Jochen Prantl
- Published in print:
- 2006
- Published Online:
- May 2006
- ISBN:
- 9780199287680
- eISBN:
- 9780191603723
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199287686.001.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
This book examines the dynamics between informal groups of states and the UN Security Council in the management of conflicts in Namibia, El Salvador, and Kosovo. It sets forth three main arguments. ...
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This book examines the dynamics between informal groups of states and the UN Security Council in the management of conflicts in Namibia, El Salvador, and Kosovo. It sets forth three main arguments. Firstly, that informal groups of states are agents of incremental change. They proliferated in the 1990s out of the increasing demands on the United Nations to adapt to the new security environment of the post-bipolar world, without formally changing the constitutional foundation of the Organization. Secondly, that informal mechanisms may narrow the operational and participatory gap growing out of the multiple incapacities that prevent the Security Council from formulating an effective response to crisis situations. Informal groups of states may enhance Council governance if they strike a balance between competing demands of inclusiveness, efficiency, informality, transparency, and accountability. Thirdly, that the post-Cold War era has fostered an environment where the substance of conflict resolution and the process of its legitimation have become increasingly detached. The former tends to be delegated to informal groups or coalition of states, while the Security Council provides the latter. The successful merger of right process and substantive outcome may strengthen the legitimacy of the Council and make actions taken by informal settings more acceptable.Less
This book examines the dynamics between informal groups of states and the UN Security Council in the management of conflicts in Namibia, El Salvador, and Kosovo. It sets forth three main arguments. Firstly, that informal groups of states are agents of incremental change. They proliferated in the 1990s out of the increasing demands on the United Nations to adapt to the new security environment of the post-bipolar world, without formally changing the constitutional foundation of the Organization. Secondly, that informal mechanisms may narrow the operational and participatory gap growing out of the multiple incapacities that prevent the Security Council from formulating an effective response to crisis situations. Informal groups of states may enhance Council governance if they strike a balance between competing demands of inclusiveness, efficiency, informality, transparency, and accountability. Thirdly, that the post-Cold War era has fostered an environment where the substance of conflict resolution and the process of its legitimation have become increasingly detached. The former tends to be delegated to informal groups or coalition of states, while the Security Council provides the latter. The successful merger of right process and substantive outcome may strengthen the legitimacy of the Council and make actions taken by informal settings more acceptable.
Alexander Segovia
- Published in print:
- 2006
- Published Online:
- May 2006
- ISBN:
- 9780199291922
- eISBN:
- 9780191603716
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199291926.003.0005
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
Truth commissions were created to investigate human rights violations as a result of political negotiations in both El Salvador and Haiti. The commissions included in their reports recommendations ...
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Truth commissions were created to investigate human rights violations as a result of political negotiations in both El Salvador and Haiti. The commissions included in their reports recommendations designed to secure reparations for the victims. However, despite the gravity of the events and the formal commitment of the governments, neither El Salvador nor Haiti has implemented these recommendations. Two case studies provide an opportunity to examine the economic, social, and political factors that explain non-compliance with truth-commission recommendations on reparations. This paper examines the experiences of El Salvador and Haiti, and presents some conclusions and lessons learned. The first and most important conclusion is that in order to ensure that reparations programs will be put into practice, a correlation of political forces that favors such programs is necessary. The construction of such a correlation depends on the existence of sufficiently powerful and influential players to promote and defend it.Less
Truth commissions were created to investigate human rights violations as a result of political negotiations in both El Salvador and Haiti. The commissions included in their reports recommendations designed to secure reparations for the victims. However, despite the gravity of the events and the formal commitment of the governments, neither El Salvador nor Haiti has implemented these recommendations. Two case studies provide an opportunity to examine the economic, social, and political factors that explain non-compliance with truth-commission recommendations on reparations. This paper examines the experiences of El Salvador and Haiti, and presents some conclusions and lessons learned. The first and most important conclusion is that in order to ensure that reparations programs will be put into practice, a correlation of political forces that favors such programs is necessary. The construction of such a correlation depends on the existence of sufficiently powerful and influential players to promote and defend it.
Jochen Prantl
- Published in print:
- 2006
- Published Online:
- May 2006
- ISBN:
- 9780199287680
- eISBN:
- 9780191603723
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199287686.003.0007
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
The UN Secretariat assumed the leading role as intermediary to reach a negotiated settlement of the conflict in El Salvador. The Friends of the Secretary-General on El Salvador somewhat revived the ...
