Andrew L. Oros
- Published in print:
- 2017
- Published Online:
- January 2019
- ISBN:
- 9780231172615
- eISBN:
- 9780231542593
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Columbia University Press
- DOI:
- 10.7312/columbia/9780231172615.003.0005
- Subject:
- Political Science, Security Studies
This chapter examines the return of Shinzo Abe to Prime Minister of Japan from 2012-2015, paying special attention to new security legislation and military capabilities developed in this period.
This chapter examines the return of Shinzo Abe to Prime Minister of Japan from 2012-2015, paying special attention to new security legislation and military capabilities developed in this period.
Andrew L. Oros
- Published in print:
- 2017
- Published Online:
- January 2019
- ISBN:
- 9780231172615
- eISBN:
- 9780231542593
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Columbia University Press
- DOI:
- 10.7312/columbia/9780231172615.003.0004
- Subject:
- Political Science, Security Studies
This chapter examines the first administration of Shinzo Abe, the fall of the LDP from power, and the three years of rule by the Democratic Party of Japan, with a focus on security policy innovation ...
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This chapter examines the first administration of Shinzo Abe, the fall of the LDP from power, and the three years of rule by the Democratic Party of Japan, with a focus on security policy innovation in this period.Less
This chapter examines the first administration of Shinzo Abe, the fall of the LDP from power, and the three years of rule by the Democratic Party of Japan, with a focus on security policy innovation in this period.
Masaaki Shirakawa
- Published in print:
- 2021
- Published Online:
- January 2022
- ISBN:
- 9780300258974
- eISBN:
- 9780300263008
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Yale University Press
- DOI:
- 10.12987/yale/9780300258974.003.0018
- Subject:
- Economics and Finance, Economic History
This chapter reviews the Joint Statement by the Japanese government and the Bank of Japan. In the general elections of the House of Representatives on December 16, 2012, the Liberal Democratic Party, ...
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This chapter reviews the Joint Statement by the Japanese government and the Bank of Japan. In the general elections of the House of Representatives on December 16, 2012, the Liberal Democratic Party, led by Shinzo Abe, clinched an overwhelming victory and returned to power. During the campaign, Abe insisted on strengthening coordination between the government and the Bank of Japan, and the need for more aggressive monetary easing, and he often referred to the possibility of revising the Bank of Japan Act. The author confronted two conflicting responsibilities: he needed to respect the outcome of Japan's democratic process and to recognize that, by a wide margin, the population voted for a political party that was committed to pursuing a monetary policy that he thought misguided. But the author also needed to carry out his duties as governor of the bank, under the existing Bank of Japan Act, to ensure the stability of the currency. The efforts to reconcile these conflicting responsibilities produced the “Joint Statement of the Government and the Bank of Japan on Overcoming Deflation and Achieving Sustainable Economic Growth.” The author's agreement to the publication of the statement and the process leading up to it was the most difficult task of his tenure as governor.Less
This chapter reviews the Joint Statement by the Japanese government and the Bank of Japan. In the general elections of the House of Representatives on December 16, 2012, the Liberal Democratic Party, led by Shinzo Abe, clinched an overwhelming victory and returned to power. During the campaign, Abe insisted on strengthening coordination between the government and the Bank of Japan, and the need for more aggressive monetary easing, and he often referred to the possibility of revising the Bank of Japan Act. The author confronted two conflicting responsibilities: he needed to respect the outcome of Japan's democratic process and to recognize that, by a wide margin, the population voted for a political party that was committed to pursuing a monetary policy that he thought misguided. But the author also needed to carry out his duties as governor of the bank, under the existing Bank of Japan Act, to ensure the stability of the currency. The efforts to reconcile these conflicting responsibilities produced the “Joint Statement of the Government and the Bank of Japan on Overcoming Deflation and Achieving Sustainable Economic Growth.” The author's agreement to the publication of the statement and the process leading up to it was the most difficult task of his tenure as governor.
