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This chapter identifies two principal forces that raise the question of the status of the Bhagat Bani in the Sikh scripture from time to time, and lead to various responses from within the larger Sikh Panth. The first one is linked with the brahminical bias against the low-caste Bhagats. The second major force is linked with the dissenting groups within the Panth who try to subvert the tradition from within and marginalize the ‘unique status of Guru Nanak’. It provides historical, doctrinal and liturgical perspective. The chapter emphasizes the importance of inter-religious dialogue in recent times.

Wilfred Cantwell Smith argues that it is somehow incorrect to refer to Guru Nanak as ‘the founder of Sikhism’. This chapter shows that the pattern of development and consolidation of the Sikh Panth is more continuous than what Smith claims. It considers the social constituency of the early Panth and how Guru Nanak's creative ideas and strategies at Kartarpur triggered the process of institutionalisation under his successors. It also considers Guru Nanak's views on ethical responsibility and argues that his ideology contained a singular appeal that might be understood in terms of ‘prophecy’ in Max Weber's sense of the term. The Adi Granth advocated the doctrine of the unity of Akal Purakh and was a decisive factor for Sikh self-definition. A radical egalitarianism in the Gurus' teachings was the crucial factor underlying the extensive Jat allegiance to the Panth. The chapter also discusses Max Weber's theoretical insights to understand the crystallization of the Sikh Panth during the tenure of the first five Gurus, particularly during the period of Guru Arjan.

This chapter attempts to excavate the hermeneutics of the Guru Granth Sahib to evaluate why lower-caste members of the Sikh Panth (community) have felt that their Mazhabi labelling has prevented their equal assimilation into the Sikh Panth. The Ravidasis and the Valmikis broke away from the Panth, and sought social and religious satisfaction through their distinct identities as separate from both Hindus and Sikhs. The development of the Sikh faith in practice shows that these teachings were used in practice through the lives of the Sikh Gurus. Both the Ravidasi and Valmiki Sabhas play important roles as religious institutions in the lives of their diasporic communities, with the author focusing on these groups in Britain. The author describes how the existence of clearly defined boundaries between being a follower of Guru Ravidas/Guru Valmiki and also being a follower of the ten Sikh Gurus is particularly problematic, more so in the context of the Sikh diaspora in Britain.

This chapter discusses the origins of the Adi Granth traditions in the light of the situation of the Sikh Panth in the seventeenth century. It shows that the process of canon formation in the Sikh tradition conceals a politically unstable situation in which different sections of the Panth used several competing versions of the Adi Granth, giving rise to different recensions of the scripture such as the Lahore recension, the Banno recension, and the Damdama recension. Guru Arjan's martyrdom heightened the spirit of militancy and resulted in the consolidation of the Sikh community against the Mughal authorities. In addition, Guru Arjan's open but cautious approach to the selection of the bhagat bani seems to have created a tension within some sections of the Panth. Following Guru Arjan's death, the followers of the sants successfully inserted those hymns in their copies of the Adi Granth. This may explain why there were three versions of the Adi Granth in the seventeenth century.

The Sikh scripture is known as the ‘Guru Granth Sahib’ because it is believed to be the actual embodiment of the eternal Guru. As the living word of the eternal Guru, the Adi Granth has a central role in divine reality, wherein its meaning assumes critical importance in the life of the Sikh Panth. This basic understanding must be kept in mind when exploring the place of scripture in the Sikh tradition. This chapter shows how the Guru Granth Sahib has functioned as a supratextual source of authority in the Sikh tradition, and how the place and function of the Adi Granth as Guru has inspired Sikhs throughout their history in personal piety, liturgy, ceremonies, and communal solidarity. In addition, the scripture has given them a sacred focus upon which to discover the meaning of life as Sikhs and has been a decisive factor in shaping a distinctive Sikh identity.

Master Tara Singh was drawn into Sikh politics by the Gurdwara Reform Movement as a form of service for the Sikh Panth. Around 1930 he regarded ‘service of the country as an integral part of the Sikh faith’. For him there was no clash between Sikh nationality and Indian Nationalism. Statutory dominance of one community over another, in his view, was opposed to the spirit of democracy and moral justice. He favoured a system of government in which political safeguards were provided for all religious communities, particularly the minorities. Master Tara Singh stood for a state that would ensure freedom for all the social and cultural ethnicities of India to enable them to play a significant role in national affairs. His vision of free India was very different from that of Jawaharlal Nehru. They cherished two different ideologies and two different visions of the national state.

After the failure of the Punjabi Suba agitation in 1960–1, Master Tara Singh began to lose ground in Akali politics. Sant Fateh Singh attributed this failure to him, and declared that his own conception of the Akali demand was fundamentally different from that of Master Tara Singh. Throughout 1963 the Sant conducted a systematic campaign against Master Tara Singh, underlining his weakness as a leader and highlighting his own commitment to the cause of the Sikh Panth. He claimed to represent the majority of the Akalis. The success of his nominee in the election for Presidentship of the SGPC in June 1964 confirmed his claim. It appeared before the end of the year that Master Tara Singh would never recover the lost ground. Early in 1965 he left the field free for Sant Fateh Singh and went to some unknown place.