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The UN Secretariat assumed the leading role as intermediary to reach a negotiated settlement of the conflict in El Salvador. The Friends of the Secretary-General on El Salvador somewhat revived the concept of the advisory committees that had been established in the 1950s. The transformation of the bipolar system created the permissive political context for a leading role of the United Nations, with the United States and the Soviet Union as guardians of the process in the background. Given the relative success of the Friends, the concept turned into a model which was subsequently applied — with mixed results — to crises in Haiti, Guatemala, Western Sahara, and Georgia.Less
The UN Secretariat assumed the leading role as intermediary to reach a negotiated settlement of the conflict in El Salvador. The Friends of the Secretary-General on El Salvador somewhat revived the concept of the advisory committees that had been established in the 1950s. The transformation of the bipolar system created the permissive political context for a leading role of the United Nations, with the United States and the Soviet Union as guardians of the process in the background. Given the relative success of the Friends, the concept turned into a model which was subsequently applied — with mixed results — to crises in Haiti, Guatemala, Western Sahara, and Georgia.
Anna L. Peterson
- Published in print:
- 2005
- Published Online:
- February 2006
- ISBN:
- 9780195183337
- eISBN:
- 9780199784691
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0195183339.001.0001
- Subject:
- Religion, Religion and Society
Seeds of the Kingdom explores the utopian religious ethics practiced in Amish settlements in the United States Midwest and in former war zones in El Salvador. These communities stand as ...
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Seeds of the Kingdom explores the utopian religious ethics practiced in Amish settlements in the United States Midwest and in former war zones in El Salvador. These communities stand as a counter-example to dominant trends not only in agriculture and economics, but also in political and religious culture. Residents organize their lives according to social ethics drawn from the Anabaptist and progressive Catholic streams within Western Christianity. Out of these traditions, they have developed a this-worldly Christian utopianism that provides both a guide for everyday life and a long-term vision of a possible future. This book offers a detailed portrait of these communities’ histories, environmental and social practices, religious values, and hopes for the future. It compares the differences and commonalities in their ethical systems, in the context of the larger religious traditions and social movements out of which they emerge. Another important area of comparison is the communities’ efforts to develop sustainable farming practices, as part of a larger argument about the importance of agriculture for both social and environmental ethics. Although the Amish and Salvadoran communities differ in many important aspects, their collective experiences suggest that efforts to create more environmentally sustainable practices and societies have a greater chance of success if they share certain common traits. These include a strong collective identity and commitment to the common good; deep attachment to local landscapes and species combined with awareness of larger dynamics; a desire to preserve non-human as well as human lives; and a utopian horizon that provides both goals and the hope of reaching them.Less
Seeds of the Kingdom explores the utopian religious ethics practiced in Amish settlements in the United States Midwest and in former war zones in El Salvador. These communities stand as a counter-example to dominant trends not only in agriculture and economics, but also in political and religious culture. Residents organize their lives according to social ethics drawn from the Anabaptist and progressive Catholic streams within Western Christianity. Out of these traditions, they have developed a this-worldly Christian utopianism that provides both a guide for everyday life and a long-term vision of a possible future. This book offers a detailed portrait of these communities’ histories, environmental and social practices, religious values, and hopes for the future. It compares the differences and commonalities in their ethical systems, in the context of the larger religious traditions and social movements out of which they emerge. Another important area of comparison is the communities’ efforts to develop sustainable farming practices, as part of a larger argument about the importance of agriculture for both social and environmental ethics. Although the Amish and Salvadoran communities differ in many important aspects, their collective experiences suggest that efforts to create more environmentally sustainable practices and societies have a greater chance of success if they share certain common traits. These include a strong collective identity and commitment to the common good; deep attachment to local landscapes and species combined with awareness of larger dynamics; a desire to preserve non-human as well as human lives; and a utopian horizon that provides both goals and the hope of reaching them.
Robert Brenneman
- Published in print:
- 2011
- Published Online:
- January 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780199753840
- eISBN:
- 9780199918836
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199753840.001.0001
- Subject:
- Religion, Religion and Society
Central American transnational youth gangs such as the Mara Salvatrucha and the Eighteenth Street gang promote a hyper-machismo that idealizes violent, risk-prone codes of conduct and lifelong ...
