WILLIAM RENO
- Published in print:
- 2000
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780198297406
- eISBN:
- 9780191685330
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198297406.003.0008
- Subject:
- Economics and Finance, Development, Growth, and Environmental
As a consequence of the collapse of Cold War-era patron–client politics, Liberia and Sierra Leone are cases of humanitarian emergencies. The humanitarian emergencies in both states are due to the ...
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As a consequence of the collapse of Cold War-era patron–client politics, Liberia and Sierra Leone are cases of humanitarian emergencies. The humanitarian emergencies in both states are due to the collapse of their governments, particularly systems of rule. These countries experienced Cold War ruler's ability to control natural resources, as well as regional markets, in order to enhance their powers. After the Cold War, conditions for aid for abroad were required, as well as the imposition of economic reforms mandated by the World Bank, and these pressures exposed Liberia and Sierra Leone to different vulnerabilities. In this chapter, an analysis of the relationship between politics and the market is given, as well as an explanation of how changes in them affect the countries. Patron–client politics is also focused as well, so as to help the reader understand the breakdown of such and the struggles it undergoes so that its terms may be redefined.Less
As a consequence of the collapse of Cold War-era patron–client politics, Liberia and Sierra Leone are cases of humanitarian emergencies. The humanitarian emergencies in both states are due to the collapse of their governments, particularly systems of rule. These countries experienced Cold War ruler's ability to control natural resources, as well as regional markets, in order to enhance their powers. After the Cold War, conditions for aid for abroad were required, as well as the imposition of economic reforms mandated by the World Bank, and these pressures exposed Liberia and Sierra Leone to different vulnerabilities. In this chapter, an analysis of the relationship between politics and the market is given, as well as an explanation of how changes in them affect the countries. Patron–client politics is also focused as well, so as to help the reader understand the breakdown of such and the struggles it undergoes so that its terms may be redefined.
Bronwen Everill
- Published in print:
- 2015
- Published Online:
- May 2016
- ISBN:
- 9780719097898
- eISBN:
- 9781526104403
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Manchester University Press
- DOI:
- 10.7228/manchester/9780719097898.003.0011
- Subject:
- History, Imperialism and Colonialism
By the mid-nineteenth century, trading networks between London and Freetown, Sierra Leone, were well-established. White and black businessmen and women were beginning to profit from the shift from ...
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By the mid-nineteenth century, trading networks between London and Freetown, Sierra Leone, were well-established. White and black businessmen and women were beginning to profit from the shift from the slave trade to “legitimate” commerce. Sierra Leone’s emerging, property-owning middle class lived in comfortable two-story stone houses. These homes were decorated with articles of material comfort and markers, in the imperial cultural complex, of accumulating wealth: mahogany chairs, tables, sofas, and four-post bedsteads, pier glasses, and floor cloths. Sierra Leoneans consumed the products of Empire, dressing as British subjects, building houses with British brick, and buying British luxury goods. But how did different groups of Sierra Leoneans adopt and adapt British material culture? Did trading connections foster a sense of British identity, or were these products used in particularly “West African” ways? How did the growth of the project of “legitimate trade” contribute to a sense of the British imperial project amongst Sierra Leoneans? This chapter will explore the ways that material culture and commodities shaped the lives of settlers in this colony and their interactions with both the metropole and the rest of West Africa.Less
By the mid-nineteenth century, trading networks between London and Freetown, Sierra Leone, were well-established. White and black businessmen and women were beginning to profit from the shift from the slave trade to “legitimate” commerce. Sierra Leone’s emerging, property-owning middle class lived in comfortable two-story stone houses. These homes were decorated with articles of material comfort and markers, in the imperial cultural complex, of accumulating wealth: mahogany chairs, tables, sofas, and four-post bedsteads, pier glasses, and floor cloths. Sierra Leoneans consumed the products of Empire, dressing as British subjects, building houses with British brick, and buying British luxury goods. But how did different groups of Sierra Leoneans adopt and adapt British material culture? Did trading connections foster a sense of British identity, or were these products used in particularly “West African” ways? How did the growth of the project of “legitimate trade” contribute to a sense of the British imperial project amongst Sierra Leoneans? This chapter will explore the ways that material culture and commodities shaped the lives of settlers in this colony and their interactions with both the metropole and the rest of West Africa.
Andrew Reynolds
- Published in print:
- 1999
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780198296454
- eISBN:
- 9780191600036
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0198296452.003.0044
- Subject:
- Political Science, Reference
This chapter on elections and electoral systems in Sierra Leone follows the same format as all the other country chapters in the book. The first section is introductory and contains a historical ...
