Roderick Martin
- Published in print:
- 1999
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780198775690
- eISBN:
- 9780191695377
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198775690.001.0001
- Subject:
- Business and Management, International Business, Political Economy
This book analyses changes in enterprises in seven European countries since 1989 — Bulgaria, the Czech Republic, Hungary, Poland, Romania, Russia, and Slovakia. Economic trends have differed vastly ...
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This book analyses changes in enterprises in seven European countries since 1989 — Bulgaria, the Czech Republic, Hungary, Poland, Romania, Russia, and Slovakia. Economic trends have differed vastly between these countries, but nevertheless, there are common objectives, common problems, and significant similarities in developments. This book shows the continuities, as well as the discontinuities, between the Socialist and post-Socialist periods. It argues that Central and Eastern European countries are developing a distinctive, hybrid form of post-Socialist economic system, largely dominated by enterprise managers in alliance with state administration DS politicized managerial capitalism. Privatization has not transformed management practices, but competition has.Less
This book analyses changes in enterprises in seven European countries since 1989 — Bulgaria, the Czech Republic, Hungary, Poland, Romania, Russia, and Slovakia. Economic trends have differed vastly between these countries, but nevertheless, there are common objectives, common problems, and significant similarities in developments. This book shows the continuities, as well as the discontinuities, between the Socialist and post-Socialist periods. It argues that Central and Eastern European countries are developing a distinctive, hybrid form of post-Socialist economic system, largely dominated by enterprise managers in alliance with state administration DS politicized managerial capitalism. Privatization has not transformed management practices, but competition has.
Keith Hitchins
- Published in print:
- 1996
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780198205913
- eISBN:
- 9780191676857
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198205913.003.0001
- Subject:
- History, European Modern History
This introductory chapter discusses the Romanians and the history of Romania during the 18th century. Although this period was not marked by any epic battles or sudden breaks with the past, it still ...
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This introductory chapter discusses the Romanians and the history of Romania during the 18th century. Although this period was not marked by any epic battles or sudden breaks with the past, it still marked the arrival of fundamental changes in the international status and the internal political and social structure of the principalities of Moldavia and Wallachia.Less
This introductory chapter discusses the Romanians and the history of Romania during the 18th century. Although this period was not marked by any epic battles or sudden breaks with the past, it still marked the arrival of fundamental changes in the international status and the internal political and social structure of the principalities of Moldavia and Wallachia.
Milada Anna Vachudova
- Published in print:
- 2005
- Published Online:
- April 2005
- ISBN:
- 9780199241194
- eISBN:
- 9780191602382
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199241198.001.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, European Union
The quality of political competition at the moment of transition explains the divergence in the domestic trajectories of East European states, steering Poland, Hungary, and the Czech Republic towards ...
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The quality of political competition at the moment of transition explains the divergence in the domestic trajectories of East European states, steering Poland, Hungary, and the Czech Republic towards liberal democracy, and Romania, Bulgaria and Slovakia towards illiberal democracy after 1989. From 1989 to 1994, the European Union (EU) exerted only passive leverage on its democratizing neighbours, reinforcing liberal strategies of reform but failing to avert illiberal ones. After 1995, the EU exerted active leverage on the domestic politics of credible future members through the enlargement process. The benefits and requirements of EU membership, combined with the structure of the EU’s pre-accession process, interacted with domestic factors to improve the quality of political competition and to accelerate political and economic reforms in candidate states. The enlargement of the EU has thus promoted a convergence towards liberal democracy across the region. I unpack the consequences of the pre-accession process for the quality of democracy in the new members, the dynamics of the negotiations between the old members and the candidates, and the impact of the 2004 enlargement on the future of European integration. I conclude by exploring the usefulness of the EU’s active leverage in promoting liberal democracy in other prospective members such as Turkey and the states of the Western Balkans, and the trade-offs of further enlargements for the EU itself. The most successful tool of EU foreign policy has turned out to be EU enlargement—and this book helps us understand why and how it works.Less
The quality of political competition at the moment of transition explains the divergence in the domestic trajectories of East European states, steering Poland, Hungary, and the Czech Republic towards liberal democracy, and Romania, Bulgaria and Slovakia towards illiberal democracy after 1989. From 1989 to 1994, the European Union (EU) exerted only passive leverage on its democratizing neighbours, reinforcing liberal strategies of reform but failing to avert illiberal ones. After 1995, the EU exerted active leverage on the domestic politics of credible future members through the enlargement process. The benefits and requirements of EU membership, combined with the structure of the EU’s pre-accession process, interacted with domestic factors to improve the quality of political competition and to accelerate political and economic reforms in candidate states. The enlargement of the EU has thus promoted a convergence towards liberal democracy across the region. I unpack the consequences of the pre-accession process for the quality of democracy in the new members, the dynamics of the negotiations between the old members and the candidates, and the impact of the 2004 enlargement on the future of European integration. I conclude by exploring the usefulness of the EU’s active leverage in promoting liberal democracy in other prospective members such as Turkey and the states of the Western Balkans, and the trade-offs of further enlargements for the EU itself. The most successful tool of EU foreign policy has turned out to be EU enlargement—and this book helps us understand why and how it works.
