Robert Wuthnow
- Published in print:
- 2011
- Published Online:
- October 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780691150550
- eISBN:
- 9781400839759
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Princeton University Press
- DOI:
- 10.23943/princeton/9780691150550.003.0007
- Subject:
- Political Science, American Politics
This chapter examines the restructuring of Kansas religion and politics that began in the late 1960s and continued for at least two more decades. On March 18, 1968, Senator Robert F. Kennedy traveled ...
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This chapter examines the restructuring of Kansas religion and politics that began in the late 1960s and continued for at least two more decades. On March 18, 1968, Senator Robert F. Kennedy traveled to Lawrence. Two days earlier, Kennedy had declared his candidacy for the Democratic presidential nomination. Kennedy's visit punctuated a restructuring of Kansas religion and politics. The quiet conservatism of the 1950s gave way to activism borne of concerns about the escalating war in Vietnam and the struggle for racial equality. The chapter first considers the impact of the Vietnam War on Kansas politics before discussing issues of school desegregation and black power in the state, along with Richard Nixon's law and order speech at Kansas State University in September 1970. It also explores the internal conflict in the local churches.Less
This chapter examines the restructuring of Kansas religion and politics that began in the late 1960s and continued for at least two more decades. On March 18, 1968, Senator Robert F. Kennedy traveled to Lawrence. Two days earlier, Kennedy had declared his candidacy for the Democratic presidential nomination. Kennedy's visit punctuated a restructuring of Kansas religion and politics. The quiet conservatism of the 1950s gave way to activism borne of concerns about the escalating war in Vietnam and the struggle for racial equality. The chapter first considers the impact of the Vietnam War on Kansas politics before discussing issues of school desegregation and black power in the state, along with Richard Nixon's law and order speech at Kansas State University in September 1970. It also explores the internal conflict in the local churches.
Steven G. Calabresi and Christopher S. Yoo
- Published in print:
- 2008
- Published Online:
- October 2013
- ISBN:
- 9780300121261
- eISBN:
- 9780300145380
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Yale University Press
- DOI:
- 10.12987/yale/9780300121261.003.0042
- Subject:
- Law, Constitutional and Administrative Law
This chapter focuses on John F. Kennedy and his talent for using the bully pulpit of the presidency. Kennedy viewed himself as a strong, active president, and his call for national service during his ...
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This chapter focuses on John F. Kennedy and his talent for using the bully pulpit of the presidency. Kennedy viewed himself as a strong, active president, and his call for national service during his famous inaugural address helped inspire a generation of Americans to commit themselves to anticommunism abroad and the protection of civil rights at home. It also marked a return to a vision of the president as a leader and shaper of public opinion. From the outset of his administration, Kennedy was determined to exercise full control over the executive branch, illustrated most dramatically by his decision to appoint his brother Robert to the post of attorney general. Although the decision drew significant criticism, Kennedy's biographer James Giglio reports that the president “knew that in Robert Kennedy he had his most trusted associate on board.”Less
This chapter focuses on John F. Kennedy and his talent for using the bully pulpit of the presidency. Kennedy viewed himself as a strong, active president, and his call for national service during his famous inaugural address helped inspire a generation of Americans to commit themselves to anticommunism abroad and the protection of civil rights at home. It also marked a return to a vision of the president as a leader and shaper of public opinion. From the outset of his administration, Kennedy was determined to exercise full control over the executive branch, illustrated most dramatically by his decision to appoint his brother Robert to the post of attorney general. Although the decision drew significant criticism, Kennedy's biographer James Giglio reports that the president “knew that in Robert Kennedy he had his most trusted associate on board.”
Ingo Trauschweizer
- Published in print:
- 2019
- Published Online:
- September 2019
- ISBN:
- 9780813177007
- eISBN:
- 9780813177038
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University Press of Kentucky
- DOI:
- 10.5810/kentucky/9780813177007.003.0005
- Subject:
- History, Military History
In Chapter 4 I assess Taylor’s influence in the Kennedy administration and his contribution to the lack of trust by civilian leaders in the JCS after the Bay of Pigs fiasco. I also discuss Taylor’s ...
