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The final truth about anti-discrimination law comes to the fore in what can be called its neoliberal predicament. It is manifest in attempts to defeat the normative deficiency without transcending the horizon of morality. Some such attempts identify themselves, self-confidently, as belonging to the ‘second generation’ of anti-discrimination scholarship. The respective approaches are based on the assumption that discrimination arises and exists as the result of the unconscious operation of biases against groups. They seek to entrust problem-solving not to general legislation but to various management strategies for the improvement of relations among employees. Nowhere is the market seen to be the source of the problem. Nowhere does organised labour enter the picture. The purity of the market economy remains unchallenged. The neoliberal predicament exposes the truth about anti-discrimination law. As a medium of social policy, it is powerless. Or, more adequately put, it represents social policy in the state of disempowerment.

In the early 1950s, Kuwait underwent rapid urbanization during which first-generation Hadramis were swiftly absorbed into Kuwaiti urban houses assuming domestic service roles. It is argued that the socioeconomic path of house-serving shaped the Hadrami character and experience of the “model immigrant” as we know it today. However, the study also demonstrates how a Hadrami migratory practice of dependency on the local family and sponsor was inspired by a Kuwaiti cultural and official categorization process of different immigrant groups in which the Hadramis were depicted as loyal, easily satisfied, and non-subversive. While dependency was valued by old Hadramis as a resource and as a form of social capital, it also continued to inform the perceptions, expectations, and actions of the second-generation Hadramis. This chapter analyzes the ways in which the whole experience was conceptualized and contested in daily interaction of the two generations. This study reveals that young Hadramis’ daily activities in Kuwait, and their aspirations for individual self-sufficiency and mobility, can only be carried out by maintaining a difficult balance between the social-triad, and by managing, or perhaps preserving, the legacy of “good reputation.”

Chapter Seven traces Lawrence's transition to a Latino-majority city with the 2000 census, including the tremendous increase in immigration during the 1980s that led Lawrence to become home to the largest concentration of Dominicans in the United States outside of New York City. The city's Latino population came to define Lawrence's public culture in this period, and the long push for Latino political power in the city was ultimately successful in many ways. This chapter discusses the transnational activities that brought new vitality to Lawrence's economy and its public spaces, yet larger structural forces continued to create obstacles to Latinos finding in Lawrence the better life they pursued.

The four human bombs that perpetrated the 7/7 attacks were all British nationals. Three of them were born in the United Kingdom to Pakistani parents. The fourth was born in Jamaica and arrived in the U.K. at a very early age. Examination of the trajectory of these four jihadis highlights the importance of the “gang” or “clique” phenomenon analyzed by Marc Sageman.⁵ Unlike the September 11, 2001 hijackers, who had traveled from Asia to Europe and from Saudi Arabia to the United States through complex networks to prepare the most spectacular attacks so far this century, the young men who perpetrated the London bombings had organized locally. The British authorities immediately labeled them “homegrown terrorists.” “the Home Office returned the bodies and body parts to the families with dignity so that they could organize "normal" funeral services in keeping with the Muslim religion”.