Alastair Bellany and Thomas Cogswell
- Published in print:
- 2015
- Published Online:
- May 2016
- ISBN:
- 9780300214963
- eISBN:
- 9780300217827
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Yale University Press
- DOI:
- 10.12987/yale/9780300214963.003.0029
- Subject:
- History, British and Irish Early Modern History
This chapter examines publications in the early 1650s about James I's murder. Official newsbooks mined early Stuart scandals to ward off the threat of resurgent Royalism, while other publications ...
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This chapter examines publications in the early 1650s about James I's murder. Official newsbooks mined early Stuart scandals to ward off the threat of resurgent Royalism, while other publications opened Whitehall's ‘closets’ and ‘cabinets’ to expose the ‘mysteries of state and government’ to public scrutiny. Histories became a common genre and all were deeply partisan retellings of early Stuart history designed to speak to present concerns. Eglisham's secret history was transformed by revolutionaries into a providentialist account of the fall of the Stuart dynasty, an account that equated monarchy with tyranny and debauchery; justified resistance, regicide, and republican revolution; and helped sustain the military struggle to save that revolution from its monarchical enemies.Less
This chapter examines publications in the early 1650s about James I's murder. Official newsbooks mined early Stuart scandals to ward off the threat of resurgent Royalism, while other publications opened Whitehall's ‘closets’ and ‘cabinets’ to expose the ‘mysteries of state and government’ to public scrutiny. Histories became a common genre and all were deeply partisan retellings of early Stuart history designed to speak to present concerns. Eglisham's secret history was transformed by revolutionaries into a providentialist account of the fall of the Stuart dynasty, an account that equated monarchy with tyranny and debauchery; justified resistance, regicide, and republican revolution; and helped sustain the military struggle to save that revolution from its monarchical enemies.
Noel Malcolm
- Published in print:
- 2002
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780199247141
- eISBN:
- 9780191597992
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199247145.003.0008
- Subject:
- Philosophy, History of Philosophy
Discusses the translation of Hobbes's De cive, which was published in England in 1651 under the title Philosophicall Rudiments. A few surviving copies include a dedicatory epistle (addressed to Lady ...
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Discusses the translation of Hobbes's De cive, which was published in England in 1651 under the title Philosophicall Rudiments. A few surviving copies include a dedicatory epistle (addressed to Lady Fane) by the translator, signed 'C. C.' In this essay, evidence is presented for identifying this translator with the young poet Charles Cotton. His indirect connections with both Hobbes and Lady Fane are explored, and attention is paid to the way in which Hobbes's text was assimilated (by Cotton and his publisher) to a moral and political position that combined quasi-Stoic moralism with fervent Royalism.Less
Discusses the translation of Hobbes's De cive, which was published in England in 1651 under the title Philosophicall Rudiments. A few surviving copies include a dedicatory epistle (addressed to Lady Fane) by the translator, signed 'C. C.' In this essay, evidence is presented for identifying this translator with the young poet Charles Cotton. His indirect connections with both Hobbes and Lady Fane are explored, and attention is paid to the way in which Hobbes's text was assimilated (by Cotton and his publisher) to a moral and political position that combined quasi-Stoic moralism with fervent Royalism.
Kevin Passmore
- Published in print:
- 2012
- Published Online:
- January 2013
- ISBN:
- 9780199658206
- eISBN:
- 9780191745034
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199658206.003.0002
- Subject:
- History, European Modern History, Political History
In the National Assembly of 1871–1875, conservatives hesitated between restoration of the monarchy and support for an authoritarian non-monarchical regime. The ‘Moral Order’ government of 1873 failed ...
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In the National Assembly of 1871–1875, conservatives hesitated between restoration of the monarchy and support for an authoritarian non-monarchical regime. The ‘Moral Order’ government of 1873 failed to restore the monarchy; then moderate monarchists helped established a conservative Republic. Both options were designed to preserve the leadership of the ‘elite’, but conservative factions understood the nature of the ruling class and its relationship to the ‘people’ differently. The conflict between the bourgeoisie and aristocracy still mattered, although understood as much culturally as sociologically.rleanists and moderate Legitimists envisaged elite rule through parliament, and distrusted all forms of populism. Ultra Legitimists mobilized Catholic women and men through pilgrimages. Bonapartists mobilized the anti-urban populism of the peasantry. Ultimately, some constitutional monarchists came to feel that the conservative Republic was the best antidote to the popular politics of both the Left and Extreme Right.Less
In the National Assembly of 1871–1875, conservatives hesitated between restoration of the monarchy and support for an authoritarian non-monarchical regime. The ‘Moral Order’ government of 1873 failed to restore the monarchy; then moderate monarchists helped established a conservative Republic. Both options were designed to preserve the leadership of the ‘elite’, but conservative factions understood the nature of the ruling class and its relationship to the ‘people’ differently. The conflict between the bourgeoisie and aristocracy still mattered, although understood as much culturally as sociologically.rleanists and moderate Legitimists envisaged elite rule through parliament, and distrusted all forms of populism. Ultra Legitimists mobilized Catholic women and men through pilgrimages. Bonapartists mobilized the anti-urban populism of the peasantry. Ultimately, some constitutional monarchists came to feel that the conservative Republic was the best antidote to the popular politics of both the Left and Extreme Right.