Ian Bowers and Bjørn Elias Mikalsen Grønning
- Published in print:
- 2017
- Published Online:
- January 2018
- ISBN:
- 9781501709180
- eISBN:
- 9781501712777
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Cornell University Press
- DOI:
- 10.7591/cornell/9781501709180.003.0006
- Subject:
- Political Science, Asian Politics
This chapter explores the domestic and international sources of Japan's adjustment to the power shift in Sino-Japanese relations. It argues that the growth of the Chinese economy, which is now larger ...
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This chapter explores the domestic and international sources of Japan's adjustment to the power shift in Sino-Japanese relations. It argues that the growth of the Chinese economy, which is now larger than the Japanese economy, and the modernization of the Chinese Navy pose a mounting challenge to Japanese security and its secure access to sea lanes of communication. China's rise and developments in Japanese domestic politics have produced a multifaceted Japanese strategic response to prevent China from posing a significant threat to Japanese security. Under Prime Minister Shinzo Abe's leadership, Japan has strengthened its domestic capabilities with reform of its national security policymaking institutions and relaxed restrictions on international military cooperation.Less
This chapter explores the domestic and international sources of Japan's adjustment to the power shift in Sino-Japanese relations. It argues that the growth of the Chinese economy, which is now larger than the Japanese economy, and the modernization of the Chinese Navy pose a mounting challenge to Japanese security and its secure access to sea lanes of communication. China's rise and developments in Japanese domestic politics have produced a multifaceted Japanese strategic response to prevent China from posing a significant threat to Japanese security. Under Prime Minister Shinzo Abe's leadership, Japan has strengthened its domestic capabilities with reform of its national security policymaking institutions and relaxed restrictions on international military cooperation.
Brian Woodall
- Published in print:
- 2014
- Published Online:
- September 2014
- ISBN:
- 9780813145013
- eISBN:
- 9780813145327
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University Press of Kentucky
- DOI:
- 10.5810/kentucky/9780813145013.003.0007
- Subject:
- Political Science, Democratization
This chapter focuses on the cabinets that occupied Japan’s executive helm from September 2006 through late 2013. During this period, the difficulties of dealing with “Twisted Diets” – in which the ...
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This chapter focuses on the cabinets that occupied Japan’s executive helm from September 2006 through late 2013. During this period, the difficulties of dealing with “Twisted Diets” – in which the ruling coalition did not control an upper house majority – posed problems for prime ministers and their cabinets. Once depicted as the Diet’s functionless “appendix,” hostile upper houses delayed the appointment of prime ministers and passage of the national budget, while obstructing governments’ attempts to provide tactical direction to policy and producing rapid turnover in prime ministers and cabinets. The three LDP-led governments that held forth following Prime Minister Koizumi’s resignation attempted to restore features of the ancien regime, while the three DPJ-led governments that governed after the August 2009 lower house elections put forward reform agendas. Yet despite alternation in ruling party and promises to reform the executive branch, cabinet government did not materialize. The LDP’s triumph in the December 2012 lower house elections returned Abe Shinzō to the premiership and led to a rollback of DPJ-imposed changes. The chapter concludes with an examination of the controversy surrounding the proposed relocation of the U.S. Marine Corps Air Station at Futenma.Less
This chapter focuses on the cabinets that occupied Japan’s executive helm from September 2006 through late 2013. During this period, the difficulties of dealing with “Twisted Diets” – in which the ruling coalition did not control an upper house majority – posed problems for prime ministers and their cabinets. Once depicted as the Diet’s functionless “appendix,” hostile upper houses delayed the appointment of prime ministers and passage of the national budget, while obstructing governments’ attempts to provide tactical direction to policy and producing rapid turnover in prime ministers and cabinets. The three LDP-led governments that held forth following Prime Minister Koizumi’s resignation attempted to restore features of the ancien regime, while the three DPJ-led governments that governed after the August 2009 lower house elections put forward reform agendas. Yet despite alternation in ruling party and promises to reform the executive branch, cabinet government did not materialize. The LDP’s triumph in the December 2012 lower house elections returned Abe Shinzō to the premiership and led to a rollback of DPJ-imposed changes. The chapter concludes with an examination of the controversy surrounding the proposed relocation of the U.S. Marine Corps Air Station at Futenma.