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This chapter on elections and electoral systems in Sierra Leone follows the same format as all the other country chapters in the book. The first section is introductory and contains a historical overview, discussion of the evolution of electoral provisions, an account of the current electoral provisions, and a comment on the electoral statistics. The second section consists of ten tables. These are: 2.1 Dates of National Elections, Referendums, and Coups d’Etat; 2.2 Electoral Body 1957–1996 (data on population size, registered voters, and votes cast); 2.3 Abbreviations (abbreviations and full names of political parties and alliances used in tables 2.6, 2.7, and 2.9); 2.4 Electoral Participation of Parties and Alliances 1957–1996 (participation of political parties and alliances in chronological order and including the years and number of contested elections); 2.5 Referendums 1978 (details of registered voters and votes cast); 2.6 Elections for Constitutional Assembly (none held); 2.7 Parliamentary Elections 1957–1996 (details of registered voters and votes cast); 2.8 Composition of Parliament 1957–1996; 2.9 Presidential Elections 1985–1996 (details of registered voters and votes cast); and 2.10 List of Power Holders 1957–1998.Less
This chapter on elections and electoral systems in Sierra Leone follows the same format as all the other country chapters in the book. The first section is introductory and contains a historical overview, discussion of the evolution of electoral provisions, an account of the current electoral provisions, and a comment on the electoral statistics. The second section consists of ten tables. These are: 2.1 Dates of National Elections, Referendums, and Coups d’Etat; 2.2 Electoral Body 1957–1996 (data on population size, registered voters, and votes cast); 2.3 Abbreviations (abbreviations and full names of political parties and alliances used in tables 2.6, 2.7, and 2.9); 2.4 Electoral Participation of Parties and Alliances 1957–1996 (participation of political parties and alliances in chronological order and including the years and number of contested elections); 2.5 Referendums 1978 (details of registered voters and votes cast); 2.6 Elections for Constitutional Assembly (none held); 2.7 Parliamentary Elections 1957–1996 (details of registered voters and votes cast); 2.8 Composition of Parliament 1957–1996; 2.9 Presidential Elections 1985–1996 (details of registered voters and votes cast); and 2.10 List of Power Holders 1957–1998.
James Sidbury
- Published in print:
- 2007
- Published Online:
- September 2007
- ISBN:
- 9780195320107
- eISBN:
- 9780199789009
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195320107.003.0006
- Subject:
- History, American History: early to 18th Century
This chapter focuses on the emergence of the African church movement in various cities along the eastern seaboard — especially Baltimore and Philadelphia — and the efforts of the sea captain, Paul ...
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This chapter focuses on the emergence of the African church movement in various cities along the eastern seaboard — especially Baltimore and Philadelphia — and the efforts of the sea captain, Paul Cuffe, to initiate a black-controlled emigration movement that he hoped would build long-lasting ties between Sierra Leone and blacks in North America, helping to create an “African” people and a diasporic “African” nation.Less
This chapter focuses on the emergence of the African church movement in various cities along the eastern seaboard — especially Baltimore and Philadelphia — and the efforts of the sea captain, Paul Cuffe, to initiate a black-controlled emigration movement that he hoped would build long-lasting ties between Sierra Leone and blacks in North America, helping to create an “African” people and a diasporic “African” nation.
James Mayall
- Published in print:
- 2003
- Published Online:
- April 2004
- ISBN:
- 9780199267217
- eISBN:
- 9780191601118
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199267219.003.0007
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
After the end of the Cold War, many in the West viewed Africa as a testing ground for the solidarist argument that sovereignty was no longer an absolute principle and that the international community ...
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After the end of the Cold War, many in the West viewed Africa as a testing ground for the solidarist argument that sovereignty was no longer an absolute principle and that the international community could intervene to protect individual from human rights violations. This argument seems particularly challenging in the African context, given the continental leadership’s historic commitment to territorial integrity and non-intervention. However, as the author shows, African leaders from 1945 to 1990 were largely upholding the pluralist international norms of the time. In other words, the case for humanitarian intervention – and the problems posed by the practice – are not region-specific. The early 1990s, during which the United Nations intervened in Somalia, seemed to confirm the solidarist position. However, the failure to intervene in Rwanda in 1994, and the more recent experience of interventions in Sierra Leone, present a more mixed picture. Humanitarian intervention remains a controversial practice because of its coercive means, and its tendency to attribute blame or responsibility in what are often very complex civil conflicts.Less
After the end of the Cold War, many in the West viewed Africa as a testing ground for the solidarist argument that sovereignty was no longer an absolute principle and that the international community could intervene to protect individual from human rights violations. This argument seems particularly challenging in the African context, given the continental leadership’s historic commitment to territorial integrity and non-intervention. However, as the author shows, African leaders from 1945 to 1990 were largely upholding the pluralist international norms of the time. In other words, the case for humanitarian intervention – and the problems posed by the practice – are not region-specific. The early 1990s, during which the United Nations intervened in Somalia, seemed to confirm the solidarist position. However, the failure to intervene in Rwanda in 1994, and the more recent experience of interventions in Sierra Leone, present a more mixed picture. Humanitarian intervention remains a controversial practice because of its coercive means, and its tendency to attribute blame or responsibility in what are often very complex civil conflicts.