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Central American transnational youth gangs such as the Mara Salvatrucha and the Eighteenth Street gang promote a hyper-machismo that idealizes violent, risk-prone codes of conduct and lifelong affiliation. Central American evangelical churches promote a strict piety that prohibits drinking and promotes domestic ideals of marriage and fatherhood. Yet several studies suggest that conversion to evangelical Christianity is a common pathway out of the gang. Using semi-structured interviews with sixty-four former gang members in Guatemala, Honduras, and El Salvador, this book examines why many ex-gang members consider joining an evangelical or Pentecostal church the safest and most effective means of leaving the gang. Religious conversion provides former gang members with new access to social and symbolic resources crucial for keeping safe, building trust, and finding work after leaving the gang. But more than strategic use of cultural “tools” is involved in religious conversion. In some cases, emotional conversion experiences actually helped to bring about gang exit by occasioning embodied, emotional experiences that violated the macho feeling rules of the gang. Highly public emotional conversion experiences also provided some exiting gang members with opportunities for discharging chronic shame. The author argues that an important factor in the ongoing popularity of Pentecostal-ized evangelical Christianity in Central America is its promotion of ritual contexts for effectively dealing with shame. While progressive Catholicism seeks to attack the social sources of shame, evangelical-Pentecostalism offers powerful interaction rituals for dealing with the emotion itself at the individual level.Less
Central American transnational youth gangs such as the Mara Salvatrucha and the Eighteenth Street gang promote a hyper-machismo that idealizes violent, risk-prone codes of conduct and lifelong affiliation. Central American evangelical churches promote a strict piety that prohibits drinking and promotes domestic ideals of marriage and fatherhood. Yet several studies suggest that conversion to evangelical Christianity is a common pathway out of the gang. Using semi-structured interviews with sixty-four former gang members in Guatemala, Honduras, and El Salvador, this book examines why many ex-gang members consider joining an evangelical or Pentecostal church the safest and most effective means of leaving the gang. Religious conversion provides former gang members with new access to social and symbolic resources crucial for keeping safe, building trust, and finding work after leaving the gang. But more than strategic use of cultural “tools” is involved in religious conversion. In some cases, emotional conversion experiences actually helped to bring about gang exit by occasioning embodied, emotional experiences that violated the macho feeling rules of the gang. Highly public emotional conversion experiences also provided some exiting gang members with opportunities for discharging chronic shame. The author argues that an important factor in the ongoing popularity of Pentecostal-ized evangelical Christianity in Central America is its promotion of ritual contexts for effectively dealing with shame. While progressive Catholicism seeks to attack the social sources of shame, evangelical-Pentecostalism offers powerful interaction rituals for dealing with the emotion itself at the individual level.
Kurt Weyland
- Published in print:
- 2007
- Published Online:
- January 2008
- ISBN:
- 9780199226801
- eISBN:
- 9780191710285
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199226801.003.0008
- Subject:
- Business and Management, Pensions and Pension Management
This chapter analyzes the decision-making process surrounding pension reform in Latin America. It argues decision to emulate the Chilean model did not follow the procedures of full, ‘economic’ ...
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This chapter analyzes the decision-making process surrounding pension reform in Latin America. It argues decision to emulate the Chilean model did not follow the procedures of full, ‘economic’ rationality. Rather they were shaped by shortcuts of bounded rationality. Instead of proactively scanning the international environment for the relevant information, experts and policymakers mostly reacted to information about Chilean-style privatization that happened to be available to them. Rather than conducting systematic, balanced, cost-benefit analyses of this innovation, many of them were overly impressed by the initial success of Chile's private pension funds and used associative reasoning in depicting social security privatization as the main cause for the dramatic increase in domestic savings and productive investment and the resulting growth boom experienced by Chile. Furthermore, instead of thoroughly adapting the Chilean import to their own country's requirements, decision-makers in a number of countries stayed strikingly close to the original. Thus, these pension reformers did not apply the principles of comprehensive rationality, but displayed the three principal shortcuts documented by cognitive psychologists in innumerable experiments and field studies: the heuristics of availability, representativeness, and anchoring.Less
This chapter analyzes the decision-making process surrounding pension reform in Latin America. It argues decision to emulate the Chilean model did not follow the procedures of full, ‘economic’ rationality. Rather they were shaped by shortcuts of bounded rationality. Instead of proactively scanning the international environment for the relevant information, experts and policymakers mostly reacted to information about Chilean-style privatization that happened to be available to them. Rather than conducting systematic, balanced, cost-benefit analyses of this innovation, many of them were overly impressed by the initial success of Chile's private pension funds and used associative reasoning in depicting social security privatization as the main cause for the dramatic increase in domestic savings and productive investment and the resulting growth boom experienced by Chile. Furthermore, instead of thoroughly adapting the Chilean import to their own country's requirements, decision-makers in a number of countries stayed strikingly close to the original. Thus, these pension reformers did not apply the principles of comprehensive rationality, but displayed the three principal shortcuts documented by cognitive psychologists in innumerable experiments and field studies: the heuristics of availability, representativeness, and anchoring.
Rachel Sieder
- Published in print:
- 2001
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780199240906
- eISBN:
- 9780191598869
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199240906.003.0006
- Subject:
- Political Science, Democratization
This chapter considers the role of ‘memory politics’ – understood as the combination of official and unofficial attempts to deal with the legacy of past violations – in the struggle for ...
