David B. Audretsch
- Published in print:
- 2007
- Published Online:
- September 2007
- ISBN:
- 9780195183504
- eISBN:
- 9780199783885
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195183504.003.0007
- Subject:
- Economics and Finance, Development, Growth, and Environmental
By penetrating the knowledge filter and trying out ideas that might otherwise never have made it through, entrepreneurship serves as the missing link to innovation and ultimately economic growth and ...
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By penetrating the knowledge filter and trying out ideas that might otherwise never have made it through, entrepreneurship serves as the missing link to innovation and ultimately economic growth and job creation. Entrepreneurship is an important mechanism permeating the knowledge filter to facilitate the spillover of knowledge and ultimately generate economic growth. Entrepreneurship provides the missing link to innovation and growth in virtually every context where people have ideas and starting a new firm is not blocked or impeded. For example, universities can be interpreted as being hotbeads for generating new knowledge and ideas. Entrepreneurship provides the vision to use this knowledge. If there is no vision there is no entrepreneurship. If there is a vision, but no action or activity, there is also no entrepreneurship.Less
By penetrating the knowledge filter and trying out ideas that might otherwise never have made it through, entrepreneurship serves as the missing link to innovation and ultimately economic growth and job creation. Entrepreneurship is an important mechanism permeating the knowledge filter to facilitate the spillover of knowledge and ultimately generate economic growth. Entrepreneurship provides the missing link to innovation and growth in virtually every context where people have ideas and starting a new firm is not blocked or impeded. For example, universities can be interpreted as being hotbeads for generating new knowledge and ideas. Entrepreneurship provides the vision to use this knowledge. If there is no vision there is no entrepreneurship. If there is a vision, but no action or activity, there is also no entrepreneurship.
Jenny Andersson
- Published in print:
- 2006
- Published Online:
- July 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780719074394
- eISBN:
- 9781781701270
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Manchester University Press
- DOI:
- 10.7228/manchester/9780719074394.001.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, European Union
Social policy is not a cost, but a productive investment, wrote the Swedish social democratic economist Gunnar Myrdal in 1932, the year the Swedish social democrats (SAP) gained electoral power. This ...
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Social policy is not a cost, but a productive investment, wrote the Swedish social democratic economist Gunnar Myrdal in 1932, the year the Swedish social democrats (SAP) gained electoral power. This notion of social policy as a productive investment and a prerequisite for economic growth became a core feature in the ideology of Swedish social democracy, and a central component of the universalism of the Swedish welfare state. However, as the SAP embarked on its Third Way in 1981, this outlook on social policy as a productive investment was replaced by the identification of social policy as a cost and a burden for growth. This book discusses the components of this ideological turnaround from Swedish social democracy's post war notion of a strong society, to its notion of a Third Way in the early 1980s. It contributes to the history of Swedish social democracy and recent developments in the Swedish welfare state, and also sheds light on contemporary social policy debates.Less
Social policy is not a cost, but a productive investment, wrote the Swedish social democratic economist Gunnar Myrdal in 1932, the year the Swedish social democrats (SAP) gained electoral power. This notion of social policy as a productive investment and a prerequisite for economic growth became a core feature in the ideology of Swedish social democracy, and a central component of the universalism of the Swedish welfare state. However, as the SAP embarked on its Third Way in 1981, this outlook on social policy as a productive investment was replaced by the identification of social policy as a cost and a burden for growth. This book discusses the components of this ideological turnaround from Swedish social democracy's post war notion of a strong society, to its notion of a Third Way in the early 1980s. It contributes to the history of Swedish social democracy and recent developments in the Swedish welfare state, and also sheds light on contemporary social policy debates.
Simon Head
- Published in print:
- 2005
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780195179835
- eISBN:
- 9780199850211
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195179835.003.0009
- Subject:
- Economics and Finance, Behavioural Economics
This chapter examines the role of enterprise resource planning (ERP) in industrial management in the U.S. in the new economy. ERP grew out of the reengineering of the early 1990s, taking the single ...