Michael Bruno
- Published in print:
- 1993
- Published Online:
- September 2006
- ISBN:
- 9780198286639
- eISBN:
- 9780191603839
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0198286635.003.0007
- Subject:
- Economics and Finance, Macro- and Monetary Economics
This chapter considers the most recent stabilization and reform experience in six Eastern European countries, starting with the earlier Yugoslav and Polish shock programmes of 1990 and followed by ...
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This chapter considers the most recent stabilization and reform experience in six Eastern European countries, starting with the earlier Yugoslav and Polish shock programmes of 1990 and followed by Czechoslovakia, Bulgaria, and Romania in 1991. Hungary, which had a much longer and earlier reform experience, also carried out a successful and more conventional stabilization programme in 1991. The analysis of the dramatic developments in Eastern Europe focuses on the underlying similarities of the macro-economics of stabilization across countries and regions, and attempts to isolate the particular problems that are common to Eastern and Central Europe but substantially different from the earlier experience elsewhere.Less
This chapter considers the most recent stabilization and reform experience in six Eastern European countries, starting with the earlier Yugoslav and Polish shock programmes of 1990 and followed by Czechoslovakia, Bulgaria, and Romania in 1991. Hungary, which had a much longer and earlier reform experience, also carried out a successful and more conventional stabilization programme in 1991. The analysis of the dramatic developments in Eastern Europe focuses on the underlying similarities of the macro-economics of stabilization across countries and regions, and attempts to isolate the particular problems that are common to Eastern and Central Europe but substantially different from the earlier experience elsewhere.
Robert Elgie (ed.)
- Published in print:
- 1999
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780198293866
- eISBN:
- 9780191599156
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0198293860.001.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics
Semi‐presidentialism is an increasingly popular form of constitutional government. Semi‐presidential regimes can now be found in Western Europe, in Austria, Finland, France, Iceland, Ireland, and ...
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Semi‐presidentialism is an increasingly popular form of constitutional government. Semi‐presidential regimes can now be found in Western Europe, in Austria, Finland, France, Iceland, Ireland, and Portugal, in Central and Eastern Europe, including Bulgaria, Lithuania, Poland, Romania, Russia, Slovenia, and Ukraine; in Asia, in places such as Mongolia, South Korea, and Sri Lanka; and elsewhere in, e.g. Guyana, Haiti, Angola, and Namibia. By definition, all of these countries share a similar set of basic constitutional features, namely, a directly elected fixed‐term president and a prime minister who is responsible to parliament. However, the main observation to be made about them is that the exercise of political power varies greatly from one to another. For example, in some countries (particularly France), the president is usually the dominant political actor; in other countries (such as Finland), there is a sometimes uneasy balance of power between the president and prime minister; in yet others (notably Ukraine), the president and parliament share powers; and finally, in others still (including Austria, Iceland, and Ireland), the president is merely a figurehead and the prime minister dominates the decision‐making process. Because of the very varied forms of political leadership that occur across these institutionally similar countries, some writers have dismissed the concept of semi‐presidentialism, but in fact, though, it provides a perfect opportunity to study the general question of why political systems function in the way they do and to examine the relationship between particular constitutional arrangements and different forms of political practice. This book examines the politics of semi‐presidentialism in 12 European countries (all those listed above except for Portugal), and the constitutional powers of political leaders, the role of political parties, and the importance of past precedent. Ch. 1 provides a background to the study of the concept and a framework for the analysis of semi‐presidential regimes. This framework is then applied to the politics of individual European countries in the following chapters. In the conclusion, the lessons of these chapters are reviewed and the future of semi‐presidential studies is considered.Less
Semi‐presidentialism is an increasingly popular form of constitutional government. Semi‐presidential regimes can now be found in Western Europe, in Austria, Finland, France, Iceland, Ireland, and Portugal, in Central and Eastern Europe, including Bulgaria, Lithuania, Poland, Romania, Russia, Slovenia, and Ukraine; in Asia, in places such as Mongolia, South Korea, and Sri Lanka; and elsewhere in, e.g. Guyana, Haiti, Angola, and Namibia. By definition, all of these countries share a similar set of basic constitutional features, namely, a directly elected fixed‐term president and a prime minister who is responsible to parliament. However, the main observation to be made about them is that the exercise of political power varies greatly from one to another. For example, in some countries (particularly France), the president is usually the dominant political actor; in other countries (such as Finland), there is a sometimes uneasy balance of power between the president and prime minister; in yet others (notably Ukraine), the president and parliament share powers; and finally, in others still (including Austria, Iceland, and Ireland), the president is merely a figurehead and the prime minister dominates the decision‐making process. Because of the very varied forms of political leadership that occur across these institutionally similar countries, some writers have dismissed the concept of semi‐presidentialism, but in fact, though, it provides a perfect opportunity to study the general question of why political systems function in the way they do and to examine the relationship between particular constitutional arrangements and different forms of political practice. This book examines the politics of semi‐presidentialism in 12 European countries (all those listed above except for Portugal), and the constitutional powers of political leaders, the role of political parties, and the importance of past precedent. Ch. 1 provides a background to the study of the concept and a framework for the analysis of semi‐presidential regimes. This framework is then applied to the politics of individual European countries in the following chapters. In the conclusion, the lessons of these chapters are reviewed and the future of semi‐presidential studies is considered.