Andrew L. Oros
- Published in print:
- 2017
- Published Online:
- January 2019
- ISBN:
- 9780231172615
- eISBN:
- 9780231542593
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Columbia University Press
- DOI:
- 10.7312/columbia/9780231172615.003.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, Security Studies
This chapter provides an overview of Japan's security renaissance in the past decade, with special attention to three historical legacies that continue to limit Japan's defense policies: Japan's ...
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This chapter provides an overview of Japan's security renaissance in the past decade, with special attention to three historical legacies that continue to limit Japan's defense policies: Japan's World War II history, its antimilitarist security policies of the postwar period, and the unequal aspects of the US-Japan alliance.Less
This chapter provides an overview of Japan's security renaissance in the past decade, with special attention to three historical legacies that continue to limit Japan's defense policies: Japan's World War II history, its antimilitarist security policies of the postwar period, and the unequal aspects of the US-Japan alliance.
Ayako Kano
- Published in print:
- 1953
- Published Online:
- May 2016
- ISBN:
- 9781479889389
- eISBN:
- 9781479830893
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- NYU Press
- DOI:
- 10.18574/nyu/9781479889389.003.0005
- Subject:
- Sociology, Economic Sociology
This chapter begins with a snapshot of gendered images in the days and weeks after March 11, 2011. It continues by analyzing changes in how gender has operated as a category of scholarly discussion, ...
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This chapter begins with a snapshot of gendered images in the days and weeks after March 11, 2011. It continues by analyzing changes in how gender has operated as a category of scholarly discussion, showing a shift in attention from gender inequality to class disparity. It suggests that the social and academic concern over weak men has obscured the problem of female poverty. It then reviews recent government policy on Gender-Equal Society and the conservative backlash, spearheaded by Shinzo Abe, against what could be called state feminism. The chapter describes several plausible scenarios for gender equality and family life in Japan in the near future, given current demographic and political trends. It concludes by suggesting several concrete measures for increasing equality, hope, and quality of life.Less
This chapter begins with a snapshot of gendered images in the days and weeks after March 11, 2011. It continues by analyzing changes in how gender has operated as a category of scholarly discussion, showing a shift in attention from gender inequality to class disparity. It suggests that the social and academic concern over weak men has obscured the problem of female poverty. It then reviews recent government policy on Gender-Equal Society and the conservative backlash, spearheaded by Shinzo Abe, against what could be called state feminism. The chapter describes several plausible scenarios for gender equality and family life in Japan in the near future, given current demographic and political trends. It concludes by suggesting several concrete measures for increasing equality, hope, and quality of life.
Gene Park, Saori N. Katada, Giacomo Chiozza, and Yoshiko Kojo
- Published in print:
- 2018
- Published Online:
- May 2019
- ISBN:
- 9781501728174
- eISBN:
- 9781501728181
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Cornell University Press
- DOI:
- 10.7591/cornell/9781501728174.003.0008
- Subject:
- Political Science, Political Economy
This chapter addresses how Prime Minister Abe Shinzō circumvented the monetary policy network by changing the membership of the Policy Board and how he reoriented monetary policy to reflect his ...