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This chapter considers the role of ‘memory politics’ – understood as the combination of official and unofficial attempts to deal with the legacy of past violations – in the struggle for democratization in Central America: official initiatives can include truth commissions, amnesty dispensations, criminal investigations and prosecutions, and a range of institutional reforms aimed at redressing the previous failure of the state to guarantee human rights; unofficial initiatives developed by civil society actors to confront the past can include investigations of violations, legal actions, and different kinds of commemorative acts and exercises in collective memory. Memory politics operates at multiple levels and involves a diversity of agents, including local communities, national and international non-governmental human rights organizations (HROs), governments, the media, and, in the case of Central America, the UN; however, it is suggested here that its long-term effects in any national context depend on the interaction between official and unofficial efforts to address the legacies of the past. The experiences of memory politics analysed in this chapter are those of El Salvador, Honduras and Guatemala, the three Central American countries that during the 1990s undertook official processes of investigating past violations of human rights. The precise nature of memory politics and the impact it has had varied considerably in these three countries, and it is suggested that four interrelated factors are central to explaining differences between the respective national experiences: the first is the specific political and social legacies of human rights abuse in each country; the second concerns the circumstances of the transition from war to peace, specifically the prevailing balance of forces and the trade-off between truth and justice that this engendered in each case; the third is the role of local HROs and civil society in general in the politics of memory; and the fourth is the role of international governmental and non-governmental organizations (NGOs) in efforts to uncover the truth about the past and to address the consequences of violations. The first three sections of the chapter compare the legacies of human rights abuses, the transitional trade-offs between truth and justice, and the role of civil society organizations and international actors in the memory politics of El Salvador, Honduras and Guatemala; the final section considers the impact of memory politics on the prospects for democracy in these countries.Less
This chapter considers the role of ‘memory politics’ – understood as the combination of official and unofficial attempts to deal with the legacy of past violations – in the struggle for democratization in Central America: official initiatives can include truth commissions, amnesty dispensations, criminal investigations and prosecutions, and a range of institutional reforms aimed at redressing the previous failure of the state to guarantee human rights; unofficial initiatives developed by civil society actors to confront the past can include investigations of violations, legal actions, and different kinds of commemorative acts and exercises in collective memory. Memory politics operates at multiple levels and involves a diversity of agents, including local communities, national and international non-governmental human rights organizations (HROs), governments, the media, and, in the case of Central America, the UN; however, it is suggested here that its long-term effects in any national context depend on the interaction between official and unofficial efforts to address the legacies of the past. The experiences of memory politics analysed in this chapter are those of El Salvador, Honduras and Guatemala, the three Central American countries that during the 1990s undertook official processes of investigating past violations of human rights. The precise nature of memory politics and the impact it has had varied considerably in these three countries, and it is suggested that four interrelated factors are central to explaining differences between the respective national experiences: the first is the specific political and social legacies of human rights abuse in each country; the second concerns the circumstances of the transition from war to peace, specifically the prevailing balance of forces and the trade-off between truth and justice that this engendered in each case; the third is the role of local HROs and civil society in general in the politics of memory; and the fourth is the role of international governmental and non-governmental organizations (NGOs) in efforts to uncover the truth about the past and to address the consequences of violations. The first three sections of the chapter compare the legacies of human rights abuses, the transitional trade-offs between truth and justice, and the role of civil society organizations and international actors in the memory politics of El Salvador, Honduras and Guatemala; the final section considers the impact of memory politics on the prospects for democracy in these countries.
Susan Bibler Coutin
- Published in print:
- 2001
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780195141177
- eISBN:
- 9780199871391
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0195141172.003.0005
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
The protracted civil war in El Salvador during the 1980s led to a substantial increase in illegal migration into the U.S.A., and to a consequent economic dependency, despite U.S. anti‐immigration ...
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The protracted civil war in El Salvador during the 1980s led to a substantial increase in illegal migration into the U.S.A., and to a consequent economic dependency, despite U.S. anti‐immigration policy, on the remittances sent back to El Salvador by migrant workers. The situation that developed produced a fertile arena for cause lawyers engaged in supporting the rights of immigrants – not always working to adequate professional standards. Cause lawyers's advocacy work was not limited to helping immigrants discover loopholes in U.S. immigration law, but served to change the law itself through the mobilization of transnational constituencies.Less
The protracted civil war in El Salvador during the 1980s led to a substantial increase in illegal migration into the U.S.A., and to a consequent economic dependency, despite U.S. anti‐immigration policy, on the remittances sent back to El Salvador by migrant workers. The situation that developed produced a fertile arena for cause lawyers engaged in supporting the rights of immigrants – not always working to adequate professional standards. Cause lawyers's advocacy work was not limited to helping immigrants discover loopholes in U.S. immigration law, but served to change the law itself through the mobilization of transnational constituencies.
Michael Dodson and Donald W. Jackson
- Published in print:
- 2003
- Published Online:
- April 2005
- ISBN:
- 9780199256372
- eISBN:
- 9780191602368
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199256373.003.0008
- Subject:
- Political Science, Democratization
This chapter examines the efficacy of justice reform in creating effective mechanisms of horizontal accountability in El Salvador and Guatemala. There is little evidence to suggest that reforms have ...