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This chapter examines the role of enterprise resource planning (ERP) in industrial management in the U.S. in the new economy. ERP grew out of the reengineering of the early 1990s, taking the single business processes that were the concern of reengineers. The most well-known maker of ERP software was SAP whose products comprised three chief elements which include logistics, financials and human resources. Since the mid-1990s ERP has been the driving force in the reshaping of American business, particularly in service industries.Less
This chapter examines the role of enterprise resource planning (ERP) in industrial management in the U.S. in the new economy. ERP grew out of the reengineering of the early 1990s, taking the single business processes that were the concern of reengineers. The most well-known maker of ERP software was SAP whose products comprised three chief elements which include logistics, financials and human resources. Since the mid-1990s ERP has been the driving force in the reshaping of American business, particularly in service industries.
Benjamin Ginsberg
- Published in print:
- 2011
- Published Online:
- November 2020
- ISBN:
- 9780199782444
- eISBN:
- 9780197563151
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/oso/9780199782444.003.0006
- Subject:
- Education, Higher and Further Education
When they are not meeting, retreating, fund-raising, and planning, administrators claim to be managing the fiscal and other operational business of the university. And ...
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When they are not meeting, retreating, fund-raising, and planning, administrators claim to be managing the fiscal and other operational business of the university. And to bolster their claims of specialized managerial competence, an increasing number of university administrators have gone so far as to add MBA degrees to their dossiers. Some have actually attended business school, while others, as you may recall from chapter 1, simply added MBA degrees to their dossiers. In point of fact, whether or not they hold MBAs, many deanlets’ managerial savvy consists mainly of having the capacity to spout last year’s management buzz words during meetings, retreats, and planning exercises. I often ask for clarifications when I hear a deanlet using such acronyms as SWOT, ECM, TQM, or MBO, the term “benchmarking,” or the ubiquitous “best practices.” Of course, ambitious administrators hope that by demonstrating their familiarity with the latest managerial fads and buzz words they will persuade recruiters and search committees from other universities that they are just the sort of “visionary” academic leaders those schools need. Since the corporate headhunters that control the recruitment of senior administrators generally know next to nothing about academic life and little about the universities they nominally represent, this strategy is often successful. And, why not? In the all administrative university it is entirely appropriate that mastery of managerial psychobabble should pass for academic vision. There are many reasons why the affairs of the university should not be controlled by members of the administrative stratum. Some of these reasons are academic, that is, related to the substance of the university’s core teaching and research missions. We shall turn to these in the next chapter. The other reasons to be concerned about the growing power of administrators and managers within the university are essentially managerial. The university’s organizational and institutional interests are not well served by the expanded role of its management cadre. Indeed, the growing power of management and the decline of the faculty’s role in governance has exposed the university to such classic bureaucratic pathologies as shirking, squandering, and stealing.
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When they are not meeting, retreating, fund-raising, and planning, administrators claim to be managing the fiscal and other operational business of the university. And to bolster their claims of specialized managerial competence, an increasing number of university administrators have gone so far as to add MBA degrees to their dossiers. Some have actually attended business school, while others, as you may recall from chapter 1, simply added MBA degrees to their dossiers. In point of fact, whether or not they hold MBAs, many deanlets’ managerial savvy consists mainly of having the capacity to spout last year’s management buzz words during meetings, retreats, and planning exercises. I often ask for clarifications when I hear a deanlet using such acronyms as SWOT, ECM, TQM, or MBO, the term “benchmarking,” or the ubiquitous “best practices.” Of course, ambitious administrators hope that by demonstrating their familiarity with the latest managerial fads and buzz words they will persuade recruiters and search committees from other universities that they are just the sort of “visionary” academic leaders those schools need. Since the corporate headhunters that control the recruitment of senior administrators generally know next to nothing about academic life and little about the universities they nominally represent, this strategy is often successful. And, why not? In the all administrative university it is entirely appropriate that mastery of managerial psychobabble should pass for academic vision. There are many reasons why the affairs of the university should not be controlled by members of the administrative stratum. Some of these reasons are academic, that is, related to the substance of the university’s core teaching and research missions. We shall turn to these in the next chapter. The other reasons to be concerned about the growing power of administrators and managers within the university are essentially managerial. The university’s organizational and institutional interests are not well served by the expanded role of its management cadre. Indeed, the growing power of management and the decline of the faculty’s role in governance has exposed the university to such classic bureaucratic pathologies as shirking, squandering, and stealing.
