Nicola Lacey and David Soskice
- Published in print:
- 2021
- Published Online:
- May 2021
- ISBN:
- 9780197266922
- eISBN:
- 9780191938184
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- British Academy
- DOI:
- 10.5871/bacad/9780197266922.003.0003
- Subject:
- Law
The United States is a fascinating case study in the complex links between crime, punishment and inequality, standing out as it does in terms of inequality as measured by a number of economic ...
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The United States is a fascinating case study in the complex links between crime, punishment and inequality, standing out as it does in terms of inequality as measured by a number of economic standards; levels of serious violent crime; and rates of imprisonment, penal surveillance and post-conviction disqualifications. This chapter builds on the authors’ previous work arguing that the exceptional rise in violent crime and punishment in the US from the mid-1970s to the early 1990s can be explained by the interaction of four political and economic variables: ‘technological regime change’; ‘varieties of capitalism’ and ‘varieties of welfare state’; types of ‘political system’; and – critically and specifically – the US as a radical outlier in the degree of local democracy. Three further questions implied by the authors’ previous work are asked. First, why did such distinctive patterns of local democracy arise in America? And how is this political structure tied up with the history and politics of race? Second, what did the distinctive historical development of the US political economy in the 19th century imply for the structure of its criminal justice institutions? And third, why did the burden of crime and punishment come to fall so disproportionately on African Americans?Less
The United States is a fascinating case study in the complex links between crime, punishment and inequality, standing out as it does in terms of inequality as measured by a number of economic standards; levels of serious violent crime; and rates of imprisonment, penal surveillance and post-conviction disqualifications. This chapter builds on the authors’ previous work arguing that the exceptional rise in violent crime and punishment in the US from the mid-1970s to the early 1990s can be explained by the interaction of four political and economic variables: ‘technological regime change’; ‘varieties of capitalism’ and ‘varieties of welfare state’; types of ‘political system’; and – critically and specifically – the US as a radical outlier in the degree of local democracy. Three further questions implied by the authors’ previous work are asked. First, why did such distinctive patterns of local democracy arise in America? And how is this political structure tied up with the history and politics of race? Second, what did the distinctive historical development of the US political economy in the 19th century imply for the structure of its criminal justice institutions? And third, why did the burden of crime and punishment come to fall so disproportionately on African Americans?
Genevieve Siegel-Hawley
- Published in print:
- 2016
- Published Online:
- September 2016
- ISBN:
- 9781469627830
- eISBN:
- 9781469627854
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- University of North Carolina Press
- DOI:
- 10.5149/northcarolina/9781469627830.001.0001
- Subject:
- Education, History of Education
How we provide equal educational opportunity to an increasingly diverse, highly urbanized student population is one of the central concerns facing our nation. We are currently allowing a labyrinthine ...
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How we provide equal educational opportunity to an increasingly diverse, highly urbanized student population is one of the central concerns facing our nation. We are currently allowing a labyrinthine system of school district boundaries to cleave students—and opportunities—along racial and economic lines. Rather than confronting these realities, though, most contemporary educational policies focus on improving schools by raising academic standards, holding teachers and students accountable through test performance, and promoting private-sector competition. WHEN THE FENCES COME DOWN takes us into the heart of the metropolitan South to explore what happens when communities instead focus squarely on overcoming the educational divide between city and suburb. Based on widely differing and highly illustrative experiences with regional school desegregation in Richmond, Virginia; Louisville, Kentucky; Charlotte-Mecklenburg, North Carolina; and Chattanooga, Tennessee between 1990 and 2010, Genevieve Siegel-Hawley uses quantitative methods and innovative mapping tools to both underscore the damages wrought by school district boundary lines and raise awareness about communities that have sought to counteract them. She shows that city-suburban school desegregation policy is related to clear-cut progress on both school and housing desegregation. WHEN THE FENCES COME DOWN revisits educational policies that in many cases were abruptly halted—or never begun—to spur an open conversation about the creation of the healthy, integrated schools and communities critical to our multiracial future.Less
How we provide equal educational opportunity to an increasingly diverse, highly urbanized student population is one of the central concerns facing our nation. We are currently allowing a labyrinthine system of school district boundaries to cleave students—and opportunities—along racial and economic lines. Rather than confronting these realities, though, most contemporary educational policies focus on improving schools by raising academic standards, holding teachers and students accountable through test performance, and promoting private-sector competition. WHEN THE FENCES COME DOWN takes us into the heart of the metropolitan South to explore what happens when communities instead focus squarely on overcoming the educational divide between city and suburb. Based on widely differing and highly illustrative experiences with regional school desegregation in Richmond, Virginia; Louisville, Kentucky; Charlotte-Mecklenburg, North Carolina; and Chattanooga, Tennessee between 1990 and 2010, Genevieve Siegel-Hawley uses quantitative methods and innovative mapping tools to both underscore the damages wrought by school district boundary lines and raise awareness about communities that have sought to counteract them. She shows that city-suburban school desegregation policy is related to clear-cut progress on both school and housing desegregation. WHEN THE FENCES COME DOWN revisits educational policies that in many cases were abruptly halted—or never begun—to spur an open conversation about the creation of the healthy, integrated schools and communities critical to our multiracial future.