Carmen González‐Enríquez
- Published in print:
- 2001
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780199240906
- eISBN:
- 9780191598869
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199240906.003.0008
- Subject:
- Political Science, Democratization
An exploration is made of the nature and scope of de-communization and political justice in Czechoslovakia (the Czech Republic, Slovakia), Albania, Bulgaria, Romania, Poland and Hungary, to each of ...
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An exploration is made of the nature and scope of de-communization and political justice in Czechoslovakia (the Czech Republic, Slovakia), Albania, Bulgaria, Romania, Poland and Hungary, to each of which a section of the chapter is devoted. The term ‘political justice’ is here meant to refer to proceedings held to try crimes (generally related to political repression) committed by outgoing regimes. With the exception of Albania, transitions to democracy in these countries were initiated in 1989, and in all cases, great political tensions arose from demands for the punishment of former communist authorities and those responsible for political repression. These demands formed part of a wider political and cultural process, namely the reworking of public discourse on the nature of the communist regime, and their nature and results varied considerably from country to country; for example, only two – the former Czechoslovakia and Albania – actually carried out purges that affected large numbers of people. This chapter attempts to answer to two main questions: (1) what explains the differences in the scope and nature of the policies adopted, and (2) what impact have they had on the process of democratization. The focus is on the rationality of the political actors or the role that anti-communist campaigns had in shaping political competition, rather than the moral and legal debates surrounding the issue.Less
An exploration is made of the nature and scope of de-communization and political justice in Czechoslovakia (the Czech Republic, Slovakia), Albania, Bulgaria, Romania, Poland and Hungary, to each of which a section of the chapter is devoted. The term ‘political justice’ is here meant to refer to proceedings held to try crimes (generally related to political repression) committed by outgoing regimes. With the exception of Albania, transitions to democracy in these countries were initiated in 1989, and in all cases, great political tensions arose from demands for the punishment of former communist authorities and those responsible for political repression. These demands formed part of a wider political and cultural process, namely the reworking of public discourse on the nature of the communist regime, and their nature and results varied considerably from country to country; for example, only two – the former Czechoslovakia and Albania – actually carried out purges that affected large numbers of people. This chapter attempts to answer to two main questions: (1) what explains the differences in the scope and nature of the policies adopted, and (2) what impact have they had on the process of democratization. The focus is on the rationality of the political actors or the role that anti-communist campaigns had in shaping political competition, rather than the moral and legal debates surrounding the issue.
Olga Shvetsova
- Published in print:
- 2002
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780199246465
- eISBN:
- 9780191600135
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199246467.003.0004
- Subject:
- Political Science, Democratization
In the ten years of post‐communist transition, the countries of Eastern and Central Europe have passed through several election cycles, providing new evidence of the influence of formal political ...
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In the ten years of post‐communist transition, the countries of Eastern and Central Europe have passed through several election cycles, providing new evidence of the influence of formal political institutions on transition dynamics. This chapter examines the transitional development of their party systems as a function of institutional choices. Focusing on party systems, it identifies the process of coalition formation as the transmission mechanism by which institutions influence political consolidation at this stage. It addresses the transitional influence of combinations of majoritarian and power‐sharing institutions, suggesting that their interactive effect may undermine or weaken the incentives for party‐building that each of them can separately provide. The article provides supporting evidence from Poland and Romania.Less
In the ten years of post‐communist transition, the countries of Eastern and Central Europe have passed through several election cycles, providing new evidence of the influence of formal political institutions on transition dynamics. This chapter examines the transitional development of their party systems as a function of institutional choices. Focusing on party systems, it identifies the process of coalition formation as the transmission mechanism by which institutions influence political consolidation at this stage. It addresses the transitional influence of combinations of majoritarian and power‐sharing institutions, suggesting that their interactive effect may undermine or weaken the incentives for party‐building that each of them can separately provide. The article provides supporting evidence from Poland and Romania.
Renate Weber
- Published in print:
- 2001
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780199244089
- eISBN:
- 9780191600364
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199244081.003.0008
- Subject:
- Political Science, Democratization
Describes how constitutionalism contributed to the democratic consolidation in post‐communist Romania. The author emphasizes the fact that Romania could hardly be described as having a constitutional ...