Jenny Andersson
- Published in print:
- 2006
- Published Online:
- July 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780719074394
- eISBN:
- 9781781701270
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Manchester University Press
- DOI:
- 10.7228/manchester/9780719074394.003.0004
- Subject:
- Political Science, European Union
This chapter deals with the period spanning the late 1960s and early 1970s as a period of critique in which the relationship between social reality and social democratic ideology was fundamentally ...
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This chapter deals with the period spanning the late 1960s and early 1970s as a period of critique in which the relationship between social reality and social democratic ideology was fundamentally questioned. This debate of the late 1960s was a major break with the relative consensus around social policy in the late 1950s and early 1960s, and social policy, particularly the policies directed at groups within social welfare and social services, became a core ideological issue for the Swedish Social Democratic party (SAP).Less
This chapter deals with the period spanning the late 1960s and early 1970s as a period of critique in which the relationship between social reality and social democratic ideology was fundamentally questioned. This debate of the late 1960s was a major break with the relative consensus around social policy in the late 1950s and early 1960s, and social policy, particularly the policies directed at groups within social welfare and social services, became a core ideological issue for the Swedish Social Democratic party (SAP).
Jenny Andersson
- Published in print:
- 2006
- Published Online:
- July 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780719074394
- eISBN:
- 9781781701270
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Manchester University Press
- DOI:
- 10.7228/manchester/9780719074394.003.0005
- Subject:
- Political Science, European Union
This chapter discusses the changes in the 1970s as a gradual emergence of a new ideology in reaction to the critique of the late 1960s. This can be discussed in terms of an ideological crisis of ...
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This chapter discusses the changes in the 1970s as a gradual emergence of a new ideology in reaction to the critique of the late 1960s. This can be discussed in terms of an ideological crisis of social democracy. This crisis was directly related to the changed standing of the concept of growth in social democratic ideology. The rearticulation of growth from a solution to social problems to being the problem itself created profound tensions in the strong society's worldview. Chapter 3 discussed social democracy's initial reaction to the critique of the late 1960s, which was to retain and defend the strong society's framings and particularly the standing of growth in party ideology. But in the transition between the 1960s and 1970s, a gradual process began where the Swedish Social Democratic party's (SAP) defensive position and ambivalent reactions to the critique were replaced by ideological rearticulation and eventually with a break with the strong society's framings. In this process, the SAP incorporated the metaphors and definitions of the problem of social exclusion that had been put forward in critiques of party ideology in the late 1960s.Less
This chapter discusses the changes in the 1970s as a gradual emergence of a new ideology in reaction to the critique of the late 1960s. This can be discussed in terms of an ideological crisis of social democracy. This crisis was directly related to the changed standing of the concept of growth in social democratic ideology. The rearticulation of growth from a solution to social problems to being the problem itself created profound tensions in the strong society's worldview. Chapter 3 discussed social democracy's initial reaction to the critique of the late 1960s, which was to retain and defend the strong society's framings and particularly the standing of growth in party ideology. But in the transition between the 1960s and 1970s, a gradual process began where the Swedish Social Democratic party's (SAP) defensive position and ambivalent reactions to the critique were replaced by ideological rearticulation and eventually with a break with the strong society's framings. In this process, the SAP incorporated the metaphors and definitions of the problem of social exclusion that had been put forward in critiques of party ideology in the late 1960s.