Peter Charles Hoffer
- Published in print:
- 2019
- Published Online:
- September 2019
- ISBN:
- 9780226614281
- eISBN:
- 9780226614458
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- University of Chicago Press
- DOI:
- 10.7208/chicago/9780226614458.001.0001
- Subject:
- Law, Legal History
The Search for Justice is a study of the role of lawyers in the Civil Rights Revolution. The work focuses on school desegregation from 1950 to 1975 and includes counsel on both sides of the struggle ...
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The Search for Justice is a study of the role of lawyers in the Civil Rights Revolution. The work focuses on school desegregation from 1950 to 1975 and includes counsel on both sides of the struggle in the courtroom and in Congress, the federal and state judges and justices, and law school constitutional authorities. Key cases include Sweatt v. Painter, Brown v. Board of Education, and NAACP v. Alabama. Key players include Thurgood Marshall, Robert L. Carter, John W. Davis, Earl Warren, James Patterson, Strom Thurmond, Richard Russell, Alexander Bickel, and Herbert Wechsler. The argument is that the outcome of the struggle was never inevitable: lawyers for segregation did an able job of representing their clients, and in some sense were successful with resegregating neighborhood schools.Less
The Search for Justice is a study of the role of lawyers in the Civil Rights Revolution. The work focuses on school desegregation from 1950 to 1975 and includes counsel on both sides of the struggle in the courtroom and in Congress, the federal and state judges and justices, and law school constitutional authorities. Key cases include Sweatt v. Painter, Brown v. Board of Education, and NAACP v. Alabama. Key players include Thurgood Marshall, Robert L. Carter, John W. Davis, Earl Warren, James Patterson, Strom Thurmond, Richard Russell, Alexander Bickel, and Herbert Wechsler. The argument is that the outcome of the struggle was never inevitable: lawyers for segregation did an able job of representing their clients, and in some sense were successful with resegregating neighborhood schools.
Carolyn L. Karcher
- Published in print:
- 2016
- Published Online:
- September 2016
- ISBN:
- 9781469627953
- eISBN:
- 9781469627977
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- University of North Carolina Press
- DOI:
- 10.5149/northcarolina/9781469627953.001.0001
- Subject:
- History, African-American History
During one of the darkest periods of US history, when white supremacy was entrenching itself throughout the nation, the white writer-jurist-activist Albion W. Tourgée (1838-1905) forged an ...
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During one of the darkest periods of US history, when white supremacy was entrenching itself throughout the nation, the white writer-jurist-activist Albion W. Tourgée (1838-1905) forged an extraordinary alliance with African Americans. Acclaimed by blacks as “one of the best friends of the Afro-American people this country has ever produced” and reviled by white Southerners as a race traitor, Tourgée offers an ideal lens through which to re-examine the often caricatured relations between progressive whites and African Americans. Here, Carolyn L. Karcher provides the first in-depth account of this collaboration. Drawing on Tourgée’s vast correspondence with African American intellectuals, activists, and ordinary folk; on African American newspapers; and on his newspaper column, “A Bystander’s Notes,” in which he quoted and replied to letters from his correspondents, the book also captures the lively dialogue about race that Tourgée and his contemporaries carried on.Less
During one of the darkest periods of US history, when white supremacy was entrenching itself throughout the nation, the white writer-jurist-activist Albion W. Tourgée (1838-1905) forged an extraordinary alliance with African Americans. Acclaimed by blacks as “one of the best friends of the Afro-American people this country has ever produced” and reviled by white Southerners as a race traitor, Tourgée offers an ideal lens through which to re-examine the often caricatured relations between progressive whites and African Americans. Here, Carolyn L. Karcher provides the first in-depth account of this collaboration. Drawing on Tourgée’s vast correspondence with African American intellectuals, activists, and ordinary folk; on African American newspapers; and on his newspaper column, “A Bystander’s Notes,” in which he quoted and replied to letters from his correspondents, the book also captures the lively dialogue about race that Tourgée and his contemporaries carried on.
Michael J. Goleman
- Published in print:
- 2017
- Published Online:
- May 2019
- ISBN:
- 9781496812049
- eISBN:
- 9781496812087
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University Press of Mississippi
- DOI:
- 10.14325/mississippi/9781496812049.003.0008
- Subject:
- History, American History: Civil War
This chapter recaps the effects of Mississippi’s Lost Cause legend through the beginnings of the twenty-first century. As blacks within the state chipped away at the white supremacist social order, ...
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This chapter recaps the effects of Mississippi’s Lost Cause legend through the beginnings of the twenty-first century. As blacks within the state chipped away at the white supremacist social order, they failed to break the cultural impact and influence of the Lost Cause legend still celebrated in the state. Conservative Mississippians persist in clinging to the Lost Cause legend, fighting vehemently against the Civil Rights movement and the end of segregation, as well as anything that puts their combined Confederate/American identity in jeopardy.Less
This chapter recaps the effects of Mississippi’s Lost Cause legend through the beginnings of the twenty-first century. As blacks within the state chipped away at the white supremacist social order, they failed to break the cultural impact and influence of the Lost Cause legend still celebrated in the state. Conservative Mississippians persist in clinging to the Lost Cause legend, fighting vehemently against the Civil Rights movement and the end of segregation, as well as anything that puts their combined Confederate/American identity in jeopardy.