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Describes how constitutionalism contributed to the democratic consolidation in post‐communist Romania. The author emphasizes the fact that Romania could hardly be described as having a constitutional tradition, since none of the previous regimes developed a tradition of observing their constitutions. Therefore, it may seem questionable whether the post‐communist constitution could have a significant impact on democratic consolidation in Romania. Nevertheless, in 1990, the constitutionalization process was the main focus of the new political elite. This chapter describes what kind of political reforms have been adopted in order to improve the constitution and avoid problems resulting from its ambiguity. It shows how the weaknesses of the current Constitution have paradoxically played an important role in bolstering Romanian civil society. The author prescribes several constitutional amendments that could transform the Romanian Constitution into a viable basis for democracy in the country.Less
Describes how constitutionalism contributed to the democratic consolidation in post‐communist Romania. The author emphasizes the fact that Romania could hardly be described as having a constitutional tradition, since none of the previous regimes developed a tradition of observing their constitutions. Therefore, it may seem questionable whether the post‐communist constitution could have a significant impact on democratic consolidation in Romania. Nevertheless, in 1990, the constitutionalization process was the main focus of the new political elite. This chapter describes what kind of political reforms have been adopted in order to improve the constitution and avoid problems resulting from its ambiguity. It shows how the weaknesses of the current Constitution have paradoxically played an important role in bolstering Romanian civil society. The author prescribes several constitutional amendments that could transform the Romanian Constitution into a viable basis for democracy in the country.
Tom Gallagher
- Published in print:
- 2001
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780199244096
- eISBN:
- 9780191600371
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/019924409X.003.0015
- Subject:
- Political Science, Democratization
Argues that the process of building democracy in Romania is dependent on a favourable external environment and active support from abroad. However, Romania has benefited far less from external ...
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Argues that the process of building democracy in Romania is dependent on a favourable external environment and active support from abroad. However, Romania has benefited far less from external efforts to promote democracy than most other ex‐Warsaw Pact States. The chapter points to some of the reasons of the retarded progress of democratization in Romania, such as a historical legacy of foreign occupation and sharp internal economic, cultural, and ethnic cleavages. The communist regime's determination to retain absolute control over politics and society and oppose any liberal initiatives in economics blocked off the possibility of any democratic transition. The activity of anti‐reformers described as ‘nomenklatura nationalists’ also contributed to the weakness of democratic consolidation in Romania. They demonstrated their ascendancy by blocking economic reforms between 1989 and 96, with the support of Russia, which sought to make Romania dependent on Russia's cheap energy supplies in return for political compliance. The author makes a case for a new approach to democracy building from domestic reformers and international organizations that recognizes Romania's special problems and pursues realistic targets.Less
Argues that the process of building democracy in Romania is dependent on a favourable external environment and active support from abroad. However, Romania has benefited far less from external efforts to promote democracy than most other ex‐Warsaw Pact States. The chapter points to some of the reasons of the retarded progress of democratization in Romania, such as a historical legacy of foreign occupation and sharp internal economic, cultural, and ethnic cleavages. The communist regime's determination to retain absolute control over politics and society and oppose any liberal initiatives in economics blocked off the possibility of any democratic transition. The activity of anti‐reformers described as ‘nomenklatura nationalists’ also contributed to the weakness of democratic consolidation in Romania. They demonstrated their ascendancy by blocking economic reforms between 1989 and 96, with the support of Russia, which sought to make Romania dependent on Russia's cheap energy supplies in return for political compliance. The author makes a case for a new approach to democracy building from domestic reformers and international organizations that recognizes Romania's special problems and pursues realistic targets.
Alexandra Barahona de Brito
- Published in print:
- 1997
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780198280385
- eISBN:
- 9780191598852
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0198280386.003.0002
- Subject:
- Political Science, Democratization
This is the first of two ‘stage-setting’ chapters in Part I of the book (Problems of Transitional Truth and Justice in Comparative Perspective, and Human Rights’ Violations under Military rule in ...
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This is the first of two ‘stage-setting’ chapters in Part I of the book (Problems of Transitional Truth and Justice in Comparative Perspective, and Human Rights’ Violations under Military rule in Uruguay and Chile). It places the Uruguayan and Chilean cases in a wider context by examining various experiences of truth and justice for past abuses in Latin America and elsewhere. After an introduction, the chapter has two main sections. The first, Truth and Justice in Transitional Periods: An Overview, looks at the cases of France, Germany and Japan at the end of World War II, the collapse of the Salazarismo in Portugal in 1974, the collapse of the Somocismo in Nicaragua in 1979, the collapses of the communist regimes of Eastern Europe (Czechoslovakia, Bulgaria, Poland, Romania), and the cases of the former Yugoslavia, Bolivia, Spain, the Philippines, Namibia, Uganda, Ethiopia, Sri Lanka, Rwanda, El Salvador, Guatemala, Honduras, Argentina, Greece, Paraguay, South Africa. The second section of the chapter, Semi-Restricted, Peaceful Transitions to Democratic Rule: The Cases of Uruguay and Chile, introduces democratization in Uruguay and Chile.Less
This is the first of two ‘stage-setting’ chapters in Part I of the book (Problems of Transitional Truth and Justice in Comparative Perspective, and Human Rights’ Violations under Military rule in Uruguay and Chile). It places the Uruguayan and Chilean cases in a wider context by examining various experiences of truth and justice for past abuses in Latin America and elsewhere. After an introduction, the chapter has two main sections. The first, Truth and Justice in Transitional Periods: An Overview, looks at the cases of France, Germany and Japan at the end of World War II, the collapse of the Salazarismo in Portugal in 1974, the collapse of the Somocismo in Nicaragua in 1979, the collapses of the communist regimes of Eastern Europe (Czechoslovakia, Bulgaria, Poland, Romania), and the cases of the former Yugoslavia, Bolivia, Spain, the Philippines, Namibia, Uganda, Ethiopia, Sri Lanka, Rwanda, El Salvador, Guatemala, Honduras, Argentina, Greece, Paraguay, South Africa. The second section of the chapter, Semi-Restricted, Peaceful Transitions to Democratic Rule: The Cases of Uruguay and Chile, introduces democratization in Uruguay and Chile.