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This chapter addresses how Prime Minister Abe Shinzō circumvented the monetary policy network by changing the membership of the Policy Board and how he reoriented monetary policy to reflect his reflationary priorities. Upon coming to power, Prime Minister Abe launched his Abenomics agenda based on a strategy of “three arrows”: expansionary monetary policy, flexible fiscal policy (stimulus followed by longer-term fiscal consolidation), and supply-side focused structural reforms. To push his agenda further and to lock changes in, Prime Minister Abe changed the leadership at the Bank of Japan (BOJ). He appointed Kuroda Haruhiko, a former Ministry of Finance (MOF) vice minister of international affairs who had long been an outspoken critic of the BOJ, as governor. Upon becoming governor, Kuroda moved the Policy Board to embrace an aggressive approach to combating deflation. Since the start of Governor Kuroda's much bolder deployment of unconventional monetary policy, a number of economic measures have shown improvement.Less
This chapter addresses how Prime Minister Abe Shinzō circumvented the monetary policy network by changing the membership of the Policy Board and how he reoriented monetary policy to reflect his reflationary priorities. Upon coming to power, Prime Minister Abe launched his Abenomics agenda based on a strategy of “three arrows”: expansionary monetary policy, flexible fiscal policy (stimulus followed by longer-term fiscal consolidation), and supply-side focused structural reforms. To push his agenda further and to lock changes in, Prime Minister Abe changed the leadership at the Bank of Japan (BOJ). He appointed Kuroda Haruhiko, a former Ministry of Finance (MOF) vice minister of international affairs who had long been an outspoken critic of the BOJ, as governor. Upon becoming governor, Kuroda moved the Policy Board to embrace an aggressive approach to combating deflation. Since the start of Governor Kuroda's much bolder deployment of unconventional monetary policy, a number of economic measures have shown improvement.
Andrew L. Oros
- Published in print:
- 2017
- Published Online:
- January 2019
- ISBN:
- 9780231172615
- eISBN:
- 9780231542593
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Columbia University Press
- DOI:
- 10.7312/columbia/9780231172615.001.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, Security Studies
For decades after World War II, Japan chose to focus on soft power and economic diplomacy alongside a close alliance with the United States, eschewing a potential leadership role in regional and ...
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For decades after World War II, Japan chose to focus on soft power and economic diplomacy alongside a close alliance with the United States, eschewing a potential leadership role in regional and global security. Since the end of the Cold War, and especially since the rise of Prime Minister Shinzo Abe, Japan's military capabilities have resurged. In this analysis of Japan's changing military policy, Andrew L. Oros shows how a gradual awakening to new security challenges has culminated in the multifaceted "security renaissance" of the past decade. Despite openness to new approaches, however, three historical legacies—contested memories of the Pacific War and Imperial Japan, postwar anti-militarist convictions, and an unequal relationship with the United States—play an outsized role. In Japan's Security Renaissance Oros argues that Japan's future security policies will continue to be shaped by these legacies, which Japanese leaders have struggled to address. He argues that claims of rising nationalism in Japan are overstated, but there has been a discernable shift favoring the conservative Abe and his Liberal Democratic Party. Bringing together Japanese domestic politics with the broader geopolitical landscape of East Asia and the world, Japan's Security Renaissance provides guidance on this century's emerging international dynamics.Less
For decades after World War II, Japan chose to focus on soft power and economic diplomacy alongside a close alliance with the United States, eschewing a potential leadership role in regional and global security. Since the end of the Cold War, and especially since the rise of Prime Minister Shinzo Abe, Japan's military capabilities have resurged. In this analysis of Japan's changing military policy, Andrew L. Oros shows how a gradual awakening to new security challenges has culminated in the multifaceted "security renaissance" of the past decade. Despite openness to new approaches, however, three historical legacies—contested memories of the Pacific War and Imperial Japan, postwar anti-militarist convictions, and an unequal relationship with the United States—play an outsized role. In Japan's Security Renaissance Oros argues that Japan's future security policies will continue to be shaped by these legacies, which Japanese leaders have struggled to address. He argues that claims of rising nationalism in Japan are overstated, but there has been a discernable shift favoring the conservative Abe and his Liberal Democratic Party. Bringing together Japanese domestic politics with the broader geopolitical landscape of East Asia and the world, Japan's Security Renaissance provides guidance on this century's emerging international dynamics.
Ayako Kano
- Published in print:
- 2017
- Published Online:
- May 2018
- ISBN:
- 9780824866693
- eISBN:
- 9780824876937
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University of Hawai'i Press
- DOI:
- 10.21313/hawaii/9780824866693.003.0016
- Subject:
- Society and Culture, Gender Studies
The conclusion begins by considering the historical and political context of the 2013 conference at Emory University that inspired the edited volume. It questions the meaning of “Womenomics” proposed ...