Jenny Andersson
- Published in print:
- 2006
- Published Online:
- July 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780719074394
- eISBN:
- 9781781701270
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Manchester University Press
- DOI:
- 10.7228/manchester/9780719074394.003.0105
- Subject:
- Political Science, European Union
This chapter considers changes in the discourse surrounding social policy in the 1970s. Beneath the grandeur of the Swedish Social Democratic party's (SAP) discussion of individual welfare and ...
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This chapter considers changes in the discourse surrounding social policy in the 1970s. Beneath the grandeur of the Swedish Social Democratic party's (SAP) discussion of individual welfare and security as the guiding stars of the Labour movement's 1970s policies and the expansion of social rights that this meant in a wide range of areas, it is possible to see a gradually emerging language around welfare reform that was distinct from the SAP's historic articulations. This language focused on the separation between productive and non-productive elements in the economy. Where 1930s discourse emphasised the links between the activities for the reproduction of labour taking place in the public sector and production in industry, 1970s economic discourse gave a clear priority to the latter. The public sector was consumption, not production, and in a world of shrinking resources, production had to come first. This same dichotomy was applied to the social sphere. Where the functional socialism of the 1930s set in place a worldview that stressed the interdependencies between work and need over the life cycle, the social democratic ideology 1970s of the spoke of the productive and the unproductive as two fundamentally different groups in society, where one was a burden on the other. The notion of ‘cost’ came to incorporate a significant opening in this process of rearticulation. The formulation of ‘cost’ in the late 1960s as the social cost for growth and production, was replaced in the course of the 1970s by a notion of ‘cost’ that identified the costs of social policy as costs that must be paid for with more production and growth.Less
This chapter considers changes in the discourse surrounding social policy in the 1970s. Beneath the grandeur of the Swedish Social Democratic party's (SAP) discussion of individual welfare and security as the guiding stars of the Labour movement's 1970s policies and the expansion of social rights that this meant in a wide range of areas, it is possible to see a gradually emerging language around welfare reform that was distinct from the SAP's historic articulations. This language focused on the separation between productive and non-productive elements in the economy. Where 1930s discourse emphasised the links between the activities for the reproduction of labour taking place in the public sector and production in industry, 1970s economic discourse gave a clear priority to the latter. The public sector was consumption, not production, and in a world of shrinking resources, production had to come first. This same dichotomy was applied to the social sphere. Where the functional socialism of the 1930s set in place a worldview that stressed the interdependencies between work and need over the life cycle, the social democratic ideology 1970s of the spoke of the productive and the unproductive as two fundamentally different groups in society, where one was a burden on the other. The notion of ‘cost’ came to incorporate a significant opening in this process of rearticulation. The formulation of ‘cost’ in the late 1960s as the social cost for growth and production, was replaced in the course of the 1970s by a notion of ‘cost’ that identified the costs of social policy as costs that must be paid for with more production and growth.
Carly Elizabeth Schall
- Published in print:
- 2016
- Published Online:
- August 2016
- ISBN:
- 9780801456671
- eISBN:
- 9781501704093
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Cornell University Press
- DOI:
- 10.7591/cornell/9780801456671.003.0002
- Subject:
- History, European Modern History
This chapter focuses on the process by which Sweden's Social Democratic Party (Socialdemokratiska Arbetarpartiet, or SAP) became a national party, and how it began to position itself as the architect ...