Jennifer Moore
- Published in print:
- 2012
- Published Online:
- April 2015
- ISBN:
- 9780199856961
- eISBN:
- 9780190260064
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:osobl/9780199856961.003.0008
- Subject:
- Law, Human Rights and Immigration
This chapter analyzes the legal and political aspects of international law and post-conflict reconstruction in Sierra Leone, with particular emphasis on the three classic dimensions of transitional ...
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This chapter analyzes the legal and political aspects of international law and post-conflict reconstruction in Sierra Leone, with particular emphasis on the three classic dimensions of transitional justice aimed at preventing a rekindling of armed conflict: criminal justice, historical justice, and social justice. It highlights the importance of the rule of law in ensuring criminal accountability, historical honesty, and social welfare that are sustainable in the long term. The chapter begins with a brief history of Sierra Leone from the colonial period to the inception of the civil war before proceeding with a discussion of the causes and conduct of the civil war. It then turns to transitional justice in Sierra Leone and concludes by focusing on the establishment of a Special Court and the Truth and Reconciliation Commission to address civil war atrocities in Uganda.Less
This chapter analyzes the legal and political aspects of international law and post-conflict reconstruction in Sierra Leone, with particular emphasis on the three classic dimensions of transitional justice aimed at preventing a rekindling of armed conflict: criminal justice, historical justice, and social justice. It highlights the importance of the rule of law in ensuring criminal accountability, historical honesty, and social welfare that are sustainable in the long term. The chapter begins with a brief history of Sierra Leone from the colonial period to the inception of the civil war before proceeding with a discussion of the causes and conduct of the civil war. It then turns to transitional justice in Sierra Leone and concludes by focusing on the establishment of a Special Court and the Truth and Reconciliation Commission to address civil war atrocities in Uganda.
David Lambert
- Published in print:
- 2013
- Published Online:
- May 2014
- ISBN:
- 9780226078069
- eISBN:
- 9780226078236
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University of Chicago Press
- DOI:
- 10.7208/chicago/9780226078236.003.0006
- Subject:
- History, Imperialism and Colonialism
Chapter 6 focuses on some of the consequences of James MacQueen’s geographical claims in Africa itself, particularly in relation to the colony of Sierra Leone, which was imagined and promoted by its ...
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Chapter 6 focuses on some of the consequences of James MacQueen’s geographical claims in Africa itself, particularly in relation to the colony of Sierra Leone, which was imagined and promoted by its humanitarian supporters as an antithesis to Caribbean slavery, demonstrating the potential of free African labour and thus a sign of what could be achieved if colonial slavery was ended. MacQueen was one of Sierra Leone’s most trenchant critics in the 1820s and the chapter examines how he used geographical arguments to portray the colony as both an unhealthy ‘white man’s grave’ and financially costly, and to call for the abandonment of Sierra Leone and the colonisation of the island of Fernando Po in the Gulf of Guinea. Unsurprisingly, MacQueen’s attacks attracted strident responses from antislavery campaigners. In particular, Kenneth Macaulay, cousin of the prominent abolitionist, Zachary Macaulay, questioned MacQueen’s claims, the credibility of his methods, and tried to paint him as a ‘well-paid mercenary’ for pro-slavery West Indian interests. The chapter also investigates the impact of the issues that MacQueen raised about West African geography, including its medical topography, in terms of plans for and understandings of Sierra Leone and Fernando Po.Less
Chapter 6 focuses on some of the consequences of James MacQueen’s geographical claims in Africa itself, particularly in relation to the colony of Sierra Leone, which was imagined and promoted by its humanitarian supporters as an antithesis to Caribbean slavery, demonstrating the potential of free African labour and thus a sign of what could be achieved if colonial slavery was ended. MacQueen was one of Sierra Leone’s most trenchant critics in the 1820s and the chapter examines how he used geographical arguments to portray the colony as both an unhealthy ‘white man’s grave’ and financially costly, and to call for the abandonment of Sierra Leone and the colonisation of the island of Fernando Po in the Gulf of Guinea. Unsurprisingly, MacQueen’s attacks attracted strident responses from antislavery campaigners. In particular, Kenneth Macaulay, cousin of the prominent abolitionist, Zachary Macaulay, questioned MacQueen’s claims, the credibility of his methods, and tried to paint him as a ‘well-paid mercenary’ for pro-slavery West Indian interests. The chapter also investigates the impact of the issues that MacQueen raised about West African geography, including its medical topography, in terms of plans for and understandings of Sierra Leone and Fernando Po.
David Keen
- Published in print:
- 2000
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780199241880
- eISBN:
- 9780191696978
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199241880.003.0006
- Subject:
- Economics and Finance, Development, Growth, and Environmental
This chapter attempts to explain the conflict in Sierra Leone by analysing the actions and goals of those orchestrating and carrying out acts of violence. This includes not only rebel violence but ...