Gregory W. Bush
- Published in print:
- 2016
- Published Online:
- January 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780813062648
- eISBN:
- 9780813051628
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- University Press of Florida
- DOI:
- 10.5744/florida/9780813062648.001.0001
- Subject:
- History, African-American History
The unique story and current state of public space in southern Florida are interwoven with the history of segregation. Virginia Key Beach provides a lens for examining the interaction of notions of ...
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The unique story and current state of public space in southern Florida are interwoven with the history of segregation. Virginia Key Beach provides a lens for examining the interaction of notions of space, race, and capitalism. The first legally recognized beach for African Americans in South Florida, it became an important place of community which nurtured further civil rights activism until African Americans achieved access to all beaches—after which many viewed Virginia Key Beach as symbolic of an oppressive past and ceased to patronize it. At the same time, white leaders responded to desegregation by decreasing attention to and funding for public spaces in general. In Miami, this interacted with America’s ever decreasing sense of place: a tourist economy with its culture of spectacle, government budgetary woes, and neoliberal policies to bring about a spreading pattern of privatization of public land and loss of green spaces—particularly on the waterfront. In recent decades however, local grassroots activists have found in this history common ground for unified action, as environmentalists and African Americans came together to maintain and revitalize public park space on Virginia Key. This book is about the power of previously lost voices to redefine and reclaim the piece of land at the center of this narrative. Recent developments illustrate the potential of new forms of civic engagement in public planning processes. As a place of fellowship, relaxation, and interaction with nature, this beach became a common ground of hope for a better future. Yet major challenges remain.Less
The unique story and current state of public space in southern Florida are interwoven with the history of segregation. Virginia Key Beach provides a lens for examining the interaction of notions of space, race, and capitalism. The first legally recognized beach for African Americans in South Florida, it became an important place of community which nurtured further civil rights activism until African Americans achieved access to all beaches—after which many viewed Virginia Key Beach as symbolic of an oppressive past and ceased to patronize it. At the same time, white leaders responded to desegregation by decreasing attention to and funding for public spaces in general. In Miami, this interacted with America’s ever decreasing sense of place: a tourist economy with its culture of spectacle, government budgetary woes, and neoliberal policies to bring about a spreading pattern of privatization of public land and loss of green spaces—particularly on the waterfront. In recent decades however, local grassroots activists have found in this history common ground for unified action, as environmentalists and African Americans came together to maintain and revitalize public park space on Virginia Key. This book is about the power of previously lost voices to redefine and reclaim the piece of land at the center of this narrative. Recent developments illustrate the potential of new forms of civic engagement in public planning processes. As a place of fellowship, relaxation, and interaction with nature, this beach became a common ground of hope for a better future. Yet major challenges remain.
Margarita Estévez-Abe
- Published in print:
- 2011
- Published Online:
- January 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780199599431
- eISBN:
- 9780191731518
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199599431.003.0010
- Subject:
- Business and Management, Knowledge Management
This chapter delves into the gendered effects of different training and educational systems. It poses the following three questions. Are some specific types of vocational training and educational ...
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This chapter delves into the gendered effects of different training and educational systems. It poses the following three questions. Are some specific types of vocational training and educational systems more biased against women than others? If so, what are the gendered implications of educational reforms in many of the advanced industrial societies? Do women’s greater educational investments—a universal trend observed in all countries—promote gender equality in the labor market? Briefly summarized, this chapter shows that, first, vocational education is more gender-segregating than general education systems; second, apprenticeship-based vocational education is more gender-segregating than school-based vocational education; and third, school-based training for professional jobs is a woman-friendly pathway into high-status occupations.Less
This chapter delves into the gendered effects of different training and educational systems. It poses the following three questions. Are some specific types of vocational training and educational systems more biased against women than others? If so, what are the gendered implications of educational reforms in many of the advanced industrial societies? Do women’s greater educational investments—a universal trend observed in all countries—promote gender equality in the labor market? Briefly summarized, this chapter shows that, first, vocational education is more gender-segregating than general education systems; second, apprenticeship-based vocational education is more gender-segregating than school-based vocational education; and third, school-based training for professional jobs is a woman-friendly pathway into high-status occupations.
Christopher D. Lloyd, Ian G. Shuttleworth, and David W. Wong (eds)
- Published in print:
- 2014
- Published Online:
- May 2015
- ISBN:
- 9781447301356
- eISBN:
- 9781447310396
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Policy Press
- DOI:
- 10.1332/policypress/9781447301356.001.0001
- Subject:
- Sociology, Population and Demography
This edited volume brings together leading researchers from the United States, the United Kingdom and Europe to look at the processes leading to segregation and its implications. With a ...