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The conclusion begins by considering the historical and political context of the 2013 conference at Emory University that inspired the edited volume. It questions the meaning of “Womenomics” proposed by Prime Minister Abe Shinzō after his return to power in 2012, and asks what it means to rethink feminism as well as the category of “Japanese” at this historical juncture. Weaving together ideas from the keynote addresses of Ueno Chizuko, Barbara Molony, and Vera Mackie, the chapter considers the issues of canonization of feminist voices versus contention among feminists, the national versus the transnational dimensions, as well as the optimistic versus pessimistic arc in narrating the history of feminism in modern Japan. It concludes by considering the challenges in the present moment, when the growing gap between the rich and poor makes it more difficult to imagine a single vision of feminist utopia shared by all.Less
The conclusion begins by considering the historical and political context of the 2013 conference at Emory University that inspired the edited volume. It questions the meaning of “Womenomics” proposed by Prime Minister Abe Shinzō after his return to power in 2012, and asks what it means to rethink feminism as well as the category of “Japanese” at this historical juncture. Weaving together ideas from the keynote addresses of Ueno Chizuko, Barbara Molony, and Vera Mackie, the chapter considers the issues of canonization of feminist voices versus contention among feminists, the national versus the transnational dimensions, as well as the optimistic versus pessimistic arc in narrating the history of feminism in modern Japan. It concludes by considering the challenges in the present moment, when the growing gap between the rich and poor makes it more difficult to imagine a single vision of feminist utopia shared by all.
Garren Mulloy
- Published in print:
- 2021
- Published Online:
- January 2022
- ISBN:
- 9780197606155
- eISBN:
- 9780197632932
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/oso/9780197606155.003.0005
- Subject:
- History, Military History
Contemporary Japanese defense involves greater integration of civilian and military aspects and interdependence of domestic, regional, and global aspects than in previous periods. This chapter ...
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Contemporary Japanese defense involves greater integration of civilian and military aspects and interdependence of domestic, regional, and global aspects than in previous periods. This chapter identifies how the Japan Self-Defense Forces adapted, in material ways, but also in recruitment, training, culture, and civil cooperation, with capabilities adapting to emergent challenges, particularly from China and North Korea. Civil-military and US-Japan alliance cooperation reached ultimate fulfilment in the aftermath of the 2011 earthquake and tsunami, when the Forces demonstrated their extensive disaster relief and civil support skills honed through decades of domestic and overseas missions, as well as the inherent value of US alliance training and international engagement for Japan’s national and human security. The importance of building international relations was evident as Abe Shinzo sought to buttress Japan’s alliance with new partnerships and cooperative mechanisms, including the Quad and Free and Open Indo-Pacific, within which the Forces were expected to play prominent symbolic and functional roles. The irony is that the Forces reconfigured with more mobile, agile, and amphibious capabilities, for increased international roles as Japan’s peacekeeping and other overseas missions were withering, regional security challenges re-focusing resources and efforts towards near and national defense.Less
Contemporary Japanese defense involves greater integration of civilian and military aspects and interdependence of domestic, regional, and global aspects than in previous periods. This chapter identifies how the Japan Self-Defense Forces adapted, in material ways, but also in recruitment, training, culture, and civil cooperation, with capabilities adapting to emergent challenges, particularly from China and North Korea. Civil-military and US-Japan alliance cooperation reached ultimate fulfilment in the aftermath of the 2011 earthquake and tsunami, when the Forces demonstrated their extensive disaster relief and civil support skills honed through decades of domestic and overseas missions, as well as the inherent value of US alliance training and international engagement for Japan’s national and human security. The importance of building international relations was evident as Abe Shinzo sought to buttress Japan’s alliance with new partnerships and cooperative mechanisms, including the Quad and Free and Open Indo-Pacific, within which the Forces were expected to play prominent symbolic and functional roles. The irony is that the Forces reconfigured with more mobile, agile, and amphibious capabilities, for increased international roles as Japan’s peacekeeping and other overseas missions were withering, regional security challenges re-focusing resources and efforts towards near and national defense.