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This chapter attempts to explain the conflict in Sierra Leone by analysing the actions and goals of those orchestrating and carrying out acts of violence. This includes not only rebel violence but more particularly the largely neglected area of government violence. The discussion emphasizes the importance of local and individual goals during the conflict, and stresses the need to look at the process by which civilians became fighters. It argues that much of what appears to be ‘mindless violence’ is actually, in some sense, rational. The war in Sierra Leone has been a particularly organized kind of chaos. The war meant not simply the collapse of a system, but the creation of a different kind of system.Less
This chapter attempts to explain the conflict in Sierra Leone by analysing the actions and goals of those orchestrating and carrying out acts of violence. This includes not only rebel violence but more particularly the largely neglected area of government violence. The discussion emphasizes the importance of local and individual goals during the conflict, and stresses the need to look at the process by which civilians became fighters. It argues that much of what appears to be ‘mindless violence’ is actually, in some sense, rational. The war in Sierra Leone has been a particularly organized kind of chaos. The war meant not simply the collapse of a system, but the creation of a different kind of system.
Michael Wright, David Clark, and Jennifer Hunt
- Published in print:
- 2006
- Published Online:
- November 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780199206803
- eISBN:
- 9780191730474
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199206803.003.0016
- Subject:
- Palliative Care, Patient Care and End-of-Life Decision Making, Palliative Medicine Research
The Republic of Sierra Leone (population 5.88 million) is a country in Western Africa bordering the North Atlantic Ocean. It covers an area of 71, 740 km 2 and its boundaries border the countries of ...
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The Republic of Sierra Leone (population 5.88 million) is a country in Western Africa bordering the North Atlantic Ocean. It covers an area of 71, 740 km 2 and its boundaries border the countries of Guinea and Liberia. In Sierra Leone, palliative care services are provided by The Shepherd's Hospice (TSH), Freetown. The range of services includes home-based care, inpatient care (24 h symptom control), outpatients' clinics (twice a week), education and training, orphans and vulnerable children's programme, Women's Wellness Project (WWP) and advocacy. As an NGO, TSH relies on fundraising and charitable donations to meet its costs. The national and professional organizations include the Christian Health Association of Sierra Leone (CHASL), and Friends of The Shepherd's Hospice (UK). TSH takes patients from Freetown and parts of the western area of Sierra Leone. The chapter then deals with the history and development of hospice-palliative care in Sierra Leone.Less
The Republic of Sierra Leone (population 5.88 million) is a country in Western Africa bordering the North Atlantic Ocean. It covers an area of 71, 740 km 2 and its boundaries border the countries of Guinea and Liberia. In Sierra Leone, palliative care services are provided by The Shepherd's Hospice (TSH), Freetown. The range of services includes home-based care, inpatient care (24 h symptom control), outpatients' clinics (twice a week), education and training, orphans and vulnerable children's programme, Women's Wellness Project (WWP) and advocacy. As an NGO, TSH relies on fundraising and charitable donations to meet its costs. The national and professional organizations include the Christian Health Association of Sierra Leone (CHASL), and Friends of The Shepherd's Hospice (UK). TSH takes patients from Freetown and parts of the western area of Sierra Leone. The chapter then deals with the history and development of hospice-palliative care in Sierra Leone.
James Sidbury
- Published in print:
- 2007
- Published Online:
- September 2007
- ISBN:
- 9780195320107
- eISBN:
- 9780199789009
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195320107.003.0007
- Subject:
- History, American History: early to 18th Century
This chapter presents the story of the first expedition sent to Africa by the American Colonization Society (ACS) and the efforts of two of Paul Cuffe's close friends and supporters — John Kizell, a ...
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This chapter presents the story of the first expedition sent to Africa by the American Colonization Society (ACS) and the efforts of two of Paul Cuffe's close friends and supporters — John Kizell, a Nova Scotian leader of the Friendly Society that Cuffe had helped to found in Freetown, and Daniel Coker, one of the founders of the AME and Cuffe's point man in Baltimore — to take control of the fledgling colony away from the white officials sent out by the Colonization Society. Kizell, who served as the local host of the venture, and Coker, who was the leader of the settlers, sought to found a black “African” colony on Sherbro Island (off the coast of southern Sierra Leone) that might develop into a commercial center of the sort that Cuffe envisioned. The settlement at Sherbro disintegrated in a welter of recriminations, as Coker and Kizell sought to blame each other for its failures and to retain favor with leaders of the Colonization Society in the United States. Coker largely won the battle of reputations, but both moved back to Sierra Leone, and neither played any further role in the ACS's efforts in Africa. As they withdrew, the vision of an African nation that had grown out of early black authors' assertions of African identities and that had flowered in Paul Cuffe's nationalist project began to lose its grip on black activists within the United States and on black emigrants moving to the American colony that was soon founded in Liberia.Less
This chapter presents the story of the first expedition sent to Africa by the American Colonization Society (ACS) and the efforts of two of Paul Cuffe's close friends and supporters — John Kizell, a Nova Scotian leader of the Friendly Society that Cuffe had helped to found in Freetown, and Daniel Coker, one of the founders of the AME and Cuffe's point man in Baltimore — to take control of the fledgling colony away from the white officials sent out by the Colonization Society. Kizell, who served as the local host of the venture, and Coker, who was the leader of the settlers, sought to found a black “African” colony on Sherbro Island (off the coast of southern Sierra Leone) that might develop into a commercial center of the sort that Cuffe envisioned. The settlement at Sherbro disintegrated in a welter of recriminations, as Coker and Kizell sought to blame each other for its failures and to retain favor with leaders of the Colonization Society in the United States. Coker largely won the battle of reputations, but both moved back to Sierra Leone, and neither played any further role in the ACS's efforts in Africa. As they withdrew, the vision of an African nation that had grown out of early black authors' assertions of African identities and that had flowered in Paul Cuffe's nationalist project began to lose its grip on black activists within the United States and on black emigrants moving to the American colony that was soon founded in Liberia.