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This chapter examines the efficacy of justice reform in creating effective mechanisms of horizontal accountability in El Salvador and Guatemala. There is little evidence to suggest that reforms have instilled in judges, prosecutors and the police a commitment to horizontal accountability. Moreover, the public remains skeptical about the impact of reform in promoting horizontal accountability.Less
This chapter examines the efficacy of justice reform in creating effective mechanisms of horizontal accountability in El Salvador and Guatemala. There is little evidence to suggest that reforms have instilled in judges, prosecutors and the police a commitment to horizontal accountability. Moreover, the public remains skeptical about the impact of reform in promoting horizontal accountability.
Alexandra Barahona de Brito
- Published in print:
- 1997
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780198280385
- eISBN:
- 9780191598852
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0198280386.003.0002
- Subject:
- Political Science, Democratization
This is the first of two ‘stage-setting’ chapters in Part I of the book (Problems of Transitional Truth and Justice in Comparative Perspective, and Human Rights’ Violations under Military rule in ...
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This is the first of two ‘stage-setting’ chapters in Part I of the book (Problems of Transitional Truth and Justice in Comparative Perspective, and Human Rights’ Violations under Military rule in Uruguay and Chile). It places the Uruguayan and Chilean cases in a wider context by examining various experiences of truth and justice for past abuses in Latin America and elsewhere. After an introduction, the chapter has two main sections. The first, Truth and Justice in Transitional Periods: An Overview, looks at the cases of France, Germany and Japan at the end of World War II, the collapse of the Salazarismo in Portugal in 1974, the collapse of the Somocismo in Nicaragua in 1979, the collapses of the communist regimes of Eastern Europe (Czechoslovakia, Bulgaria, Poland, Romania), and the cases of the former Yugoslavia, Bolivia, Spain, the Philippines, Namibia, Uganda, Ethiopia, Sri Lanka, Rwanda, El Salvador, Guatemala, Honduras, Argentina, Greece, Paraguay, South Africa. The second section of the chapter, Semi-Restricted, Peaceful Transitions to Democratic Rule: The Cases of Uruguay and Chile, introduces democratization in Uruguay and Chile.Less
This is the first of two ‘stage-setting’ chapters in Part I of the book (Problems of Transitional Truth and Justice in Comparative Perspective, and Human Rights’ Violations under Military rule in Uruguay and Chile). It places the Uruguayan and Chilean cases in a wider context by examining various experiences of truth and justice for past abuses in Latin America and elsewhere. After an introduction, the chapter has two main sections. The first, Truth and Justice in Transitional Periods: An Overview, looks at the cases of France, Germany and Japan at the end of World War II, the collapse of the Salazarismo in Portugal in 1974, the collapse of the Somocismo in Nicaragua in 1979, the collapses of the communist regimes of Eastern Europe (Czechoslovakia, Bulgaria, Poland, Romania), and the cases of the former Yugoslavia, Bolivia, Spain, the Philippines, Namibia, Uganda, Ethiopia, Sri Lanka, Rwanda, El Salvador, Guatemala, Honduras, Argentina, Greece, Paraguay, South Africa. The second section of the chapter, Semi-Restricted, Peaceful Transitions to Democratic Rule: The Cases of Uruguay and Chile, introduces democratization in Uruguay and Chile.
Dale Maharidge
- Published in print:
- 2011
- Published Online:
- May 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780520262478
- eISBN:
- 9780520948792
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University of California Press
- DOI:
- 10.1525/california/9780520262478.003.0008
- Subject:
- Anthropology, American and Canadian Cultural Anthropology
This chapter talks about when the authors entered the one-time Western Pacific Railroad rail yard in Sacramento. It was October 20, 1995, thirteen years after they had first jumped on a train from ...
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This chapter talks about when the authors entered the one-time Western Pacific Railroad rail yard in Sacramento. It was October 20, 1995, thirteen years after they had first jumped on a train from the same place. They walked the tracks, climbed atop railcars, sat in the shadow of the icehouse. It was a reunion: they had not seen each other or talked by phone very much for a few years. They had grown a bit estranged because their 1980s had been so fierce—each of them was a reminder to the other of troubled times. In the 1980s, they had covered the war in El Salvador, where they had some bad experiences, and the revolution in the Philippines, among a slew of other intense projects. They had also produced two more books on poverty in America.Less
This chapter talks about when the authors entered the one-time Western Pacific Railroad rail yard in Sacramento. It was October 20, 1995, thirteen years after they had first jumped on a train from the same place. They walked the tracks, climbed atop railcars, sat in the shadow of the icehouse. It was a reunion: they had not seen each other or talked by phone very much for a few years. They had grown a bit estranged because their 1980s had been so fierce—each of them was a reminder to the other of troubled times. In the 1980s, they had covered the war in El Salvador, where they had some bad experiences, and the revolution in the Philippines, among a slew of other intense projects. They had also produced two more books on poverty in America.