Kevin Passmore
- Published in print:
- 2012
- Published Online:
- January 2013
- ISBN:
- 9780199658206
- eISBN:
- 9780191745034
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199658206.003.0003
- Subject:
- History, European Modern History, Political History
Monarchists soon regretted having helped establish the Republic, for it quickly set about removing them from positions of power. In the 1885 election, they set aside dynastic differences and embraced ...
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Monarchists soon regretted having helped establish the Republic, for it quickly set about removing them from positions of power. In the 1885 election, they set aside dynastic differences and embraced ‘conservatisme’, which was based on the premise that since the masses were fundamentally conservative and materialist, monarchists must demonstrate that they alone could defend order. Although conservatisme brought relative electoral success, monarchists feared that it would turn them into constitutional conservatives, and so they were open to Boulanger's secret offer to restore the monarchy.Monarchist and radical republican supporters of Boulanger found common ground in opposition to parliamentarianism. Furthermore, rank-and-file monarchist discontent with parliamentarianism helped push monarchist leaders into Boulangism. Monarchists and radicals met in the developing culture of commercialized leisure and in the evolving debate concerning citizenship and immigration. Boulangism permanently radicalized some monarchists and Catholics, and contributed to the emergence of Nationalism in the 1890s.Less
Monarchists soon regretted having helped establish the Republic, for it quickly set about removing them from positions of power. In the 1885 election, they set aside dynastic differences and embraced ‘conservatisme’, which was based on the premise that since the masses were fundamentally conservative and materialist, monarchists must demonstrate that they alone could defend order. Although conservatisme brought relative electoral success, monarchists feared that it would turn them into constitutional conservatives, and so they were open to Boulanger's secret offer to restore the monarchy.Monarchist and radical republican supporters of Boulanger found common ground in opposition to parliamentarianism. Furthermore, rank-and-file monarchist discontent with parliamentarianism helped push monarchist leaders into Boulangism. Monarchists and radicals met in the developing culture of commercialized leisure and in the evolving debate concerning citizenship and immigration. Boulangism permanently radicalized some monarchists and Catholics, and contributed to the emergence of Nationalism in the 1890s.
Kevin Passmore
- Published in print:
- 2012
- Published Online:
- January 2013
- ISBN:
- 9780199658206
- eISBN:
- 9780191745034
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199658206.003.0004
- Subject:
- History, European Modern History, Political History
The failure of Boulangism, coupled with fear of socialism and radical republicanism, persuaded the Pope to order monarchists to defend property and religion within the Republic. Monarchists who had ...
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The failure of Boulangism, coupled with fear of socialism and radical republicanism, persuaded the Pope to order monarchists to defend property and religion within the Republic. Monarchists who had ‘rallied’ to the Republic increasingly cooperated with conservative republicans, especially under the leadership of Jules Méline, with whom they shared elitism, parliamentarianism, and an interest in organicist social and political science, notably crowd psychology. Yet tensions concerning the very nature of the social order that was to be defended undermined this alliance, which anyway barely extended into the country. Moreover, the Pope's simultaneous endorsement of democracy and Social Catholicism provoked the emergence of Christian Democracy, which combined social radicalism with militant religiosity. Christian Democrats attacked moderate republicans and Ralliés for social conservatism and for their weak defence of Catholic interests. Increasingly, Christian democrats and monarchists used anti-Semitism to attack the Republic, thus provoking the Dreyfus Affair.Less
The failure of Boulangism, coupled with fear of socialism and radical republicanism, persuaded the Pope to order monarchists to defend property and religion within the Republic. Monarchists who had ‘rallied’ to the Republic increasingly cooperated with conservative republicans, especially under the leadership of Jules Méline, with whom they shared elitism, parliamentarianism, and an interest in organicist social and political science, notably crowd psychology. Yet tensions concerning the very nature of the social order that was to be defended undermined this alliance, which anyway barely extended into the country. Moreover, the Pope's simultaneous endorsement of democracy and Social Catholicism provoked the emergence of Christian Democracy, which combined social radicalism with militant religiosity. Christian Democrats attacked moderate republicans and Ralliés for social conservatism and for their weak defence of Catholic interests. Increasingly, Christian democrats and monarchists used anti-Semitism to attack the Republic, thus provoking the Dreyfus Affair.