Alhaji Sarjoh Bah
- Published in print:
- 2012
- Published Online:
- January 2013
- ISBN:
- 9780199760114
- eISBN:
- 9780199949991
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199760114.003.0006
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
This chapter explores the strategies (or lack thereof) employed by the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) and the UN for their exits from Sierra Leone. It compares ECOWAS’s lack of an ...
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This chapter explores the strategies (or lack thereof) employed by the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) and the UN for their exits from Sierra Leone. It compares ECOWAS’s lack of an exit strategy and its dependence on one troop contributor, Nigeria, with the UN Mission in Sierra Leone, which had an exit strategy that was based on key benchmarks—the most successful exit process by the UN to date. ECOWAS’s exit from Sierra Leone was dictated largely by domestic political developments in Nigeria, which proved problematic. While progress in revamping Sierra Leone’s security and political institutions has been relatively easy to achieve, the same cannot be said for revitalizing Sierra Leone’s postwar economy. This points to a huge deficit in international responses to postconflict reconstruction, despite the establishment of the Peacebuilding Commission, which in its initial period has fallen short of expectations.Less
This chapter explores the strategies (or lack thereof) employed by the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) and the UN for their exits from Sierra Leone. It compares ECOWAS’s lack of an exit strategy and its dependence on one troop contributor, Nigeria, with the UN Mission in Sierra Leone, which had an exit strategy that was based on key benchmarks—the most successful exit process by the UN to date. ECOWAS’s exit from Sierra Leone was dictated largely by domestic political developments in Nigeria, which proved problematic. While progress in revamping Sierra Leone’s security and political institutions has been relatively easy to achieve, the same cannot be said for revitalizing Sierra Leone’s postwar economy. This points to a huge deficit in international responses to postconflict reconstruction, despite the establishment of the Peacebuilding Commission, which in its initial period has fallen short of expectations.
Alison Smith
- Published in print:
- 2004
- Published Online:
- January 2010
- ISBN:
- 9780199276745
- eISBN:
- 9780191707650
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199276745.003.0007
- Subject:
- Law, Public International Law
The Special Court for Sierra Leone was established in March 2002 to try those who bear the greatest responsibility for atrocities committed during the conflict in the country back in the 1990s. Other ...
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The Special Court for Sierra Leone was established in March 2002 to try those who bear the greatest responsibility for atrocities committed during the conflict in the country back in the 1990s. Other broader aims include ending impunity, deterring would-be perpetrators, providing a measure of justice for the victims, helping to strengthen the rule of law in Sierra Leone, and contributing to capacity-building in the country, especially for the legal profession. Thus the Special Court has both backward- and forward-looking objectives: to provide redress for what happened in Sierra Leone and to contribute to lasting peace; a strengthened rule of law; and the future protection of people involved in a conflict, both in Sierra Leone and elsewhere. Indeed, the Special Court has an important role to play with respect to the identification of customary international humanitarian law and the advancement of the international rule of law. This chapter looks at the Special Court's two serious flaws: the debatable temporal and subject matter jurisdiction, and the precarious financial mechanism for its funding.Less
The Special Court for Sierra Leone was established in March 2002 to try those who bear the greatest responsibility for atrocities committed during the conflict in the country back in the 1990s. Other broader aims include ending impunity, deterring would-be perpetrators, providing a measure of justice for the victims, helping to strengthen the rule of law in Sierra Leone, and contributing to capacity-building in the country, especially for the legal profession. Thus the Special Court has both backward- and forward-looking objectives: to provide redress for what happened in Sierra Leone and to contribute to lasting peace; a strengthened rule of law; and the future protection of people involved in a conflict, both in Sierra Leone and elsewhere. Indeed, the Special Court has an important role to play with respect to the identification of customary international humanitarian law and the advancement of the international rule of law. This chapter looks at the Special Court's two serious flaws: the debatable temporal and subject matter jurisdiction, and the precarious financial mechanism for its funding.
William A Schabas
- Published in print:
- 2004
- Published Online:
- January 2010
- ISBN:
- 9780199276745
- eISBN:
- 9780191707650
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199276745.003.0009
- Subject:
- Law, Public International Law
A Truth and Reconciliation Commission (TRC) was established in Sierra Leone in order to: create an impartial historical record of violations and abuses of human rights and international humanitarian ...