William Mishler and Richard Rose
- Published in print:
- 1999
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780198295686
- eISBN:
- 9780191600043
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0198295685.003.0004
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics
Assesses the trajectories and dynamics of public support for seven democratizing regimes in Central and Eastern Europe—Bulgaria, the Czech Republic, Slovakia, Hungary, Poland, Romania, and ...
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Assesses the trajectories and dynamics of public support for seven democratizing regimes in Central and Eastern Europe—Bulgaria, the Czech Republic, Slovakia, Hungary, Poland, Romania, and Slovenia—during the first five years following the fall of communism. It begins by offering a reconceptualization of support for new democracies. An examination is then made of popular approval of the new regimes in 1991, shortly following the collapse of communism, and the trajectory of support is tracked through to 1995. Next, a model of the dynamics underlying these trends is developed and tested, paying particular attention to the extent to which support is contingent on political and economic performance. More generally, an exploration is made of whether and to what extent the sources of support change over time as citizens acquire experience with the new regimes.Less
Assesses the trajectories and dynamics of public support for seven democratizing regimes in Central and Eastern Europe—Bulgaria, the Czech Republic, Slovakia, Hungary, Poland, Romania, and Slovenia—during the first five years following the fall of communism. It begins by offering a reconceptualization of support for new democracies. An examination is then made of popular approval of the new regimes in 1991, shortly following the collapse of communism, and the trajectory of support is tracked through to 1995. Next, a model of the dynamics underlying these trends is developed and tested, paying particular attention to the extent to which support is contingent on political and economic performance. More generally, an exploration is made of whether and to what extent the sources of support change over time as citizens acquire experience with the new regimes.
Tony Verheijen
- Published in print:
- 1999
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780198293866
- eISBN:
- 9780191599156
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0198293860.003.0010
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics
Romania emerged from one of the darkest periods in its history in December 1989, when Ceauşsescu's regime was overthrown, leaving Romania with a traumatized population and a devastated economy, and ...
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Romania emerged from one of the darkest periods in its history in December 1989, when Ceauşsescu's regime was overthrown, leaving Romania with a traumatized population and a devastated economy, and the gradual establishment of a democratic system of government during the last seven years has been painful and not without setbacks. The new institutional system established in Romania is semi‐presidential in the sense of the definition used in this book: it has a directly elected fixed‐term president alongside a prime minister who is responsible to parliament. The semi‐presidential system of government was established gradually, initially on the basis of the Electoral Law of 14 Mar 1990 and the rules of procedure of parliament adopted after the May 1990 elections. The institutional provisions of the Electoral Law and the rules of procedure of parliament subsequently formed the basis of the semi‐presidential system of government established under the new constitution, which was approved in a referendum in December 1991. It is important to note that there is no historical precedent for the establishment of a semi‐presidential system of government in Romania, and the inheritance of the whole period between independence (in 1878) and the fall of the Ceauşescu regime generally provides an unsuitable basis for the development of a democratic system of government. The chapter is divided into three main parts, organised according to the three factors identified by Duverger as determining for the leadership style in semi‐presidential systems: the events surrounding the formation of the system; the constitutional powers of the president, prime minister, and parliament; and the nature of the parliamentary majority and the relationship between the president and the majority.Less
Romania emerged from one of the darkest periods in its history in December 1989, when Ceauşsescu's regime was overthrown, leaving Romania with a traumatized population and a devastated economy, and the gradual establishment of a democratic system of government during the last seven years has been painful and not without setbacks. The new institutional system established in Romania is semi‐presidential in the sense of the definition used in this book: it has a directly elected fixed‐term president alongside a prime minister who is responsible to parliament. The semi‐presidential system of government was established gradually, initially on the basis of the Electoral Law of 14 Mar 1990 and the rules of procedure of parliament adopted after the May 1990 elections. The institutional provisions of the Electoral Law and the rules of procedure of parliament subsequently formed the basis of the semi‐presidential system of government established under the new constitution, which was approved in a referendum in December 1991. It is important to note that there is no historical precedent for the establishment of a semi‐presidential system of government in Romania, and the inheritance of the whole period between independence (in 1878) and the fall of the Ceauşescu regime generally provides an unsuitable basis for the development of a democratic system of government. The chapter is divided into three main parts, organised according to the three factors identified by Duverger as determining for the leadership style in semi‐presidential systems: the events surrounding the formation of the system; the constitutional powers of the president, prime minister, and parliament; and the nature of the parliamentary majority and the relationship between the president and the majority.