This study has reconstructed Guru Arjan's life based upon history, memory, tradition, and mythic representation. By using a multidisciplinary approach and placing documentary evidence in the light of Punjabi cultural and social practices in the historical context of Mughal India, it has been able to present a biography of Guru Arjan. As part of this endeavour, the book has examined the popular image of the Guru in Sikh narratives based upon group memory as well as his teachings. This chapter provides a synthesis to unite the glimpses provided by the available documentary sources with the personality that emerges from the Guru's works available in the Adi Granth. Guru Arjan takes his place halfway down the spiritual lineage, beginning with the first, Guru Nanak, and ending with the tenth, Guru Gobind Singh. The final twenty-five years of Guru Arjan's life were a crucial period for him, the Adi Granth, and the Sikh Panth. In particular, it was during this period that Guru Arjan achieved martyrdom, which became the single most decisive factor for the crystallisation of the Sikh Panth.

Guru Arjan's numerous works in the Adi Granth offer clues about his teachings. His most important work is Sukhmani (‘The Pearl of Peace’ or ‘Peace of Mind’), a lengthy composition that focuses on the crucial significance of the Divine Name in a person's quest for liberation. This chapter not only examines Guru Arjan's teachings by highlighting those aspects of his teachings which are remarkably consistent with the doctrinal pattern set by Guru Nanak but also examines the different shades of emphasis in those of his works which are characteristically his own. In the analysis, the chapter considers W.H. McLeod's Guru Nanak and the Sikh Religion in which he assumes that Guru Nanak's writings bear witness to his experience of Akal Purakh. McLeod also argues that a coherent doctrinal pattern may be discerned in Guru Nanak's works. This chapter also discusses Guru Arjan's views on the nature of ultimate reality, the cosmos, human nature and the human being, divine revelation, and the discipline of the Sikh Panth.

The framework of the Mughal state has been outlined in this chapter in terms of the central and provincial administration, the jagirdari system, the zamindari system, and the pattern of state patronage. The autonomous chieftains as subordinate rulers or vassals were integral part of this framework. The Punjab hill states or its autonomous chiefs provide the immediate context for the activities of Gobind Singh. For a proper background for his activities and the development of the Sikh Panth before the time of Guru Gobind Singh, the confrontation between the Mughal state and the Sikh Panth is relevant. Placed in this broad context the life of Guru Gobind Singh acquires a profound importance in terms of the long term effect on the Sikh movement and in moulding its character.

This chapter focuses on Guru Arjan and his place in Indian history. It traces the historical origins of the Sikh tradition and looks at the social and political milieu of Guru Nanak's early life. It then moves on to discuss the historical setting of Guru Arjan's life, which encompassed the reign of two Mughal emperors, Akbar (r. 1556–1605) and Jahangir (r. 1605–1628). It constructs a brief outline of Guru Arjan's life, including the 25 years of his ministry during which he built the Darbar Sahib and compiled the first authoritative text of the Adi Granth. The growing strength of the Sikh Panth is first placed in context of the liberal policies of Emperor Akbar which sheltered the Guru and his followers for some time; and later with Jahangir, when it conflicted with Mughal authorities leading to the Emperor invoking the Yasa to impose the death penalty on Guru Arjan. The reconstruction of his life offers a chance to understand the dynamics of the history and culture of the Sikhs, as well as the rapidly changing religious and cultural landscape in Mughal India.

The unpopularity of Master Tara Singh’s idea of a Sikh homeland was reflected in the elections of 1967 when his candidates won only two seats. Master Tara Singh denounced the United Front ministry of the Akalis for shielding Sant Fateh Singh who was keen on preserving the firepit (havan kund) as a symbol of his willingness to sacrifice his life for the Sikh Panth. By contrast, Master Tara Singh praised the deliberate self-immolation of Bhai Nand Singh as genuine martyrdom. It seems that Master Tara Singh’s own decision to break his fast unto death due to weakness or a mistaken view of his situation remained a heavy burden on his mind. He died on 22 November 1967 with the hope that the lapses of his life would be condoned by his death in firm faith.

In the early 1890s, Master Tara Singh (Nanak Chand) was so impressed by the stories of Singh martyrs that he thought of becoming a Keshdhārī Singh. Initiated by Sant Attar Singh in 1901, Master Tara Singh decided to dedicate his life to the service of the Sikh Panth. After the government took over the management of Khalsa College, Amritsar, he began to participate in all anti-government agitations. As Head Master of Khalsa High School, Lyallpur, he was closely associated with the group of Sikh leaders who were more radical than the Chief Khalsa Diwan. His sympathy with the ‘Canadian’ Sikhs, and his interest in the Komagata Maru voyage and the Budge Budge firing made him all the more anti-British. His familiarity with gurbāṇī, Sikh history, and Punjabi literature was reflected in his controversy with the Arya Samaj leaders.