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This edited volume brings together leading researchers from the United States, the United Kingdom and Europe to look at the processes leading to segregation and its implications. With a methodological focus, the book explores new methods and data sources that can offer fresh perspectives on segregation in different contexts. It considers how the spatial patterning of segregation might be best understood and measured, outlines some of the mechanisms that drive it, and discusses its possible social outcomes. Ultimately, it demonstrates that measurements and concepts of segregation must keep pace with a changing world. This volume will be essential reading for academics and practitioners in human geography, sociology, planning and public policy.Less
This edited volume brings together leading researchers from the United States, the United Kingdom and Europe to look at the processes leading to segregation and its implications. With a methodological focus, the book explores new methods and data sources that can offer fresh perspectives on segregation in different contexts. It considers how the spatial patterning of segregation might be best understood and measured, outlines some of the mechanisms that drive it, and discusses its possible social outcomes. Ultimately, it demonstrates that measurements and concepts of segregation must keep pace with a changing world. This volume will be essential reading for academics and practitioners in human geography, sociology, planning and public policy.
Chris Myers Asch and George Derek Musgrove
- Published in print:
- 2017
- Published Online:
- May 2018
- ISBN:
- 9781469635866
- eISBN:
- 9781469635873
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- University of North Carolina Press
- DOI:
- 10.5149/northcarolina/9781469635866.001.0001
- Subject:
- History, American History: 20th Century
Monumental in scope and vividly detailed, Chocolate City tells the tumultuous, four-century story of race and democracy in our nation’s capital. Emblematic of the ongoing tensions between America’s ...
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Monumental in scope and vividly detailed, Chocolate City tells the tumultuous, four-century story of race and democracy in our nation’s capital. Emblematic of the ongoing tensions between America’s expansive democratic promises and its enduring racial realities, Washington often has served as a national battleground for contentious issues, including slavery, segregation, civil rights, the drug war, and gentrification. But D.C. is more than just a seat of government, and authors Chris Myers Asch and George Derek Musgrove also highlight the city’s rich history of local activism as Washingtonians of all races have struggled to make their voices heard in an undemocratic city where residents lack full political rights. Tracing D.C.’s massive transformations--from a sparsely inhabited plantation society into a diverse metropolis, from a center of the slave trade to the nation’s first black-majority city, from “Chocolate City” to “Latte City”--Asch and Musgrove offer an engaging narrative peppered with unforgettable characters, a history of deep racial division but also one of hope, resilience, and interracial cooperation.Less
Monumental in scope and vividly detailed, Chocolate City tells the tumultuous, four-century story of race and democracy in our nation’s capital. Emblematic of the ongoing tensions between America’s expansive democratic promises and its enduring racial realities, Washington often has served as a national battleground for contentious issues, including slavery, segregation, civil rights, the drug war, and gentrification. But D.C. is more than just a seat of government, and authors Chris Myers Asch and George Derek Musgrove also highlight the city’s rich history of local activism as Washingtonians of all races have struggled to make their voices heard in an undemocratic city where residents lack full political rights. Tracing D.C.’s massive transformations--from a sparsely inhabited plantation society into a diverse metropolis, from a center of the slave trade to the nation’s first black-majority city, from “Chocolate City” to “Latte City”--Asch and Musgrove offer an engaging narrative peppered with unforgettable characters, a history of deep racial division but also one of hope, resilience, and interracial cooperation.
Andrew W. Kahrl
- Published in print:
- 2016
- Published Online:
- January 2017
- ISBN:
- 9781469628721
- eISBN:
- 9781469628745
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- University of North Carolina Press
- DOI:
- 10.5149/northcarolina/9781469628721.001.0001
- Subject:
- History, African-American History
The Land Was Ours tells the story of how African Americans acquired, developed, and struggled to hold onto property along southern coastlines over the course of the twentieth century. During the ...
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The Land Was Ours tells the story of how African Americans acquired, developed, and struggled to hold onto property along southern coastlines over the course of the twentieth century. During the segregated era, black-owned beaches and resorts proliferated across the coastal South. Black beaches not only provided black southerners places of leisure and entertainment; they also spawned a variety of commercial activity and considerable capital investment. The types of black beaches found across the South—from serene, religious retreats to bawdy, seaside stops on the “chitlin circuit,” and from exclusive havens for the black elite to public “colored-only” beaches for the masses—reflected the class and cultural diversity of black America. Their histories also shed new light on the spatial and seasonal dimensions of Jim Crow. During their heyday, black leisure enterprises withstood repeated acts of terror and constant harassment from police, public officials, and white neighbors. But the greatest challenge black beaches faced came after segregation ended and the value of coastal real estate skyrocketed. In painful, infuriating detail, Kahrl tells the story of how African Americans lost millions of acres of valuable land to white speculators and developers—through deceit, fraud, and other unethical but often legal actions. Instead of reaping the riches of the Sunbelt boom, black families and coastal communities became a source of riches for others.Less
The Land Was Ours tells the story of how African Americans acquired, developed, and struggled to hold onto property along southern coastlines over the course of the twentieth century. During the segregated era, black-owned beaches and resorts proliferated across the coastal South. Black beaches not only provided black southerners places of leisure and entertainment; they also spawned a variety of commercial activity and considerable capital investment. The types of black beaches found across the South—from serene, religious retreats to bawdy, seaside stops on the “chitlin circuit,” and from exclusive havens for the black elite to public “colored-only” beaches for the masses—reflected the class and cultural diversity of black America. Their histories also shed new light on the spatial and seasonal dimensions of Jim Crow. During their heyday, black leisure enterprises withstood repeated acts of terror and constant harassment from police, public officials, and white neighbors. But the greatest challenge black beaches faced came after segregation ended and the value of coastal real estate skyrocketed. In painful, infuriating detail, Kahrl tells the story of how African Americans lost millions of acres of valuable land to white speculators and developers—through deceit, fraud, and other unethical but often legal actions. Instead of reaping the riches of the Sunbelt boom, black families and coastal communities became a source of riches for others.