Gabriel Andreescu
- Published in print:
- 2002
- Published Online:
- October 2005
- ISBN:
- 9780199248155
- eISBN:
- 9780191602955
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/019924815X.003.0014
- Subject:
- Political Science, Political Theory
This paper analyses minority rights in Romania. It argues that the costs of minority rights are not very high, and that many societies can pay them. Minority rights are often a matter of political ...
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This paper analyses minority rights in Romania. It argues that the costs of minority rights are not very high, and that many societies can pay them. Minority rights are often a matter of political will rather than cost; real limits exist only under circumstances of severe scarcity. This is true to a certain extent in Romania, and its main minorities — the Hungarians and the Roma. Although there is no real financial obstacle to solving the Hungarian demand for a Hungarian language state university, there are limits in promoting an affirmative action programme for the Roma.Less
This paper analyses minority rights in Romania. It argues that the costs of minority rights are not very high, and that many societies can pay them. Minority rights are often a matter of political will rather than cost; real limits exist only under circumstances of severe scarcity. This is true to a certain extent in Romania, and its main minorities — the Hungarians and the Roma. Although there is no real financial obstacle to solving the Hungarian demand for a Hungarian language state university, there are limits in promoting an affirmative action programme for the Roma.
Richard Heeks and Mihaiela Grundey
- Published in print:
- 2004
- Published Online:
- September 2007
- ISBN:
- 9780199241057
- eISBN:
- 9780191714290
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199241057.003.0014
- Subject:
- Business and Management, Information Technology
The Communist Party took power in Romania after the Second World War and Romania formed part of the ‘Eastern bloc’ of Soviet satellite states. The dramatic events of December 1989 overthrew the ...
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The Communist Party took power in Romania after the Second World War and Romania formed part of the ‘Eastern bloc’ of Soviet satellite states. The dramatic events of December 1989 overthrew the authoritarian regime, and led to the country's transition from a centrally planned to a market-oriented economy. This chapter examines the pre-transitional and transitional development of one particular part of the Romanian economy — the IT industry, focusing on the hardware and software industries.Less
The Communist Party took power in Romania after the Second World War and Romania formed part of the ‘Eastern bloc’ of Soviet satellite states. The dramatic events of December 1989 overthrew the authoritarian regime, and led to the country's transition from a centrally planned to a market-oriented economy. This chapter examines the pre-transitional and transitional development of one particular part of the Romanian economy — the IT industry, focusing on the hardware and software industries.
Christian Wedemeyer and Wendy Doniger (eds)
- Published in print:
- 2010
- Published Online:
- May 2010
- ISBN:
- 9780195394337
- eISBN:
- 9780199777358
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195394337.001.0001
- Subject:
- Religion, Theology
This book brings together an international group of leading scholars of religion to reflect in concert on the lives, works, and legacies of two of the twentieth century’s most influential historians ...
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This book brings together an international group of leading scholars of religion to reflect in concert on the lives, works, and legacies of two of the twentieth century’s most influential historians of religions: Joachim Wach and Mircea Eliade. Both men taught at the University of Chicago Divinity School, and the “Chicago School” they are thought to have forged has had enormous impact on the way religion has been studied and written about ever since. While the extent of their influence is beyond question, the scholarly world has been deeply divided not only about the value of their work but also about its proper interpretation. In particular, scholars have been at odds over whether or to what extent the circumstances of their lives bear a significant relationship to their intellectual output. As this volume make clear, their perspectives on religion and their ways of articulating their understanding cannot be properly understood without reference to the circumstances of their lives, the political and cultural movements that dominated their early years in Germany and Romania, and their own idiosyncratic scholarly and personal agendas. The chapters in this volume—the proceedings of a 2006 conference marking the fiftieth anniversary of Wach’s death (2005) and the hundredth anniversary of Eliade’s birth (2007)—shed new light on a growing body of work on these two figures, the controversies they have generated, and their legacies in the scholarly study of religion.Less
This book brings together an international group of leading scholars of religion to reflect in concert on the lives, works, and legacies of two of the twentieth century’s most influential historians of religions: Joachim Wach and Mircea Eliade. Both men taught at the University of Chicago Divinity School, and the “Chicago School” they are thought to have forged has had enormous impact on the way religion has been studied and written about ever since. While the extent of their influence is beyond question, the scholarly world has been deeply divided not only about the value of their work but also about its proper interpretation. In particular, scholars have been at odds over whether or to what extent the circumstances of their lives bear a significant relationship to their intellectual output. As this volume make clear, their perspectives on religion and their ways of articulating their understanding cannot be properly understood without reference to the circumstances of their lives, the political and cultural movements that dominated their early years in Germany and Romania, and their own idiosyncratic scholarly and personal agendas. The chapters in this volume—the proceedings of a 2006 conference marking the fiftieth anniversary of Wach’s death (2005) and the hundredth anniversary of Eliade’s birth (2007)—shed new light on a growing body of work on these two figures, the controversies they have generated, and their legacies in the scholarly study of religion.