Adrian Hastings
- Published in print:
- 1996
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780198263999
- eISBN:
- 9780191600623
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0198263996.003.0003
- Subject:
- Religion, Church History
Covers the Christian crusades of the Portuguese in Africa in the fifteenth, sixteenth, seventeenth, and eighteenth centuries. The section on the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries has subsections ...
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Covers the Christian crusades of the Portuguese in Africa in the fifteenth, sixteenth, seventeenth, and eighteenth centuries. The section on the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries has subsections discussing the ancient kingdom of Kongo and its initial evangelization; Benin and Mutapa; and Kongolese Catholicism under Afonso I and his immediate successors. The section on the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries has subsections discussing the Diocese of São Salvador and the Jesuits; the Mission of the Capuchins; the battle of Ambuila, Kimpa Vita, and the Antonian Movement; the Kongo Church in the eighteenth century; Angola, Sierra Leone, Warri (a small state of the Itsekiri people near Benin), and Mutapa; and the slave trade and its implications. The final section is an evaluation.Less
Covers the Christian crusades of the Portuguese in Africa in the fifteenth, sixteenth, seventeenth, and eighteenth centuries. The section on the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries has subsections discussing the ancient kingdom of Kongo and its initial evangelization; Benin and Mutapa; and Kongolese Catholicism under Afonso I and his immediate successors. The section on the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries has subsections discussing the Diocese of São Salvador and the Jesuits; the Mission of the Capuchins; the battle of Ambuila, Kimpa Vita, and the Antonian Movement; the Kongo Church in the eighteenth century; Angola, Sierra Leone, Warri (a small state of the Itsekiri people near Benin), and Mutapa; and the slave trade and its implications. The final section is an evaluation.
Anna L. Peterson
- Published in print:
- 2005
- Published Online:
- February 2006
- ISBN:
- 9780195183337
- eISBN:
- 9780199784691
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0195183339.003.0003
- Subject:
- Religion, Religion and Society
This chapter examines rural social movements in El Salvador from the first rural social movements and peasant federations of the 1960s, through the civil war of the 1980s, and into post-war social ...
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This chapter examines rural social movements in El Salvador from the first rural social movements and peasant federations of the 1960s, through the civil war of the 1980s, and into post-war social and political life in rural areas today. It focuses on the movement to repopulate war-torn rural areas and the effort to transform economic and political institutions, reform agricultural practices and land tenure, practice environmental restoration, and create models of a “new society” based on progressive Catholic values.Less
This chapter examines rural social movements in El Salvador from the first rural social movements and peasant federations of the 1960s, through the civil war of the 1980s, and into post-war social and political life in rural areas today. It focuses on the movement to repopulate war-torn rural areas and the effort to transform economic and political institutions, reform agricultural practices and land tenure, practice environmental restoration, and create models of a “new society” based on progressive Catholic values.
Anna L. Peterson
- Published in print:
- 2005
- Published Online:
- February 2006
- ISBN:
- 9780195183337
- eISBN:
- 9780199784691
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0195183339.003.0004
- Subject:
- Religion, Religion and Society
This chapter analyzes the ethical attitudes and practices regarding the natural environment in both the Salvadoran and Amish communities examined in chapters 1 and 2. Of particular interest are ...
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This chapter analyzes the ethical attitudes and practices regarding the natural environment in both the Salvadoran and Amish communities examined in chapters 1 and 2. Of particular interest are agricultural practices, the links between environmental sustainability and social justice, and the complex ways that religious values and beliefs influence both everyday practice and the shape of collective institutions. It also analyzes and compares the distinctive contributions of Anabaptist and progressive Catholic theology to thinking and practice regarding nature.Less
This chapter analyzes the ethical attitudes and practices regarding the natural environment in both the Salvadoran and Amish communities examined in chapters 1 and 2. Of particular interest are agricultural practices, the links between environmental sustainability and social justice, and the complex ways that religious values and beliefs influence both everyday practice and the shape of collective institutions. It also analyzes and compares the distinctive contributions of Anabaptist and progressive Catholic theology to thinking and practice regarding nature.
Anna L. Peterson
- Published in print:
- 2005
- Published Online:
- February 2006
- ISBN:
- 9780195183337
- eISBN:
- 9780199784691
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0195183339.003.0005
- Subject:
- Religion, Religion and Society
This chapter looks at the extent to which the Salvadorans and Amish settlements have achieved social justice, protection for vulnerable groups, and democratic institutions and processes in their ...