Gene Park, Saori N. Katada, Giacomo Chiozza, and Yoshiko Kojo
- Published in print:
- 2018
- Published Online:
- May 2019
- ISBN:
- 9781501728174
- eISBN:
- 9781501728181
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Cornell University Press
- DOI:
- 10.7591/cornell/9781501728174.003.0006
- Subject:
- Political Science, Political Economy
This chapter assesses central bankers' attitudes toward inflation and deflation. Specifically, it presents a statistical test to demonstrate whether, and to what extent, the ideas held by the central ...
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This chapter assesses central bankers' attitudes toward inflation and deflation. Specifically, it presents a statistical test to demonstrate whether, and to what extent, the ideas held by the central bankers at the Bank of Japan (BOJ) influenced Japan's monetary policy. The results show a systematic effect of central bankers' ideas on how they determine what should be Japan's monetary base, while controlling for the status of the economy and the political environment. Concerns about inflation are a better predictor of policy than objective economic indicators. The results also reveal an Abe effect, a systematic impact of the policy ideas championed by Prime Minister Abe Shinzō after he came to power in 2012. Meanwhile, there is little evidence that the political business cycle or political partisanship influenced the BOJ policy choices.Less
This chapter assesses central bankers' attitudes toward inflation and deflation. Specifically, it presents a statistical test to demonstrate whether, and to what extent, the ideas held by the central bankers at the Bank of Japan (BOJ) influenced Japan's monetary policy. The results show a systematic effect of central bankers' ideas on how they determine what should be Japan's monetary base, while controlling for the status of the economy and the political environment. Concerns about inflation are a better predictor of policy than objective economic indicators. The results also reveal an Abe effect, a systematic impact of the policy ideas championed by Prime Minister Abe Shinzō after he came to power in 2012. Meanwhile, there is little evidence that the political business cycle or political partisanship influenced the BOJ policy choices.
Gene Park, Saori N. Katada, Giacomo Chiozza, and Yoshiko Kojo
- Published in print:
- 2018
- Published Online:
- May 2019
- ISBN:
- 9781501728174
- eISBN:
- 9781501728181
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Cornell University Press
- DOI:
- 10.7591/cornell/9781501728174.001.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, Political Economy
Bolder economic policy could have addressed the persistent bouts of deflation in post-bubble Japan, claims this book. Despite warnings from economists, intense political pressure, and unconventional ...
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Bolder economic policy could have addressed the persistent bouts of deflation in post-bubble Japan, claims this book. Despite warnings from economists, intense political pressure, and unconventional policy options to address this problem, Japan's central bank, the Bank of Japan (BOJ), resisted taking the bold actions that this book claims would have significantly helped. With Prime Minister Abe Shinzō's return to power, Japan finally shifted course at the start of 2013 with the launch of Abenomics—an economic agenda to reflate the economy—and Abe's appointment of new leadership at the BOJ. The BOJ's resistance to experimenting with bolder policy stemmed from entrenched policy ideas that were hostile to activist monetary policy. The book explains how these policy ideas evolved over the course of the BOJ's long history and gained dominance because of the closed nature of the broader policy network. The explanatory power of policy ideas and networks suggests a basic inadequacy in the dominant framework for analysis of the politics of monetary policy derived from the literature on central bank independence. This approach privileges the interaction between political principals and their supposed agents, central bankers; but this book shows clearly that central bankers' views, shaped by ideas and institutions, can be decisive in determining monetary policy. Through a combination of institutional analysis, quantitative empirical tests, in-depth case studies, and structured comparison of Japan with other countries, the book shows that, ultimately, the decision to adopt aggressive monetary policy depends largely on the bankers' established policy ideas and policy network.Less
Bolder economic policy could have addressed the persistent bouts of deflation in post-bubble Japan, claims this book. Despite warnings from economists, intense political pressure, and unconventional policy options to address this problem, Japan's central bank, the Bank of Japan (BOJ), resisted taking the bold actions that this book claims would have significantly helped. With Prime Minister Abe Shinzō's return to power, Japan finally shifted course at the start of 2013 with the launch of Abenomics—an economic agenda to reflate the economy—and Abe's appointment of new leadership at the BOJ. The BOJ's resistance to experimenting with bolder policy stemmed from entrenched policy ideas that were hostile to activist monetary policy. The book explains how these policy ideas evolved over the course of the BOJ's long history and gained dominance because of the closed nature of the broader policy network. The explanatory power of policy ideas and networks suggests a basic inadequacy in the dominant framework for analysis of the politics of monetary policy derived from the literature on central bank independence. This approach privileges the interaction between political principals and their supposed agents, central bankers; but this book shows clearly that central bankers' views, shaped by ideas and institutions, can be decisive in determining monetary policy. Through a combination of institutional analysis, quantitative empirical tests, in-depth case studies, and structured comparison of Japan with other countries, the book shows that, ultimately, the decision to adopt aggressive monetary policy depends largely on the bankers' established policy ideas and policy network.