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This chapter focuses on the process by which Sweden's Social Democratic Party (Socialdemokratiska Arbetarpartiet, or SAP) became a national party, and how it began to position itself as the architect of the welfare state. SAP drew on ethnic, civic, and mixed ethnic-civic definitions of the Swedish nation, which represented a strategy to solve a potential crisis for the Social Democrats in a context where they were balancing national and class interests. The party aimed to establish the Swedishness of the nation on partially ethnic grounds, but this strategy turned out to be expansive as a context where ethnicity is more—not less—inclusive than class categories. The party achieved success by providing a set of highly resonant conceptions of the nation, but these were conceptions that privileged SAP and their ideas about the social system.Less
This chapter focuses on the process by which Sweden's Social Democratic Party (Socialdemokratiska Arbetarpartiet, or SAP) became a national party, and how it began to position itself as the architect of the welfare state. SAP drew on ethnic, civic, and mixed ethnic-civic definitions of the Swedish nation, which represented a strategy to solve a potential crisis for the Social Democrats in a context where they were balancing national and class interests. The party aimed to establish the Swedishness of the nation on partially ethnic grounds, but this strategy turned out to be expansive as a context where ethnicity is more—not less—inclusive than class categories. The party achieved success by providing a set of highly resonant conceptions of the nation, but these were conceptions that privileged SAP and their ideas about the social system.
Caleb Stroup and Ben Zissimos
- Published in print:
- 2014
- Published Online:
- September 2014
- ISBN:
- 9780262026895
- eISBN:
- 9780262321976
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- The MIT Press
- DOI:
- 10.7551/mitpress/9780262026895.003.0009
- Subject:
- Economics and Finance, Economic Systems
This chapter examines the relationship between the imposition of the International Monetary Fund’s Structural Adjustment Programs (SAPs) and the occurrence of social unrest, and identifies a ...
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This chapter examines the relationship between the imposition of the International Monetary Fund’s Structural Adjustment Programs (SAPs) and the occurrence of social unrest, and identifies a well-defined set of circumstances under which the imposition of an SAP can be expected to lead to social unrest and find support for this in the data. It suggests that if a country has an SAP, it will tend to experience social unrest if it has a comparative advantage in primary products and at the same time undergoes deeper (i.e., greater/increased) trade integration.Less
This chapter examines the relationship between the imposition of the International Monetary Fund’s Structural Adjustment Programs (SAPs) and the occurrence of social unrest, and identifies a well-defined set of circumstances under which the imposition of an SAP can be expected to lead to social unrest and find support for this in the data. It suggests that if a country has an SAP, it will tend to experience social unrest if it has a comparative advantage in primary products and at the same time undergoes deeper (i.e., greater/increased) trade integration.
Jenny Jansson
- Published in print:
- 2017
- Published Online:
- March 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780198790471
- eISBN:
- 9780191831751
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198790471.003.0011
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics
The relationship between the Swedish Social Democrats (SAP) and Trade Union Confederation (LO) served as a prototype of a successful historical cooperation between parties and unions. This chapter ...
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The relationship between the Swedish Social Democrats (SAP) and Trade Union Confederation (LO) served as a prototype of a successful historical cooperation between parties and unions. This chapter demonstrates that although Sweden has undergone several economic, social, and political changes since the 1970s, the links between the party and the confederation are still multifarious: there are still personnel overlaps between LO and SAP, and LO still holds representation in the party’s board and executive committee. The support from LO, in terms of financial resources and manpower during election campaigns, is very important for SAP. One important party–union link has disappeared during the past thirty years, namely collective affiliation. In spite of this change, the relationship between SAP and LO appears to be vital.Less
The relationship between the Swedish Social Democrats (SAP) and Trade Union Confederation (LO) served as a prototype of a successful historical cooperation between parties and unions. This chapter demonstrates that although Sweden has undergone several economic, social, and political changes since the 1970s, the links between the party and the confederation are still multifarious: there are still personnel overlaps between LO and SAP, and LO still holds representation in the party’s board and executive committee. The support from LO, in terms of financial resources and manpower during election campaigns, is very important for SAP. One important party–union link has disappeared during the past thirty years, namely collective affiliation. In spite of this change, the relationship between SAP and LO appears to be vital.