Mark Stoyle
- Published in print:
- 2011
- Published Online:
- January 2014
- ISBN:
- 9780859898591
- eISBN:
- 9781781384978
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Liverpool University Press
- DOI:
- 10.5949/liverpool/9780859898591.001.0001
- Subject:
- History, British and Irish Early Modern History
One of the more bizarre consequences of the English Civil War of 1642-46 was the elevation to celebrity status of a ‘dog-witch’ named Boy. The loyal companion of King Charles I's nephew, Prince ...
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One of the more bizarre consequences of the English Civil War of 1642-46 was the elevation to celebrity status of a ‘dog-witch’ named Boy. The loyal companion of King Charles I's nephew, Prince Rupert of the Rhine, Boy, like his master, was held to possess supernatural powers and was frequently portrayed in the popular literature of the day as a ‘devil’, as a witch or as a witch's familiar spirit. Some measure of the interest which Boy aroused among contemporaries may be gleaned from the fact that no fewer than five separate images of him were produced for public consumption between 1643 and 1644. Many previous scholars have remarked upon the fantastical rumours which circulated about Prince Rupert and his dog, but no one has ever investigated the origins of these rumours or explored how the supernatural elements of the prince's public image developed over time. This book sets out to uncover the true story of Boy – and in the process to shed new light on the fascinating series of collisions and interactions which took place between traditional witch-belief and Royalist and Parliamentarian polemic during the troubled 1640s. [190 words]Less
One of the more bizarre consequences of the English Civil War of 1642-46 was the elevation to celebrity status of a ‘dog-witch’ named Boy. The loyal companion of King Charles I's nephew, Prince Rupert of the Rhine, Boy, like his master, was held to possess supernatural powers and was frequently portrayed in the popular literature of the day as a ‘devil’, as a witch or as a witch's familiar spirit. Some measure of the interest which Boy aroused among contemporaries may be gleaned from the fact that no fewer than five separate images of him were produced for public consumption between 1643 and 1644. Many previous scholars have remarked upon the fantastical rumours which circulated about Prince Rupert and his dog, but no one has ever investigated the origins of these rumours or explored how the supernatural elements of the prince's public image developed over time. This book sets out to uncover the true story of Boy – and in the process to shed new light on the fascinating series of collisions and interactions which took place between traditional witch-belief and Royalist and Parliamentarian polemic during the troubled 1640s. [190 words]
Anthony Milton
- Published in print:
- 2013
- Published Online:
- May 2013
- ISBN:
- 9780719086984
- eISBN:
- 9781781704981
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Manchester University Press
- DOI:
- 10.7228/manchester/9780719086984.003.0008
- Subject:
- History, British and Irish Early Modern History
This article examines the ideas of religious toleration that can be found in royalist proposals in both England and Ireland in the 1640s, and the manner in which bishops and chaplains were forced ...
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This article examines the ideas of religious toleration that can be found in royalist proposals in both England and Ireland in the 1640s, and the manner in which bishops and chaplains were forced into often uncomfortable contemplation of its implications. While practical issues relating to external jurisdiction had posed significant problems in the Irish debates, English discussions at times seemed to leave a theoretical door open for the existence of multiple self-governing religious groups, although the precise degree to which they could exercise jurisdiction over themselves was not entirely clear. It is perhaps not surprising that in both England and Ireland Charles and his clerical advisors were often not particularly averse to granting a degree of formal religious toleration to alternative religious groups. For royalist clergy in particular, such grants of toleration constituted a far more tempting alternative than having to accept the radical reform of the established church on Presbyterian lines.Less
This article examines the ideas of religious toleration that can be found in royalist proposals in both England and Ireland in the 1640s, and the manner in which bishops and chaplains were forced into often uncomfortable contemplation of its implications. While practical issues relating to external jurisdiction had posed significant problems in the Irish debates, English discussions at times seemed to leave a theoretical door open for the existence of multiple self-governing religious groups, although the precise degree to which they could exercise jurisdiction over themselves was not entirely clear. It is perhaps not surprising that in both England and Ireland Charles and his clerical advisors were often not particularly averse to granting a degree of formal religious toleration to alternative religious groups. For royalist clergy in particular, such grants of toleration constituted a far more tempting alternative than having to accept the radical reform of the established church on Presbyterian lines.