David P. Cline
- Published in print:
- 2016
- Published Online:
- May 2017
- ISBN:
- 9781469630434
- eISBN:
- 9781469630458
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- University of North Carolina Press
- DOI:
- 10.5149/northcarolina/9781469630434.001.0001
- Subject:
- History, African-American History
The Student Interracial Ministry (SIM) was a seminary-based, nationally influential Protestant civil rights organization that drew on the Social Gospel and Student Christian Movement traditions to ...
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The Student Interracial Ministry (SIM) was a seminary-based, nationally influential Protestant civil rights organization that drew on the Social Gospel and Student Christian Movement traditions to simultaneously dismantle Jim Crow and advance Prorestant mainline churches’ approach to race. Entirely student-led and always ecumenical in scope, SIM began in 1960 with the tactic of placing black assistant pastors in white churches and whites in black churches with the goal of achieving racial reconciliation. In its later years, before it disbanded in mid-1968, SIM moved away from church structures, engaging directly in political and economic movements, inner-city ministry and development projects, and college and seminary teaching. In each of these areas, SIM participants attempted to live out German theologian Dietrich Bonhoeffer's exhortation to “bring the church into the world.”
From Reconciliation to Revolution demonstrates that the civil rights movement, in both its “classic” phase from the mid-1950s to the mid-1960s and its longer phase stretching over most of the twentieth century, was imbued with religious faith and its expression. It treats the classic phase of the civil rights movement as one manifestation of a theme of Liberal Protestant interracial reform that runs through the century, illustrating that liberal religious activists of the 1960s drew on a tradition of Protestant interracial reform, building on and sometimes reinventing the work of their progenitors earlier in the century to apply their understanding of the Gospel’s imperative to heal the injustices of the modern world.Less
The Student Interracial Ministry (SIM) was a seminary-based, nationally influential Protestant civil rights organization that drew on the Social Gospel and Student Christian Movement traditions to simultaneously dismantle Jim Crow and advance Prorestant mainline churches’ approach to race. Entirely student-led and always ecumenical in scope, SIM began in 1960 with the tactic of placing black assistant pastors in white churches and whites in black churches with the goal of achieving racial reconciliation. In its later years, before it disbanded in mid-1968, SIM moved away from church structures, engaging directly in political and economic movements, inner-city ministry and development projects, and college and seminary teaching. In each of these areas, SIM participants attempted to live out German theologian Dietrich Bonhoeffer's exhortation to “bring the church into the world.”
From Reconciliation to Revolution demonstrates that the civil rights movement, in both its “classic” phase from the mid-1950s to the mid-1960s and its longer phase stretching over most of the twentieth century, was imbued with religious faith and its expression. It treats the classic phase of the civil rights movement as one manifestation of a theme of Liberal Protestant interracial reform that runs through the century, illustrating that liberal religious activists of the 1960s drew on a tradition of Protestant interracial reform, building on and sometimes reinventing the work of their progenitors earlier in the century to apply their understanding of the Gospel’s imperative to heal the injustices of the modern world.
Camille Walsh
- Published in print:
- 2018
- Published Online:
- September 2018
- ISBN:
- 9781469638942
- eISBN:
- 9781469638959
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- University of North Carolina Press
- DOI:
- 10.5149/northcarolina/9781469638942.001.0001
- Subject:
- History, African-American History
In the United States, it is quite common to lay claim to the benefits of society by appealing to “taxpayer citizenship”--the idea that, as taxpayers, we deserve access to certain social services like ...
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In the United States, it is quite common to lay claim to the benefits of society by appealing to “taxpayer citizenship”--the idea that, as taxpayers, we deserve access to certain social services like a public education. Tracing the genealogy of this concept, this book shows how tax policy and taxpayer identity were built on the foundations of white supremacy and intertwined with ideas of whiteness in civil rights law and constitutional law. From the origins of unequal public school funding after the Civil War and the history of African American families resisting segregated taxation through school desegregation cases from Brown v. Board of Education to San Antonio v. Rodriguez in the 1970s, this study spans over a century of racial injustice, dramatic courtroom clashes, and white supremacist backlash to collective justice claims.