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In Chapter 4 I assess Taylor’s influence in the Kennedy administration and his contribution to the lack of trust by civilian leaders in the JCS after the Bay of Pigs fiasco. I also discuss Taylor’s advice on crises ranging from Laos and Vietnam to Berlin and Cuba. Taylor emerged as counterinsurgency coordinator in Washington, drafted a doctrinal framework, and oversaw American efforts in Vietnam and half a dozen other countries. By the time of the Cuban Missile Crisis, Taylor had just been installed as JCS chairman. He was a hawk on Cuba, but even though he advised air strikes against missile bases, he backed Kennedy’s naval quarantine against the opposition of the service chiefs. In Vietnam, too, Taylor was a hawk who pushed for the use of air power.Less
In Chapter 4 I assess Taylor’s influence in the Kennedy administration and his contribution to the lack of trust by civilian leaders in the JCS after the Bay of Pigs fiasco. I also discuss Taylor’s advice on crises ranging from Laos and Vietnam to Berlin and Cuba. Taylor emerged as counterinsurgency coordinator in Washington, drafted a doctrinal framework, and oversaw American efforts in Vietnam and half a dozen other countries. By the time of the Cuban Missile Crisis, Taylor had just been installed as JCS chairman. He was a hawk on Cuba, but even though he advised air strikes against missile bases, he backed Kennedy’s naval quarantine against the opposition of the service chiefs. In Vietnam, too, Taylor was a hawk who pushed for the use of air power.
Pamela E. Pennock
- Published in print:
- 2017
- Published Online:
- September 2017
- ISBN:
- 9781469630984
- eISBN:
- 9781469631004
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University of North Carolina Press
- DOI:
- 10.5149/northcarolina/9781469630984.003.0005
- Subject:
- History, American History: 20th Century
This chapter explores the increasingly hostile climate faced by Arab American activists by examining Sirhan Sirhan and how his assassination of Robert F. Kennedy, his trial testimony about Palestine, ...
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This chapter explores the increasingly hostile climate faced by Arab American activists by examining Sirhan Sirhan and how his assassination of Robert F. Kennedy, his trial testimony about Palestine, and the U.S. media’s treatment of Sirhan and the Israel-Palestine conflict affected the environment for Palestinian activism in the United States.Less
This chapter explores the increasingly hostile climate faced by Arab American activists by examining Sirhan Sirhan and how his assassination of Robert F. Kennedy, his trial testimony about Palestine, and the U.S. media’s treatment of Sirhan and the Israel-Palestine conflict affected the environment for Palestinian activism in the United States.
Maya Plisetskaya
- Published in print:
- 2001
- Published Online:
- October 2013
- ISBN:
- 9780300088571
- eISBN:
- 9780300130713
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Yale University Press
- DOI:
- 10.12987/yale/9780300088571.003.0038
- Subject:
- Music, Dance
In this chapter, Maya Plisetskaya recounts her friendship with Robert Kennedy, then Attorney General of the United States, whom she met during her second American tour in 1962. On November 12, the ...