Gene Park, Saori N. Katada, Giacomo Chiozza, and Yoshiko Kojo
- Published in print:
- 2018
- Published Online:
- May 2019
- ISBN:
- 9781501728174
- eISBN:
- 9781501728181
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Cornell University Press
- DOI:
- 10.7591/cornell/9781501728174.003.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, Political Economy
This introductory chapter provides a background of the monetary politics in Japan. Japan's economy dipped into deflation in the mid-1990s and again more seriously in the late 1990s; this period was ...
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This introductory chapter provides a background of the monetary politics in Japan. Japan's economy dipped into deflation in the mid-1990s and again more seriously in the late 1990s; this period was followed by a prolonged period of deflation from the end of the 1990s through the mid-2000s. With the start of the global financial crisis (GFC) in 2008, economic growth dropped sharply, as did prices. Then the Japanese economy suffered another blow with the devastating triple disaster of 2011: earthquake, tsunami, and nuclear crisis. Despite these challenges and seemingly unshakeable deflation, the Bank of Japan (BOJ) remained reluctant to embrace aggressive unconventional monetary policies. Policy then shifted sharply at the end of 2012 under Prime Minister Abe Shinzō during his second term. Abe promised aggressive monetary measures to reflate the economy as part of his “Abenomics” package of economic revitalization policies.Less
This introductory chapter provides a background of the monetary politics in Japan. Japan's economy dipped into deflation in the mid-1990s and again more seriously in the late 1990s; this period was followed by a prolonged period of deflation from the end of the 1990s through the mid-2000s. With the start of the global financial crisis (GFC) in 2008, economic growth dropped sharply, as did prices. Then the Japanese economy suffered another blow with the devastating triple disaster of 2011: earthquake, tsunami, and nuclear crisis. Despite these challenges and seemingly unshakeable deflation, the Bank of Japan (BOJ) remained reluctant to embrace aggressive unconventional monetary policies. Policy then shifted sharply at the end of 2012 under Prime Minister Abe Shinzō during his second term. Abe promised aggressive monetary measures to reflate the economy as part of his “Abenomics” package of economic revitalization policies.
Bill Emmott
- Published in print:
- 2020
- Published Online:
- October 2020
- ISBN:
- 9780198865551
- eISBN:
- 9780191897931
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/oso/9780198865551.003.0002
- Subject:
- Business and Management, Political Economy
Gender inequality lies at the core of Japan’s human capital weakness as well as of its social ailments of declining marriage and low fertility. Prime Minister Abe Shinzo declared his ambition, soon ...