Incorporating letters from everyday individuals as well as the private notes of Supreme Court justices as they deliberated, this legal history reveals how the idea of a “taxpayer” identity contributed to the contemporary crises of public education, racial disparity, and income inequality.Less
In the United States, it is quite common to lay claim to the benefits of society by appealing to “taxpayer citizenship”--the idea that, as taxpayers, we deserve access to certain social services like a public education. Tracing the genealogy of this concept, this book shows how tax policy and taxpayer identity were built on the foundations of white supremacy and intertwined with ideas of whiteness in civil rights law and constitutional law. From the origins of unequal public school funding after the Civil War and the history of African American families resisting segregated taxation through school desegregation cases from Brown v. Board of Education to San Antonio v. Rodriguez in the 1970s, this study spans over a century of racial injustice, dramatic courtroom clashes, and white supremacist backlash to collective justice claims.
Incorporating letters from everyday individuals as well as the private notes of Supreme Court justices as they deliberated, this legal history reveals how the idea of a “taxpayer” identity contributed to the contemporary crises of public education, racial disparity, and income inequality.
John Weber
- Published in print:
- 2015
- Published Online:
- May 2016
- ISBN:
- 9781469625232
- eISBN:
- 9781469625256
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University of North Carolina Press
- DOI:
- 10.5149/northcarolina/9781469625232.003.0004
- Subject:
- History, American History: 20th Century
This chapter examines the ways in which the new farm elite sought to shape South Texas according to their interests. Newcomer farmers dismantled older political structures and established a strictly ...
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This chapter examines the ways in which the new farm elite sought to shape South Texas according to their interests. Newcomer farmers dismantled older political structures and established a strictly segregated social and political environment, culminating in efforts to immobilize the surplus labor pool within South Texas. Through their combined efforts, agricultural and political interests created the South Texas model of labor relations, whereby farming interests guaranteed themselves cheap and plentiful labor through a varied regime of labor controls and a reliance on continuous influxes of workers from Mexico. Through a complete overhaul of the political system and the establishment of rigid segregation, farming interests sought to impose labor controls on the working population that would guarantee an eternal oversupply of available labor.Less
This chapter examines the ways in which the new farm elite sought to shape South Texas according to their interests. Newcomer farmers dismantled older political structures and established a strictly segregated social and political environment, culminating in efforts to immobilize the surplus labor pool within South Texas. Through their combined efforts, agricultural and political interests created the South Texas model of labor relations, whereby farming interests guaranteed themselves cheap and plentiful labor through a varied regime of labor controls and a reliance on continuous influxes of workers from Mexico. Through a complete overhaul of the political system and the establishment of rigid segregation, farming interests sought to impose labor controls on the working population that would guarantee an eternal oversupply of available labor.
Imani Perry
- Published in print:
- 2018
- Published Online:
- January 2019
- ISBN:
- 9781469638607
- eISBN:
- 9781469638621
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- University of North Carolina Press
- DOI:
- 10.5149/northcarolina/9781469638607.001.0001
- Subject:
- History, African-American History
Singing and fighting for freedom have been inseparable in African American history. May We Forever Stand: A History of the Black National Anthem, tells an essential yet understudied part of that ...
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Singing and fighting for freedom have been inseparable in African American history. May We Forever Stand: A History of the Black National Anthem, tells an essential yet understudied part of that story. Lift Every Voice and Sing, penned by James Weldon Johnson and composed by his brother Rosamond in 1900, was embraced as an anthem that captured the story and the aspirations of Black Americans almost immediately. This book shares the story of that song, as it traveled from South to North, from churches to schools, and from civil rights to Black power, and beyond. Because it is an anthem, the story of this song is also a social and cultural history. Readers will learn of the institutions and organizations, as well as the lessons and the emotions shared by those who sang together. Drawing on a wide array of materials including: letters, newspaper articles, essays, poems, novels, school curricula, speeches and the programs of hundreds of organizations, readers have a window into the robust social, cultural and political world that African Americans organized in the face of an unequal society, and how that world produced people who were capable of transforming the nation and world.Less
Singing and fighting for freedom have been inseparable in African American history. May We Forever Stand: A History of the Black National Anthem, tells an essential yet understudied part of that story. Lift Every Voice and Sing, penned by James Weldon Johnson and composed by his brother Rosamond in 1900, was embraced as an anthem that captured the story and the aspirations of Black Americans almost immediately. This book shares the story of that song, as it traveled from South to North, from churches to schools, and from civil rights to Black power, and beyond. Because it is an anthem, the story of this song is also a social and cultural history. Readers will learn of the institutions and organizations, as well as the lessons and the emotions shared by those who sang together. Drawing on a wide array of materials including: letters, newspaper articles, essays, poems, novels, school curricula, speeches and the programs of hundreds of organizations, readers have a window into the robust social, cultural and political world that African Americans organized in the face of an unequal society, and how that world produced people who were capable of transforming the nation and world.
Neil Jarman
- Published in print:
- 2015
- Published Online:
- May 2016
- ISBN:
- 9780719097201
- eISBN:
- 9781526103994
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Manchester University Press
- DOI:
- 10.7228/manchester/9780719097201.003.0011
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
Northern Ireland is a contradictory society in which prejudice and tolerance exist as uneasy neighbours, but where expressions of intolerance dominate public and media perceptions of the norms of ...