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In this chapter, Maya Plisetskaya recounts her friendship with Robert Kennedy, then Attorney General of the United States, whom she met during her second American tour in 1962. On November 12, the Bolshoi Ballet performed in Washington. After the program, Kennedy requested the Russian ambassador, Anatoly Dobrynin, that he be introduced to Maya. During their conversation, Maya learned that she and Kennedy were born on exactly the same day: November 20, 1925. Maya celebrated her birthday that year in Boston, where she danced Swan Lake. Kennedy was there, along with John F. Kennedy, Jacqueline Kennedy, and little Caroline. Before the start of the ballet, they played the Russian and American anthems. In the morning, the president received the Bolshoi troupe at the White House. On her next birthday, which Maya celebrated at home in Moscow, Robert Kennedy was there again to greet her. In June 1992, Maya was in Washington. She went to Arlington Cemetery and visited the graves of John and Robert Kennedy.Less
In this chapter, Maya Plisetskaya recounts her friendship with Robert Kennedy, then Attorney General of the United States, whom she met during her second American tour in 1962. On November 12, the Bolshoi Ballet performed in Washington. After the program, Kennedy requested the Russian ambassador, Anatoly Dobrynin, that he be introduced to Maya. During their conversation, Maya learned that she and Kennedy were born on exactly the same day: November 20, 1925. Maya celebrated her birthday that year in Boston, where she danced Swan Lake. Kennedy was there, along with John F. Kennedy, Jacqueline Kennedy, and little Caroline. Before the start of the ballet, they played the Russian and American anthems. In the morning, the president received the Bolshoi troupe at the White House. On her next birthday, which Maya celebrated at home in Moscow, Robert Kennedy was there again to greet her. In June 1992, Maya was in Washington. She went to Arlington Cemetery and visited the graves of John and Robert Kennedy.
Steve Swayne
- Published in print:
- 2011
- Published Online:
- May 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780195388527
- eISBN:
- 9780199894345
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195388527.003.0027
- Subject:
- Music, History, American, History, Western
The assassinations of Martin Luther King Jr. and Robert F. Kennedy in 1968 cast a dark shadow over the end of the decade, and that very year found Schuman exploring in his own music the power of ...
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The assassinations of Martin Luther King Jr. and Robert F. Kennedy in 1968 cast a dark shadow over the end of the decade, and that very year found Schuman exploring in his own music the power of death. His major work of the year was based on a massacre that had taken place in Rome near the end of World War II; Schuman took pains not to make the work a specifically Jewish memorial but one that could speak for and to all. He also composed a work that, though instrumental from start to finish, was based on a text from his favorite poet, Walt Whitman. Its emotional tenor led Schuman to ask that the first performance be dedicated to King and Kennedy and that the audience remain silent after the work had concluded. The theme of death presages Schuman's own tenure at Lincoln Center, as his days in the corner office were numbered.Less
The assassinations of Martin Luther King Jr. and Robert F. Kennedy in 1968 cast a dark shadow over the end of the decade, and that very year found Schuman exploring in his own music the power of death. His major work of the year was based on a massacre that had taken place in Rome near the end of World War II; Schuman took pains not to make the work a specifically Jewish memorial but one that could speak for and to all. He also composed a work that, though instrumental from start to finish, was based on a text from his favorite poet, Walt Whitman. Its emotional tenor led Schuman to ask that the first performance be dedicated to King and Kennedy and that the audience remain silent after the work had concluded. The theme of death presages Schuman's own tenure at Lincoln Center, as his days in the corner office were numbered.
Christina Simko
- Published in print:
- 2015
- Published Online:
- August 2015
- ISBN:
- 9780199381784
- eISBN:
- 9780199381814
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199381784.003.0004
- Subject:
- Sociology, Comparative and Historical Sociology, Culture
Chapter 3 details the challenges of political consolation in the postwar era. It first draws on recent work across a number of disciplines—including literary theory, political theory, anthropology, ...