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Gender inequality lies at the core of Japan’s human capital weakness as well as of its social ailments of declining marriage and low fertility. Prime Minister Abe Shinzo declared his ambition, soon after taking office in late 2012, of achieving much greater female empowerment. Progress has been made, notably in increased childcare provision, but considerable barriers remain. The human capital embodied in Japanese women has improved greatly thanks to the rise in access to university education for female students in the 1990s and 2000s, but this has not yet been translated into leadership roles in part because most organizations use hierarchies ordered strictly by age but also because corporate culture (in the private and public sectors alike) is oriented towards long working hours, enforced socializing, and short-notice job postings, in continued disregard of families and of the now-dominant double-earner households. More women are however fighting back against overt discrimination, the Abe government has introduced a Work-Style Reform Bill to combat long working hours, and more companies are taking the need for diversity seriously. Role models have emerged in a wide range of fields and soon a critical mass of women in decision-making positions will be achieved.Less
Gender inequality lies at the core of Japan’s human capital weakness as well as of its social ailments of declining marriage and low fertility. Prime Minister Abe Shinzo declared his ambition, soon after taking office in late 2012, of achieving much greater female empowerment. Progress has been made, notably in increased childcare provision, but considerable barriers remain. The human capital embodied in Japanese women has improved greatly thanks to the rise in access to university education for female students in the 1990s and 2000s, but this has not yet been translated into leadership roles in part because most organizations use hierarchies ordered strictly by age but also because corporate culture (in the private and public sectors alike) is oriented towards long working hours, enforced socializing, and short-notice job postings, in continued disregard of families and of the now-dominant double-earner households. More women are however fighting back against overt discrimination, the Abe government has introduced a Work-Style Reform Bill to combat long working hours, and more companies are taking the need for diversity seriously. Role models have emerged in a wide range of fields and soon a critical mass of women in decision-making positions will be achieved.
Robert G. Kaufman
- Published in print:
- 2016
- Published Online:
- September 2016
- ISBN:
- 9780813167206
- eISBN:
- 9780813167749
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University Press of Kentucky
- DOI:
- 10.5810/kentucky/9780813167206.003.0007
- Subject:
- Political Science, American Politics
The Obama Doctrine’s emphasis on soft power, engagement, and American military retrenchment has fundamentally misread the dynamic of power in the world’s most important geopolitical region in the ...
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The Obama Doctrine’s emphasis on soft power, engagement, and American military retrenchment has fundamentally misread the dynamic of power in the world’s most important geopolitical region in the twenty-first century. President Obama’s vaunted Asian pivot remains largely hollow because of the combination of an increasingly authoritarian China’s swelling ambitions and prodigious military buildup, which has coincided with American retrenchment and neglect of its prospective democratic allies in the region, such as Japan and India. Neither American soft power nor the president’s salutary but insufficient and belated attempts to cultivate democratic India and Japan diplomatically will suffice to reverse the precipitous decline in American credibility that is alarming the region. The source of President Obama’s serious and serial errors lies in his untenable depreciation of American hard power as well as his doctrine’s untenable neglect of regime type and ideology as critical variables for identifying friends and foes. The Obama Doctrine has dangerously discounted the importance of Chinese authoritarianism as a source of its relentless expansion while unwisely slighting democratic India and Japan as geopolitical counterweights to China’s hegemonic ambitions.Less
The Obama Doctrine’s emphasis on soft power, engagement, and American military retrenchment has fundamentally misread the dynamic of power in the world’s most important geopolitical region in the twenty-first century. President Obama’s vaunted Asian pivot remains largely hollow because of the combination of an increasingly authoritarian China’s swelling ambitions and prodigious military buildup, which has coincided with American retrenchment and neglect of its prospective democratic allies in the region, such as Japan and India. Neither American soft power nor the president’s salutary but insufficient and belated attempts to cultivate democratic India and Japan diplomatically will suffice to reverse the precipitous decline in American credibility that is alarming the region. The source of President Obama’s serious and serial errors lies in his untenable depreciation of American hard power as well as his doctrine’s untenable neglect of regime type and ideology as critical variables for identifying friends and foes. The Obama Doctrine has dangerously discounted the importance of Chinese authoritarianism as a source of its relentless expansion while unwisely slighting democratic India and Japan as geopolitical counterweights to China’s hegemonic ambitions.