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A Truth and Reconciliation Commission (TRC) was established in Sierra Leone in order to: create an impartial historical record of violations and abuses of human rights and international humanitarian law related to the armed conflict in the country; address impunity; respond to the needs of the victims; promote healing and reconciliation; and prevent violations and abuses in the future. Both the TRC and the Special Court began operations in mid-2002. Although they operated in parallel for more than 18 months, the work of the TRC was essentially completed by the time actual trials of the Special Court commenced in June 2004. Both the TRC and the Special Court fit within the palette of transitional justice options being used to address impunity in post-conflict situations. This chapter compares the two organizations in terms of legal status and functions, mandates, and jurisdictions. Some of the issues that may arise in the relationship between them are examined.Less
A Truth and Reconciliation Commission (TRC) was established in Sierra Leone in order to: create an impartial historical record of violations and abuses of human rights and international humanitarian law related to the armed conflict in the country; address impunity; respond to the needs of the victims; promote healing and reconciliation; and prevent violations and abuses in the future. Both the TRC and the Special Court began operations in mid-2002. Although they operated in parallel for more than 18 months, the work of the TRC was essentially completed by the time actual trials of the Special Court commenced in June 2004. Both the TRC and the Special Court fit within the palette of transitional justice options being used to address impunity in post-conflict situations. This chapter compares the two organizations in terms of legal status and functions, mandates, and jurisdictions. Some of the issues that may arise in the relationship between them are examined.
Jennifer M. Hazen
- Published in print:
- 2013
- Published Online:
- August 2016
- ISBN:
- 9780801451669
- eISBN:
- 9780801467578
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Cornell University Press
- DOI:
- 10.7591/cornell/9780801451669.003.0004
- Subject:
- Political Science, Security Studies
This chapter assesses the resources, options, and preferences of the Revolutionary United Front (RUF) during the 1991–2002 civil war in Sierra Leone. The RUF never attempted to build a network of ...
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This chapter assesses the resources, options, and preferences of the Revolutionary United Front (RUF) during the 1991–2002 civil war in Sierra Leone. The RUF never attempted to build a network of support prior to initiating the conflict because the group anticipated an easy victory and did not anticipate needing additional resources. When the RUF failed to quickly overthrow the government, the group had to find pathways to the military and economic resources needed to sustain the rebellion or face defeat. At no time during the war did the RUF negotiate sincerely. They rejected cease-fires when they were strong and used negotiations as opportunities to rebuild when they were weak. The war ended only when the military pressure on the RUF on three fronts eliminated all access to resupply. Facing no other options but defeat, the RUF leadership finally agreed to implement the Lomé agreement two years after its signing.Less
This chapter assesses the resources, options, and preferences of the Revolutionary United Front (RUF) during the 1991–2002 civil war in Sierra Leone. The RUF never attempted to build a network of support prior to initiating the conflict because the group anticipated an easy victory and did not anticipate needing additional resources. When the RUF failed to quickly overthrow the government, the group had to find pathways to the military and economic resources needed to sustain the rebellion or face defeat. At no time during the war did the RUF negotiate sincerely. They rejected cease-fires when they were strong and used negotiations as opportunities to rebuild when they were weak. The war ended only when the military pressure on the RUF on three fronts eliminated all access to resupply. Facing no other options but defeat, the RUF leadership finally agreed to implement the Lomé agreement two years after its signing.
Rachel B. Herrmann
- Published in print:
- 2019
- Published Online:
- May 2020
- ISBN:
- 9781501716119
- eISBN:
- 9781501716133
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Cornell University Press
- DOI:
- 10.7591/cornell/9781501716119.003.0009
- Subject:
- History, Military History
This chapter describes how, from 1792 to 1800, black colonists in Freetown, Sierra Leone—also referred to hereafter as “black Loyalists” and “Nova Scotians”—won several battles in the fight against ...