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This chapter looks at the extent to which the Salvadorans and Amish settlements have achieved social justice, protection for vulnerable groups, and democratic institutions and processes in their communities. It analyzes and compares the distinctive contributions of Anabaptist and progressive Catholic theology to these issues. Particular attention is given to the religious dimensions of social movements and other mechanisms for seeking political change, and to the interactions between religious ethics and the actual practices of religious communities.Less
This chapter looks at the extent to which the Salvadorans and Amish settlements have achieved social justice, protection for vulnerable groups, and democratic institutions and processes in their communities. It analyzes and compares the distinctive contributions of Anabaptist and progressive Catholic theology to these issues. Particular attention is given to the religious dimensions of social movements and other mechanisms for seeking political change, and to the interactions between religious ethics and the actual practices of religious communities.
Anna L. Peterson
- Published in print:
- 2005
- Published Online:
- February 2006
- ISBN:
- 9780195183337
- eISBN:
- 9780199784691
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0195183339.003.0006
- Subject:
- Religion, Religion and Society
This chapter reflects on the possibilities for reclaiming and rethinking progressive utopian thought in light of the experiences of both Amish and Salvadoran experiences in creating environmentally ...
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This chapter reflects on the possibilities for reclaiming and rethinking progressive utopian thought in light of the experiences of both Amish and Salvadoran experiences in creating environmentally sustainable and socially just communities. The distinctive contributions of religion to these experiences are explored, as well as the significance of recent changes in the political left, in the nature of progressive social movements, and in religious and cultural life in the Americas.Less
This chapter reflects on the possibilities for reclaiming and rethinking progressive utopian thought in light of the experiences of both Amish and Salvadoran experiences in creating environmentally sustainable and socially just communities. The distinctive contributions of religion to these experiences are explored, as well as the significance of recent changes in the political left, in the nature of progressive social movements, and in religious and cultural life in the Americas.
Zoltan Barany
- Published in print:
- 2012
- Published Online:
- October 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780691137681
- eISBN:
- 9781400845491
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Princeton University Press
- DOI:
- 10.23943/princeton/9780691137681.003.0004
- Subject:
- Political Science, American Politics
This chapter looks at the army building in three very different political environments: the war in Bosnia and Herzegovina, the Lebanese civil war (1975–90), and the civil war in El Salvador ...
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This chapter looks at the army building in three very different political environments: the war in Bosnia and Herzegovina, the Lebanese civil war (1975–90), and the civil war in El Salvador (1979–92). Although the objective in both Bosnia and El Salvador was to develop a democratic army in the wake of the civil war, it has not been achieved fully in either setting. Lebanon is unique not just in the category of post-civil war army building but because it is an outlier in the entire group of twenty-seven cases studied in two important respects. First, in the first fifteen years after the civil war, a foreign army of Syria controlled some of Lebanon's territory and was instrumental in rebuilding the Lebanese Armed Forces (LAF). Second, aside from the state-controlled LAF, another local, contending or complementary and yet legitimate military force has functioned in the country: the militia of Hezbollah, a Shi'a Islamist political and paramilitary organization.Less
This chapter looks at the army building in three very different political environments: the war in Bosnia and Herzegovina, the Lebanese civil war (1975–90), and the civil war in El Salvador (1979–92). Although the objective in both Bosnia and El Salvador was to develop a democratic army in the wake of the civil war, it has not been achieved fully in either setting. Lebanon is unique not just in the category of post-civil war army building but because it is an outlier in the entire group of twenty-seven cases studied in two important respects. First, in the first fifteen years after the civil war, a foreign army of Syria controlled some of Lebanon's territory and was instrumental in rebuilding the Lebanese Armed Forces (LAF). Second, aside from the state-controlled LAF, another local, contending or complementary and yet legitimate military force has functioned in the country: the militia of Hezbollah, a Shi'a Islamist political and paramilitary organization.
Sharon Erickson Nepstad
- Published in print:
- 2004
- Published Online:
- January 2005
- ISBN:
- 9780195169232
- eISBN:
- 9780199835195
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0195169239.003.0002
- Subject:
- Religion, Religion and Society
This chapter discusses the origins of civil wars in Nicaragua, El Salvador, and Guatemala, and U.S. involvement in Central America. The Spanish conquest in the early 16th century established a feudal ...
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This chapter discusses the origins of civil wars in Nicaragua, El Salvador, and Guatemala, and U.S. involvement in Central America. The Spanish conquest in the early 16th century established a feudal economic system that led to widespread inequality, poverty, and conflict between wealthy landowners and the poor masses. These conditions erupted into civil wars in Nicaragua, El Salvador, and Guatemala. The US, fearing the spread of communism, backed a series of military regimes and dictatorships in these countries.Less
This chapter discusses the origins of civil wars in Nicaragua, El Salvador, and Guatemala, and U.S. involvement in Central America. The Spanish conquest in the early 16th century established a feudal economic system that led to widespread inequality, poverty, and conflict between wealthy landowners and the poor masses. These conditions erupted into civil wars in Nicaragua, El Salvador, and Guatemala. The US, fearing the spread of communism, backed a series of military regimes and dictatorships in these countries.