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Chapter 3 details the challenges of political consolation in the postwar era. It first draws on recent work across a number of disciplines—including literary theory, political theory, anthropology, and sociology—to recover the concept of the “tragic” for contemporary use. It then traces the growing salience of a tragic mode of political consolation in the U.S. context beginning in the 1960s. With origins in Lincoln’s second inaugural address, the tragic mode resurfaced powerfully in the aftermath of the Martin Luther King, Jr. and Robert F. Kennedy assassinations and in the effort to come to terms with the Vietnam War. The hallmark of the tragic mode is its engagement with moral ambiguity, and its rejection of moral absolutes. It thus complicates the sharp symbolic binaries associated with the dualistic mode outlined in the previous chapter, approaching national calamities as occasions for reflection and self-examination.Less
Chapter 3 details the challenges of political consolation in the postwar era. It first draws on recent work across a number of disciplines—including literary theory, political theory, anthropology, and sociology—to recover the concept of the “tragic” for contemporary use. It then traces the growing salience of a tragic mode of political consolation in the U.S. context beginning in the 1960s. With origins in Lincoln’s second inaugural address, the tragic mode resurfaced powerfully in the aftermath of the Martin Luther King, Jr. and Robert F. Kennedy assassinations and in the effort to come to terms with the Vietnam War. The hallmark of the tragic mode is its engagement with moral ambiguity, and its rejection of moral absolutes. It thus complicates the sharp symbolic binaries associated with the dualistic mode outlined in the previous chapter, approaching national calamities as occasions for reflection and self-examination.
Jon Lewis
- Published in print:
- 2017
- Published Online:
- January 2018
- ISBN:
- 9780520284319
- eISBN:
- 9780520959910
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University of California Press
- DOI:
- 10.1525/california/9780520284319.003.0005
- Subject:
- Film, Television and Radio, Film
Transition-era Hollywood began with the dead body of Elizabeth Short and ended with two more discarded young women, Barbara Payton and Marilyn Monroe, two more casualties found at the crossroads ...
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Transition-era Hollywood began with the dead body of Elizabeth Short and ended with two more discarded young women, Barbara Payton and Marilyn Monroe, two more casualties found at the crossroads between a dreamed-of life in the sunny city of angels and the reality lived by so many naïve arrivals after the Second World War. Payton and Monroe were glamorous movie stars who began their careers at the very moment Short ended hers. The Black Dahlia murder maybe did not register much with them. Or maybe it did and they figured a shot at movie celebrity was worth the risk. Payton and Monroe believed they were going to be different. They believed in what men had for years been whispering in their ears: “you’re so pretty you should be in pictures.” They were (pretty that is)… and they did (appear in pictures). But movie-land success was for them a mixed blessing at best, their dreamed-of Hollywood celebrity hopelessly complicated by a new breed of industry middlemen, gangsters, and gossip, their lives cut short before their fortieth birthdays.Less
Transition-era Hollywood began with the dead body of Elizabeth Short and ended with two more discarded young women, Barbara Payton and Marilyn Monroe, two more casualties found at the crossroads between a dreamed-of life in the sunny city of angels and the reality lived by so many naïve arrivals after the Second World War. Payton and Monroe were glamorous movie stars who began their careers at the very moment Short ended hers. The Black Dahlia murder maybe did not register much with them. Or maybe it did and they figured a shot at movie celebrity was worth the risk. Payton and Monroe believed they were going to be different. They believed in what men had for years been whispering in their ears: “you’re so pretty you should be in pictures.” They were (pretty that is)… and they did (appear in pictures). But movie-land success was for them a mixed blessing at best, their dreamed-of Hollywood celebrity hopelessly complicated by a new breed of industry middlemen, gangsters, and gossip, their lives cut short before their fortieth birthdays.
Jill Ogline Titus
- Published in print:
- 2011
- Published Online:
- July 2014
- ISBN:
- 9780807835074
- eISBN:
- 9781469602455
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University of North Carolina Press
- DOI:
- 10.5149/9780807869369_titus.11
- Subject:
- History, African-American History
This chapter describes how Attorney General Robert F. Kennedy called attention to the situation in Prince Edward. “We may observe with much sadness and irony that, outside of Africa, south of the ...