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This chapter describes how, from 1792 to 1800, black colonists in Freetown, Sierra Leone—also referred to hereafter as “black Loyalists” and “Nova Scotians”—won several battles in the fight against black hunger. The Nova Scotians arrived in Africa in 1792 imbued with a sense of how to use food laws to exert dominance, and within half a decade, they had learned to behave as British subjects entitled to enforce that power. Whereas in Nova Scotia white Loyalists' food laws had controlled former bondpeople's access to food, in Sierra Leone, black colonists gained the right to enact their own antihunger rules, which white colonists uniformly approved, beginning in 1793. These Nova Scotians fought famine first by regulating their trade in alcohol, bread, fish, and meat. Later, the black Loyalists tried to regulate the trade of Africans, particularly Susu and Temne. These laws enabled former victual warriors to try to become victual imperialists by altering African food sales while occupying African land. This attempt failed because violent Temne and Susu reactions to colonists' price-fixing encouraged white councilmen in Sierra Leone to curtail black Loyalist lawmaking; those councilmen would later try to interfere with Africans' trade.Less
This chapter describes how, from 1792 to 1800, black colonists in Freetown, Sierra Leone—also referred to hereafter as “black Loyalists” and “Nova Scotians”—won several battles in the fight against black hunger. The Nova Scotians arrived in Africa in 1792 imbued with a sense of how to use food laws to exert dominance, and within half a decade, they had learned to behave as British subjects entitled to enforce that power. Whereas in Nova Scotia white Loyalists' food laws had controlled former bondpeople's access to food, in Sierra Leone, black colonists gained the right to enact their own antihunger rules, which white colonists uniformly approved, beginning in 1793. These Nova Scotians fought famine first by regulating their trade in alcohol, bread, fish, and meat. Later, the black Loyalists tried to regulate the trade of Africans, particularly Susu and Temne. These laws enabled former victual warriors to try to become victual imperialists by altering African food sales while occupying African land. This attempt failed because violent Temne and Susu reactions to colonists' price-fixing encouraged white councilmen in Sierra Leone to curtail black Loyalist lawmaking; those councilmen would later try to interfere with Africans' trade.
Daphna Shraga
- Published in print:
- 2004
- Published Online:
- January 2010
- ISBN:
- 9780199276745
- eISBN:
- 9780191707650
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199276745.003.0002
- Subject:
- Law, Public International Law
The establishment of the ad hoc international tribunals for former Yugoslavia and Rwanda in 1993 and 1994 triggered a proliferation of international criminal jurisdictions. A precursor to the ...
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The establishment of the ad hoc international tribunals for former Yugoslavia and Rwanda in 1993 and 1994 triggered a proliferation of international criminal jurisdictions. A precursor to the International Criminal Court — an international, truly universal criminal jurisdiction — they have become the model upon which the second generation, country-specific ‘mixed tribunals’ were conceived. In the decade after their establishment, a number of countries emerging from civil wars of extreme brutality in which genocide, crimes against humanity, or war crimes were committed on a massive scale, called upon the United Nations (UN) to establish similar jurisdictions in their own territories. This chapter examines the diversity of mixed jurisdictions from the vantage point of the UN, focusing on the Special Court for Sierra Leone and the Extraordinary Chambers for Cambodia. It concludes with a comparative analysis of the mixed composition panels of judges in the UN-administered territories of Kosovo and East Timor, and in the State Court of Bosnia and Herzegovina.Less
The establishment of the ad hoc international tribunals for former Yugoslavia and Rwanda in 1993 and 1994 triggered a proliferation of international criminal jurisdictions. A precursor to the International Criminal Court — an international, truly universal criminal jurisdiction — they have become the model upon which the second generation, country-specific ‘mixed tribunals’ were conceived. In the decade after their establishment, a number of countries emerging from civil wars of extreme brutality in which genocide, crimes against humanity, or war crimes were committed on a massive scale, called upon the United Nations (UN) to establish similar jurisdictions in their own territories. This chapter examines the diversity of mixed jurisdictions from the vantage point of the UN, focusing on the Special Court for Sierra Leone and the Extraordinary Chambers for Cambodia. It concludes with a comparative analysis of the mixed composition panels of judges in the UN-administered territories of Kosovo and East Timor, and in the State Court of Bosnia and Herzegovina.
Padraic X. Scanlan
- Published in print:
- 2017
- Published Online:
- May 2018
- ISBN:
- 9780300217445
- eISBN:
- 9780300231526
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Yale University Press
- DOI:
- 10.12987/yale/9780300217445.003.0002
- Subject:
- History, African History
Before the abolition of the slave trade in the British empire in 1807, colonial Sierra Leone was an experiment in free trade and free labour, founded by the Sierra Leone Company, a joint-stock ...
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Before the abolition of the slave trade in the British empire in 1807, colonial Sierra Leone was an experiment in free trade and free labour, founded by the Sierra Leone Company, a joint-stock company led by antislavery activists, and settled by African American Loyalists from Nova Scotia. This chapter explores the early history of the colony, and shows how antislavery was undermined by the routines of the transatlantic slave trade. Meanwhile, African American settlers were marginalised, and the arrival of 500 Jamaican Maroons in 1800 helped to cement the relationship between the leaders of the antislavery movement and the British armed forces.Less
Before the abolition of the slave trade in the British empire in 1807, colonial Sierra Leone was an experiment in free trade and free labour, founded by the Sierra Leone Company, a joint-stock company led by antislavery activists, and settled by African American Loyalists from Nova Scotia. This chapter explores the early history of the colony, and shows how antislavery was undermined by the routines of the transatlantic slave trade. Meanwhile, African American settlers were marginalised, and the arrival of 500 Jamaican Maroons in 1800 helped to cement the relationship between the leaders of the antislavery movement and the British armed forces.