Ricardo Hausmann, Dani Rodrik, and Andrés Velasco
- Published in print:
- 2008
- Published Online:
- May 2008
- ISBN:
- 9780199534081
- eISBN:
- 9780191714658
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199534081.003.0015
- Subject:
- Economics and Finance, Development, Growth, and Environmental
Most well-trained economists would agree that the standard policy reforms included in the ‘Washington Consensus’ have the potential to be growth-promoting. What the experience of the last fifteen ...
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Most well-trained economists would agree that the standard policy reforms included in the ‘Washington Consensus’ have the potential to be growth-promoting. What the experience of the last fifteen years has shown, however, is that the impact of these reforms is heavily dependent on circumstances. This chapter argues that this calls for an approach to reform that is much more contingent on the economic environment. It is possible to develop a unified framework for analyzing and formulating ‘growth strategies’ which is both operational and based on solid economic reasoning. The key step is to develop a better understanding of how the nature of the binding constraints on economic activity differs from setting to setting. This understanding can then be used to derive policy priorities accordingly, in a way that would use the scarce political capital of reformers efficiently. The methodology that it proposed here can be conceptualized as a decision tree. The first questions concern what keeps the level of domestic investment and entrepreneurship low. At each node of the decision tree, the kind of evidence that would help answer the question one way or another is discussed. The chapter draws on the experience of three specific countries: El Salvador, Brazil, and Dominican Republic. Aside from providing a useful manual for policy makers, this approach has the advantage that it is broad enough to embed all existing development strategies as special cases. It can therefore unify the literature and help settle prevailing controversies.Less
Most well-trained economists would agree that the standard policy reforms included in the ‘Washington Consensus’ have the potential to be growth-promoting. What the experience of the last fifteen years has shown, however, is that the impact of these reforms is heavily dependent on circumstances. This chapter argues that this calls for an approach to reform that is much more contingent on the economic environment. It is possible to develop a unified framework for analyzing and formulating ‘growth strategies’ which is both operational and based on solid economic reasoning. The key step is to develop a better understanding of how the nature of the binding constraints on economic activity differs from setting to setting. This understanding can then be used to derive policy priorities accordingly, in a way that would use the scarce political capital of reformers efficiently. The methodology that it proposed here can be conceptualized as a decision tree. The first questions concern what keeps the level of domestic investment and entrepreneurship low. At each node of the decision tree, the kind of evidence that would help answer the question one way or another is discussed. The chapter draws on the experience of three specific countries: El Salvador, Brazil, and Dominican Republic. Aside from providing a useful manual for policy makers, this approach has the advantage that it is broad enough to embed all existing development strategies as special cases. It can therefore unify the literature and help settle prevailing controversies.
Graciana del Castillo
- Published in print:
- 2008
- Published Online:
- January 2009
- ISBN:
- 9780199237739
- eISBN:
- 9780191717239
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199237739.003.0008
- Subject:
- Economics and Finance, Development, Growth, and Environmental, International
In El Salvador, the UN mediated a peace agreement and ONUSAL played a major supporting role in its implementation. An elected government made all executive decisions and set priorities for economic ...
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In El Salvador, the UN mediated a peace agreement and ONUSAL played a major supporting role in its implementation. An elected government made all executive decisions and set priorities for economic reconstruction, in consultation with the FMLN. Many consider El Salvador's war-to-peace transition the most successful in the post-Cold War period, owing to its emphasis on DDR programs and to a clear exit strategy for ONUSAL as the country moved into normal development. This chapter illustrates how a business-as-usual approach by the UN and the IMF led to confrontations as the separate economic and peace processes moved forward and how the FMLN stopped demobilization, blaming the government for delays in the arms-for-land program. The chapter analyzes how public debate led to better coordination and greater fiscal flexibility in the IMF-supported program, avoiding the return to war. The chapter also looks at the UN performance in economic reconstruction and draws lessons.Less
In El Salvador, the UN mediated a peace agreement and ONUSAL played a major supporting role in its implementation. An elected government made all executive decisions and set priorities for economic reconstruction, in consultation with the FMLN. Many consider El Salvador's war-to-peace transition the most successful in the post-Cold War period, owing to its emphasis on DDR programs and to a clear exit strategy for ONUSAL as the country moved into normal development. This chapter illustrates how a business-as-usual approach by the UN and the IMF led to confrontations as the separate economic and peace processes moved forward and how the FMLN stopped demobilization, blaming the government for delays in the arms-for-land program. The chapter analyzes how public debate led to better coordination and greater fiscal flexibility in the IMF-supported program, avoiding the return to war. The chapter also looks at the UN performance in economic reconstruction and draws lessons.
