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This chapter deals with the religious movement that was challenged by the Government of the United States in Reynolds v. United States (1878). It found, in biblical accounts of the lives of highly esteemed patriarchs, divinely sanctioned precedents for the polygamy permitted, perhaps even required, by the directives of an American Church. The chapter notes that this polygamy, in the Utah Territory of the United States, ran afoul of an Act of Congress. It also deals with another curious development seen in the animal-sacrifice case, Church of the Lukumi Babalu Aye, Inc. v. City of Hialeah (1993). It notes that what is most curious about this case is the fact that the cult (known as the Santeria religion) dared to assert itself as it did, insisting upon the right to defy City of Hialeah directives that attempted to restrain some of the practices of this cult.

Cuban dance researcher Graciela Chao Carbonero discusses how the African element penetrates all aspects of Cuban dance. She begins with the African-based danced religions of Cuba, Regla de Ocha or Santería (the religion of the Yoruba orishas), Palo Monte and other Congolese-based sects, Arará, and Abakuá, and how steps from such traditions merge with secular Cuban folk dances such as carnival comparsas and sones miméticos and also influence the dances that descend from European contradanza. Chao delves into contemporary casino and casino rueda and the African underpinnings of such dances and also of Cuban modern dance, with its training technique, técnica cubana, developed by Ramiro Guerra and others, and of Cuban variety dance in clubs and pn television.

Through a synthesis of personal ethnography, sociological and theological reflection, author Michelle González takes aim at the Christocentric, church-focused, and hyperphilosophical discourse of recent Latina/o theology. By focusing on three forms of popular religiosity, González aims to show that if Latina/o theologians are to address the religious needs of Latinas/os they must take seriously practices that church hierarchy and orthodox Catholic theology deride and frown on. Evil Eye, Santería, and Espiritismo are syncretic forms of Christianity that decenter religious practice, relocating it in ritual and communal memory. The chapter argues that if Latina/o theologians are to give credence to the epistemic productivity of Latina/o communities, they must challenge their orthodox Catholic assumptions, namely a focus on textual exegeses that presupposes a hierarchical system of knowledge certification that always devalues the experiences of subjects.

This chapter discusses other social and historical factors that undoubtedly contributed to the emergence of Santería. It looks at Regla Lucumí, which is the name of the other popular and most influential Afro-Cuban religion. Regla Lucumí is also known as Regla de Ocha and Regla de Santo, and is recognized as the religion of the babaorichas, iyaorichas, and omorichas. The chapter also looks at the divergent experiences of slaves in the city and the countryside, in order to provide an understanding of the embryonic processes in the birth of Santería.

This chapter discusses the different beliefs and practices of Santería. The most important belief is in the aché or ashe, which is a supernatural power, universal vibration, and immanent energy. The ashe is assumed to be immanent in all humans and nature. The chapter looks at the hierarchical ordering of power in the ashe and the souls found in every individual (there are at least three). It also notes that the losses experienced by the Yoruban religion while adapting to the reality of Cuba affected the meaning and coherence of some beliefs and practices.

This chapter discusses the powerful trend in Santería towards the need of initiates for the priesthood to go through further training and to acquire further powers by receiving new orichas. This trend might be the result of the ritualistic emphasis in Santería. Ritualism requires that priests learn to master extremely complicated procedures, to learn the many ingredients needed to perform ceremonies, and to consecrate amulets and other religious items. A number of controversies between the santeros and babalaos are also discussed.

This chapter discusses beliefs regarding illness and death. The believers of Santería think that arun or disease is actually caused by both natural and supernatural factors. Santeros and santeras generally recommend their patients to see a physician about any ailment, but flowers, herbs, twigs, and leaves are still an intrinsic part of the philosophy of Santería. Death, on the other hand, is believed to live in cemeteries and even empty bottles. This chapter looks at the realm of the dead and other practices involving death, as well as some notable treatments of disease.

This chapter discusses the different rituals of Santería and some of the components of the religion, such as temples, sacrifices, and religious images. It is noted that despite adverse circumstances, the Afro-Cubans were able to preserve and transmit complex symbolic rituals, engage ritual music and dancing, and esoteric songs and prayers. It also discusses the fact that the degree of professionalism in rituals, music, and divination is the main indication that the santeros are well-trained priests.

This chapter discusses the oracles of Santería, who represent the process of divination. They are the means by which followers learn the wishes, recommendations, recriminations, and desires of the orichas and of the dead. The followers strongly believe that consulting the orichas will allow them to learn measures that should be taken to preserve or restore health, and to keep, regain, or acquire anything that would make life more enjoyable.

This chapter discusses the Creator God, Olodamare, whom most believers of Santería view as an omnipotent god. He has no cult, no priests, and he does not possess believers during festivals because he is too powerful to possess any human head. The chapter provides a number of different views regarding this god, such as Olodamare being a vulnerable being who is suffering from old age.

The believers of Santería have one thing in common with non-believers: their curiosity regarding the reasons for the presence of horror and pain. This chapter discusses a pataki that intends to explain why the earth's sick arrogance brought rage and punishment through heaven and led to the beginning of evil on earth. It is also very important to understand the Yoruban worldview and the worldview of followers of Santería.

This chapter discusses the God of Thunder and Fire. In Africa he is known as Shango, who displays his wrath in the powerful thunderstorms and tornados that are seen along the West African coast. In Cuban religion he is called Changó, and he is part of the lives and adventures of all the other important orichas due to the greatly reduced number of orichas in Santería.

This chapter gives an outline of some of the ideals of moral behavior that inhere in Santería. This outline prevents any misrepresentations of the behavior of the orichas towards the more negative features of character and behavior. The reason for this is that the orichas, along with all the other creations of Olodumare, reflect the coexisting characteristics of good and evil as components of their basic nature.

This chapter discusses Santería during the twenty-first century. Due to the number of changes experienced by the Yoruban religion in Cuba, it survives and even serves as a vehicle for the retention of aspects of the Yoruban language, mythology, music, and dance within the framework of a partially retained Yoruban worldview. But although Santería was able to break through social, class, and racial boundaries, by the 1950s the followers of Santería were only a small minority in Cuba. However, the religion still exists, and has even demonstrated a flexibility to adjust to different ecosystems and cultural contexts while integrating participants of diverse racial and socioeconomic backgrounds in the Americas.

This chapter discusses some of the factors contributing to the observable trends in Santería. These factors are individualism, technicalism and professionalism, the opportunities for leadership in the priesthood, openness, and even the tensions between the babalaos and the oriatés. The rest of the chapter is focused on the trends of Afro-centrism and the issue of syncretism.