Megan H. Mackenzie
- Published in print:
- 2012
- Published Online:
- March 2016
- ISBN:
- 9780814761373
- eISBN:
- 9780814771259
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- NYU Press
- DOI:
- 10.18574/nyu/9780814761373.003.0002
- Subject:
- Political Science, Conflict Politics and Policy
This chapter provides an overview of the history of Sierra Leone with a focus on gender ordering and sexual regulation. A look at secret societies can provide some insights into historical and ...
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This chapter provides an overview of the history of Sierra Leone with a focus on gender ordering and sexual regulation. A look at secret societies can provide some insights into historical and contemporary gender roles in Sierra Leone. These secret societies are all-male or all-female cultural organizations that have existed in West Africa for centuries. Also, they are organized according to sex rather than ethnicity; the female-only groups are often referred to as Bundu or Sande societies, and the male-only groups are called Poro. The chapter also provides an overview of how Sierra Leone came to be colonized, focusing on prostitution, family law, and marriage.Less
This chapter provides an overview of the history of Sierra Leone with a focus on gender ordering and sexual regulation. A look at secret societies can provide some insights into historical and contemporary gender roles in Sierra Leone. These secret societies are all-male or all-female cultural organizations that have existed in West Africa for centuries. Also, they are organized according to sex rather than ethnicity; the female-only groups are often referred to as Bundu or Sande societies, and the male-only groups are called Poro. The chapter also provides an overview of how Sierra Leone came to be colonized, focusing on prostitution, family law, and marriage.
Lamin Sanneh
- Published in print:
- 2008
- Published Online:
- January 2008
- ISBN:
- 9780195189605
- eISBN:
- 9780199868582
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195189605.003.0004
- Subject:
- Religion, Religion and Society
Synopsis: This chapter continues the preceding discussion about Europe's rising star in its maritime expansion, describing repression of Indians in the transplant New Spain and Brazil. Strains soon ...
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Synopsis: This chapter continues the preceding discussion about Europe's rising star in its maritime expansion, describing repression of Indians in the transplant New Spain and Brazil. Strains soon showed, as exemplified in the criticisms of Las Casas and his defense of Indian rights. Capuchin and Jesuit missions became entangled with the slave trade, resulting in a setback to evangelization efforts in the Kongo and elsewhere. The chapter connects the American Revolution with Protestant missionary awakening, and with the evangelization of New World Africans. The antislavery movement teamed with trans‐Atlantic missions to establish a free colony of Nova Scotians in Sierra Leone. Following abolition, African recaptives began arriving in the colony, and thus commenced the real modernization of Africa, thanks to the new middle class raised in mission schools. The chapter concludes with the legacy of antislavery in Sierra Leone and of the post‐colonial debacle and ensuing civil war.Less
Synopsis: This chapter continues the preceding discussion about Europe's rising star in its maritime expansion, describing repression of Indians in the transplant New Spain and Brazil. Strains soon showed, as exemplified in the criticisms of Las Casas and his defense of Indian rights. Capuchin and Jesuit missions became entangled with the slave trade, resulting in a setback to evangelization efforts in the Kongo and elsewhere. The chapter connects the American Revolution with Protestant missionary awakening, and with the evangelization of New World Africans. The antislavery movement teamed with trans‐Atlantic missions to establish a free colony of Nova Scotians in Sierra Leone. Following abolition, African recaptives began arriving in the colony, and thus commenced the real modernization of Africa, thanks to the new middle class raised in mission schools. The chapter concludes with the legacy of antislavery in Sierra Leone and of the post‐colonial debacle and ensuing civil war.
- Published in print:
- 1994
- Published Online:
- June 2013
- ISBN:
- 9780853233770
- eISBN:
- 9781846317293
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Liverpool University Press
- DOI:
- 10.5949/UPO9781846317293.006
- Subject:
- History, Imperialism and Colonialism
After the failure of the Province of Freedom, Granville Sharp immediately hatched a plan to organise a relief expedition to help the survivors and keep them together. He asked for help from the ...
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After the failure of the Province of Freedom, Granville Sharp immediately hatched a plan to organise a relief expedition to help the survivors and keep them together. He asked for help from the British government, but when he received a lukewarm response, he turned to the St. George's Bay Company, hoping that it would buy a larger vessel to transport a significant quantity of stores. Sharp was also pinning his hopes on the Company to negotiate an agreement for the reoccupation of the land. This chapter examines the issues that surrounded the St. George's Bay Company as well as the constitutional position of the Sierra Leone settlement, looking in particular at the debate in Parliament about a settlement bill which would give the Company its formal incorporation.Less
After the failure of the Province of Freedom, Granville Sharp immediately hatched a plan to organise a relief expedition to help the survivors and keep them together. He asked for help from the British government, but when he received a lukewarm response, he turned to the St. George's Bay Company, hoping that it would buy a larger vessel to transport a significant quantity of stores. Sharp was also pinning his hopes on the Company to negotiate an agreement for the reoccupation of the land. This chapter examines the issues that surrounded the St. George's Bay Company as well as the constitutional position of the Sierra Leone settlement, looking in particular at the debate in Parliament about a settlement bill which would give the Company its formal incorporation.
