism are examined in their comparative European context. The UVF’s significance is emphasized in blocking Ireland’s comprehensive secession and in the formation of Northern Ireland.Less
This chapter demonstrates the significance of the First World War in the partial successes of Irish republicanism and Ulster unionism. The run-up to the 1916 Rising was preceded by significant evidence of declining support for Redmond’s Irish Parliamentary Party. The 1916 Rising, British wartime policy, and the elections of 1918 are examined to demonstrate the weakening of British authority in Ireland. The Rising itself was more rational and less romantic than it is typically portrayed. The British decision to ignore the election outcomes in Ireland at the end of the First World War led militant republicans to return to armed combat, conducting a guerrilla war of independence. The partition of Ireland and the war of independence are surveyed before a puzzle is addressed: why did the English prove incapable of federalizing their dominions and their dependencies in the Isles? The development of Irish nationalism and Ulster unionism are examined in their comparative European context. The UVF’s significance is emphasized in blocking Ireland’s comprehensive secession and in the formation of Northern Ireland.
Paddy Hoey
- Published in print:
- 2018
- Published Online:
- September 2018
- ISBN:
- 9781526114242
- eISBN:
- 9781526136091
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Manchester University Press
- DOI:
- 10.7228/manchester/9781526114242.003.0007
- Subject:
- Sociology, Politics, Social Movements and Social Change
By the end of the 2010s, Sinn Féin was by far the strongest republican voice was rapidly building a stronger base in the Republic of Ireland where it had become the third largest party in the Dáil. ...
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By the end of the 2010s, Sinn Féin was by far the strongest republican voice was rapidly building a stronger base in the Republic of Ireland where it had become the third largest party in the Dáil. But, the structures of the Peace Process and the Stormont Assembly meant that it was no further to significantly challenging of the political status quo in Northern Ireland. The vote for Brexit, based as it was on a binary notion of British sovereignty that had been fudged by the Good Friday Agreement, changed that. The nature of Britain’s exiting of the European Union had massive ramifications of the Irish border. With a majority of people in Northern Ireland voting to remain (with 85% of the nationalist population doing so), the unionist veto over the wishes of the wider population came under deeper scrutiny. For Sinn Féin, which had been a long-term critic of the EU, this provided an opportunity putting the border back on the agenda. For dissidents, they found themselves in the unlikely position of sharing the same political standpoint as Nigel Farage, Boris Johnson, Michael Gove, and, allegedly, the Queen.Less
By the end of the 2010s, Sinn Féin was by far the strongest republican voice was rapidly building a stronger base in the Republic of Ireland where it had become the third largest party in the Dáil. But, the structures of the Peace Process and the Stormont Assembly meant that it was no further to significantly challenging of the political status quo in Northern Ireland. The vote for Brexit, based as it was on a binary notion of British sovereignty that had been fudged by the Good Friday Agreement, changed that. The nature of Britain’s exiting of the European Union had massive ramifications of the Irish border. With a majority of people in Northern Ireland voting to remain (with 85% of the nationalist population doing so), the unionist veto over the wishes of the wider population came under deeper scrutiny. For Sinn Féin, which had been a long-term critic of the EU, this provided an opportunity putting the border back on the agenda. For dissidents, they found themselves in the unlikely position of sharing the same political standpoint as Nigel Farage, Boris Johnson, Michael Gove, and, allegedly, the Queen.
- Published in print:
- 2007
- Published Online:
- June 2013
- ISBN:
- 9781846311444
- eISBN:
- 9781846314193
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Liverpool University Press
- DOI:
- 10.5949/UPO9781846314193.005
- Subject:
- Political Science, UK Politics
This chapter presents evidence that the Provisional state is at its close, and that the ideology remains deeply rooted in the community, alienating itself from the nationalist civil society – ...
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This chapter presents evidence that the Provisional state is at its close, and that the ideology remains deeply rooted in the community, alienating itself from the nationalist civil society – Provisionalist state-within-a-state. The evolution of the Provisional ideology into adapting various characteristics of the British state to manufacture consent and authority is examined alongside institutionalization and bureaucratization as influenced by the peace process. The chapter assesses the transitional phase of the said adaptation of ideology in relation to the IRA's ‘established legitimate authority’ and its effects on communities, crime, policing, and social behavior. The British state's partnership with Sinn Féin and its effect on the workings of the Provisional ideology are also examined. Other factors that influenced the status and the reinforcement of the Republican movement are discussed.Less
This chapter presents evidence that the Provisional state is at its close, and that the ideology remains deeply rooted in the community, alienating itself from the nationalist civil society – Provisionalist state-within-a-state. The evolution of the Provisional ideology into adapting various characteristics of the British state to manufacture consent and authority is examined alongside institutionalization and bureaucratization as influenced by the peace process. The chapter assesses the transitional phase of the said adaptation of ideology in relation to the IRA's ‘established legitimate authority’ and its effects on communities, crime, policing, and social behavior. The British state's partnership with Sinn Féin and its effect on the workings of the Provisional ideology are also examined. Other factors that influenced the status and the reinforcement of the Republican movement are discussed.