Christel Lane and Jocelyn Probert
- Published in print:
- 2009
- Published Online:
- May 2009
- ISBN:
- 9780199214815
- eISBN:
- 9780191721779
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199214815.003.0008
- Subject:
- Business and Management, International Business, Political Economy
This chapter presents a detailed analysis of two important supplier countries for mainly European buyer firms — Turkey and Romania. Turkish and Romanian firms are situated in their specific economic, ...
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This chapter presents a detailed analysis of two important supplier countries for mainly European buyer firms — Turkey and Romania. Turkish and Romanian firms are situated in their specific economic, social, and geo-political environments. The chapter enquires how national contexts have shaped firms' capabilities and their competitiveness as suppliers. It explores how supplier firms view the relationships with their buyers, with a particular focus on the distinctions they make between trading partners from different national origins.Less
This chapter presents a detailed analysis of two important supplier countries for mainly European buyer firms — Turkey and Romania. Turkish and Romanian firms are situated in their specific economic, social, and geo-political environments. The chapter enquires how national contexts have shaped firms' capabilities and their competitiveness as suppliers. It explores how supplier firms view the relationships with their buyers, with a particular focus on the distinctions they make between trading partners from different national origins.
Gail Kligman and Katherine Verdery
- Published in print:
- 2011
- Published Online:
- October 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780691149721
- eISBN:
- 9781400840434
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Princeton University Press
- DOI:
- 10.23943/princeton/9780691149721.001.0001
- Subject:
- History, European Modern History
In 1949, Romania's fledgling communist regime unleashed a radical and brutal campaign to collectivize agriculture in this largely agrarian country, following the Soviet model. This book provides the ...
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In 1949, Romania's fledgling communist regime unleashed a radical and brutal campaign to collectivize agriculture in this largely agrarian country, following the Soviet model. This book provides the first comprehensive look at the far-reaching social engineering process that ensued. The book examines how collectivization assaulted the very foundations of rural life, transforming village communities that were organized around kinship and status hierarchies into segments of large bureaucratic organizations, forged by the language of “class warfare” yet saturated with vindictive personal struggles. Collectivization not only overturned property relations, the book argues, but was crucial in creating the Party-state that emerged, its mechanisms of rule, and the “new persons” that were its subjects. The book explores how ill-prepared cadres, themselves unconvinced of collectivization's promises, implemented technologies and pedagogies imported from the Soviet Union through actions that contributed to the excessive use of force, which Party leaders were often unable to control. In addition, the book shows how local responses to the Party's initiatives compelled the regime to modify its plans and negotiate outcomes. Drawing on archival documents, oral histories, and ethnographic data, the book sheds new light on collectivization in the Soviet era and on the complex tensions underlying and constraining political authority.Less
In 1949, Romania's fledgling communist regime unleashed a radical and brutal campaign to collectivize agriculture in this largely agrarian country, following the Soviet model. This book provides the first comprehensive look at the far-reaching social engineering process that ensued. The book examines how collectivization assaulted the very foundations of rural life, transforming village communities that were organized around kinship and status hierarchies into segments of large bureaucratic organizations, forged by the language of “class warfare” yet saturated with vindictive personal struggles. Collectivization not only overturned property relations, the book argues, but was crucial in creating the Party-state that emerged, its mechanisms of rule, and the “new persons” that were its subjects. The book explores how ill-prepared cadres, themselves unconvinced of collectivization's promises, implemented technologies and pedagogies imported from the Soviet Union through actions that contributed to the excessive use of force, which Party leaders were often unable to control. In addition, the book shows how local responses to the Party's initiatives compelled the regime to modify its plans and negotiate outcomes. Drawing on archival documents, oral histories, and ethnographic data, the book sheds new light on collectivization in the Soviet era and on the complex tensions underlying and constraining political authority.
Alden A. Mosshammer
- Published in print:
- 2008
- Published Online:
- January 2009
- ISBN:
- 9780199543120
- eISBN:
- 9780191720062
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199543120.003.0001
- Subject:
- Religion, History of Christianity, Early Christian Studies
Working in the year 525, Dionysius Exiguus drafted a 95‐year list of Easter dates as a continuation of an Alexandrian list that ended with the 247th year of Diocletian. Dionysius began his own list ...