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Northern Ireland is a contradictory society in which prejudice and tolerance exist as uneasy neighbours, but where expressions of intolerance dominate public and media perceptions of the norms of inter-communal interaction. This chapter begins to unpack the notions of tolerance and prejudice in relation to Northern Ireland. It argues that tolerance and prejudice are not singular notions but rather may differ in relation to the nature and construct of the ‘other’, the background and status of the individual, and that expressions of intolerance may be triggered by different types of events and activities. These factors may therefore lead to an informal hierarchy of prejudice and tolerance, with some communities being less tolerated than others, while some sections of the community present themselves as more tolerant than others. Finally, while intolerance is individually held, it is experienced most severely when it is socially triggered and collectively expressed, and in the absence of a clear strategy and leadership to promote engagement and respect, outbursts of collective intolerance are only likely to increase.Less
Northern Ireland is a contradictory society in which prejudice and tolerance exist as uneasy neighbours, but where expressions of intolerance dominate public and media perceptions of the norms of inter-communal interaction. This chapter begins to unpack the notions of tolerance and prejudice in relation to Northern Ireland. It argues that tolerance and prejudice are not singular notions but rather may differ in relation to the nature and construct of the ‘other’, the background and status of the individual, and that expressions of intolerance may be triggered by different types of events and activities. These factors may therefore lead to an informal hierarchy of prejudice and tolerance, with some communities being less tolerated than others, while some sections of the community present themselves as more tolerant than others. Finally, while intolerance is individually held, it is experienced most severely when it is socially triggered and collectively expressed, and in the absence of a clear strategy and leadership to promote engagement and respect, outbursts of collective intolerance are only likely to increase.
Barclay Key
- Published in print:
- 2011
- Published Online:
- September 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780813036847
- eISBN:
- 9780813043999
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University Press of Florida
- DOI:
- 10.5744/florida/9780813036847.003.0003
- Subject:
- History, American History: 20th Century
This chapter traces the extraordinary role that evangelical Christian colleges and universities have played in propagating right-wing values that have aided in the Republicanization of the South. ...
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This chapter traces the extraordinary role that evangelical Christian colleges and universities have played in propagating right-wing values that have aided in the Republicanization of the South. Through a case study of Harding College in Arkansas, the reader gains insight into the inculcation of a particular brand of “Americanism,” proper religion, and economic rightism that fortified political conservatism and helped break the South away from its decades-long allegiance to the Democratic Party. The roles of long-time Harding president George Benson and Professor James Bales are especially noteworthy. The chapter follows developments at Harding and connects them to the outside world, through the Cold War and anti-communist hysteria of the 1950s, civil rights, racial unrest, and Vietnam in the 1960s, the culture changes of the 1970s, and the active involvement of the Religious Right in politics since 1980.Less
This chapter traces the extraordinary role that evangelical Christian colleges and universities have played in propagating right-wing values that have aided in the Republicanization of the South. Through a case study of Harding College in Arkansas, the reader gains insight into the inculcation of a particular brand of “Americanism,” proper religion, and economic rightism that fortified political conservatism and helped break the South away from its decades-long allegiance to the Democratic Party. The roles of long-time Harding president George Benson and Professor James Bales are especially noteworthy. The chapter follows developments at Harding and connects them to the outside world, through the Cold War and anti-communist hysteria of the 1950s, civil rights, racial unrest, and Vietnam in the 1960s, the culture changes of the 1970s, and the active involvement of the Religious Right in politics since 1980.
George Lewis
- Published in print:
- 2011
- Published Online:
- September 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780813036847
- eISBN:
- 9780813043999
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University Press of Florida
- DOI:
- 10.5744/florida/9780813036847.003.0006
- Subject:
- History, American History: 20th Century
In contradistinction to much received wisdom on the chronology of how the South became Republican, this chapter emphasizes the development of Republicanism at the state and local levels first—not the ...
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In contradistinction to much received wisdom on the chronology of how the South became Republican, this chapter emphasizes the development of Republicanism at the state and local levels first—not the presidential. It provides an in-depth and nuanced examination of ties between conservative Democratic Virginians and northern Republicans (especially from Pennsylvania) concerned with segregation, states' rights, economic regulation, and home rule. And again, in a revisionist mode, the chapter stresses a time period prior to the Goldwater campaign of 1964 as central to the development of a Republican South. Much attention is given to the previously understudied role of Virginia's Commission on Constitutional Government and the strategy and tactics of journalist James J. Kilpatrick and the CCG's visionary leader, David J. Mays.Less
In contradistinction to much received wisdom on the chronology of how the South became Republican, this chapter emphasizes the development of Republicanism at the state and local levels first—not the presidential. It provides an in-depth and nuanced examination of ties between conservative Democratic Virginians and northern Republicans (especially from Pennsylvania) concerned with segregation, states' rights, economic regulation, and home rule. And again, in a revisionist mode, the chapter stresses a time period prior to the Goldwater campaign of 1964 as central to the development of a Republican South. Much attention is given to the previously understudied role of Virginia's Commission on Constitutional Government and the strategy and tactics of journalist James J. Kilpatrick and the CCG's visionary leader, David J. Mays.