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Working in the year 525, Dionysius Exiguus drafted a 95‐year list of Easter dates as a continuation of an Alexandrian list that ended with the 247th year of Diocletian. Dionysius began his own list with the year AD 532, because he did not want to perpetuate the memory of Diocletian. This study examines the history of Easter calculations in the ancient church and the question of why Dionysius decided that Diocletian 247 should be followed by AD 532. Dionysius himself was originally from what is now the modern country of Romania. He moved to Rome about AD 500. Dionysius was the author of the first collection of ecclesiastical canons, as well as the Easter‐table. He also translated frito Latin several works of the Greek fathers of the church.Less
Working in the year 525, Dionysius Exiguus drafted a 95‐year list of Easter dates as a continuation of an Alexandrian list that ended with the 247th year of Diocletian. Dionysius began his own list with the year AD 532, because he did not want to perpetuate the memory of Diocletian. This study examines the history of Easter calculations in the ancient church and the question of why Dionysius decided that Diocletian 247 should be followed by AD 532. Dionysius himself was originally from what is now the modern country of Romania. He moved to Rome about AD 500. Dionysius was the author of the first collection of ecclesiastical canons, as well as the Easter‐table. He also translated frito Latin several works of the Greek fathers of the church.
Monika Baár
- Published in print:
- 2010
- Published Online:
- May 2010
- ISBN:
- 9780199581184
- eISBN:
- 9780191722806
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199581184.003.0002
- Subject:
- History, European Modern History
Chapter 1, ‘Five Biographical Profiles’, is dedicated to the discussion of the five historians' lives and writings on an individual basis. It thus contains the intellectual and political ...
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Chapter 1, ‘Five Biographical Profiles’, is dedicated to the discussion of the five historians' lives and writings on an individual basis. It thus contains the intellectual and political mini‐biographies of Joachim Lelewel (Polish, 1786–1861), Simonas Daukantas (Lithuanian, 1793–1864), František Palacký (Czech, 1798–1876), Mihály Horváth (Hungarian, 1804–78) and Mihail Kogălniceanu (Romanian, 1818–91). It considers their political and academic careers and the relationship between the two. It looks at the social milieu to which they were born, their education, what motivated them to become historians and the intellectual atmosphere in which they pursued their studies and which may well have been influential in their subsequent scholarly ventures. It touches on the milestones in their lives and professional careers, their salient writings and activities, and the most important shifts in their life‐work.Less
Chapter 1, ‘Five Biographical Profiles’, is dedicated to the discussion of the five historians' lives and writings on an individual basis. It thus contains the intellectual and political mini‐biographies of Joachim Lelewel (Polish, 1786–1861), Simonas Daukantas (Lithuanian, 1793–1864), František Palacký (Czech, 1798–1876), Mihály Horváth (Hungarian, 1804–78) and Mihail Kogălniceanu (Romanian, 1818–91). It considers their political and academic careers and the relationship between the two. It looks at the social milieu to which they were born, their education, what motivated them to become historians and the intellectual atmosphere in which they pursued their studies and which may well have been influential in their subsequent scholarly ventures. It touches on the milestones in their lives and professional careers, their salient writings and activities, and the most important shifts in their life‐work.
Joseph Frank
- Published in print:
- 2012
- Published Online:
- September 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780823239252
- eISBN:
- 9780823239290
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Fordham University Press
- DOI:
- 10.5422/fordham/9780823239252.003.0001
- Subject:
- Literature, Criticism/Theory
This book explores social, political, and cultural issues that arose in connection with literature largely conceived in the aftermath of World War II, and extending throughout the twentieth century. ...
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This book explores social, political, and cultural issues that arose in connection with literature largely conceived in the aftermath of World War II, and extending throughout the twentieth century. It contains essays on France, focusing on individual writers such as Paul Valéry, Jacques Maritain, Albert Camus, André Malraux, Jean-Paul Sartre, and Yves Bonnefoy, and on French intellectuals between the wars. The book also looks at Germany and Romania, with essays on Ernst Juenger, Gottfried Benn, Erich Kahler, E. M. Cioran, Mircea Eliade, and Eugène Ionesco. Other essays focus on Nicola Chiaromonte and his ideas on the novel and modern history since Napoleon, Gary Saul Morson, Ian Watt, T. S. Eliot, and R. P. Blackmur. Finally, the book discusses the history of the novel and the art of literary realism.Less
This book explores social, political, and cultural issues that arose in connection with literature largely conceived in the aftermath of World War II, and extending throughout the twentieth century. It contains essays on France, focusing on individual writers such as Paul Valéry, Jacques Maritain, Albert Camus, André Malraux, Jean-Paul Sartre, and Yves Bonnefoy, and on French intellectuals between the wars. The book also looks at Germany and Romania, with essays on Ernst Juenger, Gottfried Benn, Erich Kahler, E. M. Cioran, Mircea Eliade, and Eugène Ionesco. Other essays focus on Nicola Chiaromonte and his ideas on the novel and modern history since Napoleon, Gary Saul Morson, Ian Watt, T. S. Eliot, and R. P. Blackmur. Finally, the book discusses the history of the novel and the art of literary realism.