J. Eric Pardue
- Published in print:
- 2011
- Published Online:
- September 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780813036847
- eISBN:
- 9780813043999
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University Press of Florida
- DOI:
- 10.5744/florida/9780813036847.003.0007
- Subject:
- History, American History: 20th Century
This chapter focuses on the pre-Goldwater period as critical in the formation of a Republican South. Specifically, it examines a 1961 special election for a congressional seat between Republican oil ...
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This chapter focuses on the pre-Goldwater period as critical in the formation of a Republican South. Specifically, it examines a 1961 special election for a congressional seat between Republican oil man Charlton Lyons and an older, conservative Democrat, Joe Waggoner. The election and the conduct of its candidates demonstrates that Republicans were making in-roads in the South before 1964 by capitalizing on “Kennedyphobia,” or southern white animosity to racial liberalism and an activist federal government. Lyons lost by a hair to his established opponent in a traditionally strong Democratic district by running on a platform tying him to a national Democratic Party perceived as excessively liberal, soft on communism, and out-of-touch with white north Louisianans on race.Less
This chapter focuses on the pre-Goldwater period as critical in the formation of a Republican South. Specifically, it examines a 1961 special election for a congressional seat between Republican oil man Charlton Lyons and an older, conservative Democrat, Joe Waggoner. The election and the conduct of its candidates demonstrates that Republicans were making in-roads in the South before 1964 by capitalizing on “Kennedyphobia,” or southern white animosity to racial liberalism and an activist federal government. Lyons lost by a hair to his established opponent in a traditionally strong Democratic district by running on a platform tying him to a national Democratic Party perceived as excessively liberal, soft on communism, and out-of-touch with white north Louisianans on race.
Peter Charles Hoffer
- Published in print:
- 2019
- Published Online:
- September 2019
- ISBN:
- 9780226614281
- eISBN:
- 9780226614458
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University of Chicago Press
- DOI:
- 10.7208/chicago/9780226614458.003.0007
- Subject:
- Law, Legal History
When the civil rights campaign moved north, advocates of integration faced white flight and attendant re-segregation. In Boston, white violence prevented integration of the high schools. In cases ...
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When the civil rights campaign moved north, advocates of integration faced white flight and attendant re-segregation. In Boston, white violence prevented integration of the high schools. In cases like Detroit's Millikan v. Bradley, the limits of the busing remedy pioneered in Charlotte became apparent. The neighborhood school model sought in years of litigation was failing. In the meantime, advocates of segregation were developing alternative legal arguments to tradition and precedent, for example: freedom of association, original intent, and the cultural uniqueness of the South.Less
When the civil rights campaign moved north, advocates of integration faced white flight and attendant re-segregation. In Boston, white violence prevented integration of the high schools. In cases like Detroit's Millikan v. Bradley, the limits of the busing remedy pioneered in Charlotte became apparent. The neighborhood school model sought in years of litigation was failing. In the meantime, advocates of segregation were developing alternative legal arguments to tradition and precedent, for example: freedom of association, original intent, and the cultural uniqueness of the South.
Michael J. Goleman
- Published in print:
- 2017
- Published Online:
- May 2019
- ISBN:
- 9781496812049
- eISBN:
- 9781496812087
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University Press of Mississippi
- DOI:
- 10.14325/mississippi/9781496812049.003.0007
- Subject:
- History, American History: Civil War
This chapter examines Mississippi’s Lost Cause legend and argues that its creation stemmed from a desire to produce a positive identity in the eyes of the rest of the nation, and more importantly, to ...
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This chapter examines Mississippi’s Lost Cause legend and argues that its creation stemmed from a desire to produce a positive identity in the eyes of the rest of the nation, and more importantly, to posterity. The Lost Cause legend housed in historical writings and memoirs proved to have a powerful influence in the social and cultural identity of the state, with its white residents embracing the legend well into the twenty-first century. In creating the Lost Cause legend, conservative Mississippians blamed Reconstruction and blacks for creating any negative image of the state. In addition to justifying secession and the Civil War, the Lost Cause legend argued for the merits and reasons behind a white supremacist social order and warnings of failing to heed such a course. In the process of losing their freedoms through the institution of segregation, black Mississippians created a conflicting dual identity as Americans and blacks who endured the worst of the American experience.Less
This chapter examines Mississippi’s Lost Cause legend and argues that its creation stemmed from a desire to produce a positive identity in the eyes of the rest of the nation, and more importantly, to posterity. The Lost Cause legend housed in historical writings and memoirs proved to have a powerful influence in the social and cultural identity of the state, with its white residents embracing the legend well into the twenty-first century. In creating the Lost Cause legend, conservative Mississippians blamed Reconstruction and blacks for creating any negative image of the state. In addition to justifying secession and the Civil War, the Lost Cause legend argued for the merits and reasons behind a white supremacist social order and warnings of failing to heed such a course. In the process of losing their freedoms through the institution of segregation, black Mississippians created a conflicting dual identity as Americans and blacks who endured the worst of the American experience.