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This chapter describes how Attorney General Robert F. Kennedy called attention to the situation in Prince Edward. “We may observe with much sadness and irony that, outside of Africa, south of the Sahara, where education is still a difficult challenge, the only places on earth known not to provide free public education are Communist China, North Vietnam, Sarawak, Singapore, British Honduras—and Prince Edward County, Virginia,” Kennedy lamented. The attorney general's hard-won recognition of the gravity of the situation was one of the few public federal acknowledgments of the constitutional crisis in Southside Virginia. Aside from an unsuccessful Justice Department attempt to intervene in the case in April 1961, the federal government largely adopted a hands-off approach to Prince Edward, counseling patience, restraint, and faith in the judicial system.Less
This chapter describes how Attorney General Robert F. Kennedy called attention to the situation in Prince Edward. “We may observe with much sadness and irony that, outside of Africa, south of the Sahara, where education is still a difficult challenge, the only places on earth known not to provide free public education are Communist China, North Vietnam, Sarawak, Singapore, British Honduras—and Prince Edward County, Virginia,” Kennedy lamented. The attorney general's hard-won recognition of the gravity of the situation was one of the few public federal acknowledgments of the constitutional crisis in Southside Virginia. Aside from an unsuccessful Justice Department attempt to intervene in the case in April 1961, the federal government largely adopted a hands-off approach to Prince Edward, counseling patience, restraint, and faith in the judicial system.
Mark Krasovic
- Published in print:
- 2016
- Published Online:
- January 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780226352794
- eISBN:
- 9780226352824
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University of Chicago Press
- DOI:
- 10.7208/chicago/9780226352824.003.0002
- Subject:
- History, American History: 20th Century
This chapter provides a history of the development of the Community Action Program within the Kennedy and Johnson administrations. It complements those histories that have focused on the role of ...
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This chapter provides a history of the development of the Community Action Program within the Kennedy and Johnson administrations. It complements those histories that have focused on the role of social scientists and academic theory in the development of the program by providing accounts of key program architects’ encounters with marginalized Americans, including Native Americans and urban gang members. Out of such encounters grew a critique of the federal bureaucracy that, in turn, produced community action.Less
This chapter provides a history of the development of the Community Action Program within the Kennedy and Johnson administrations. It complements those histories that have focused on the role of social scientists and academic theory in the development of the program by providing accounts of key program architects’ encounters with marginalized Americans, including Native Americans and urban gang members. Out of such encounters grew a critique of the federal bureaucracy that, in turn, produced community action.
Ruth Feldstein
- Published in print:
- 2013
- Published Online:
- August 2014
- ISBN:
- 9780195314038
- eISBN:
- 9780199344819
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195314038.003.0001
- Subject:
- History, American History: 20th Century
The introduction explains how culture became a key battleground in the civil rights movement and suggests that women performers played a unique role in the overlapping worlds of politics and ...
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The introduction explains how culture became a key battleground in the civil rights movement and suggests that women performers played a unique role in the overlapping worlds of politics and entertainment. Lena Horne and five younger women—Miriam Makeba, Nina Simone, Abbey Lincoln, Diahann Carroll, and Cicely Tyson—made gender central to their vision of liberation. Horne, who became popular in the 1930s as a glamorous yet respectable “sex symbol,” rejected entrenched images of black women as desexualized “mammies” or sexually available “Jezebels.” Twenty years later, her stardom affected younger women, who pioneered new strategies of activist entertainment, which in turn affected Horne. In a 1963 meeting with Robert Kennedy, Harry Belafonte, and others, Horne publicly committed herself to black activism. All six of these women were part of a longer tradition in which black women entertainers had used entertainment to resist both racism and sexism.Less
The introduction explains how culture became a key battleground in the civil rights movement and suggests that women performers played a unique role in the overlapping worlds of politics and entertainment. Lena Horne and five younger women—Miriam Makeba, Nina Simone, Abbey Lincoln, Diahann Carroll, and Cicely Tyson—made gender central to their vision of liberation. Horne, who became popular in the 1930s as a glamorous yet respectable “sex symbol,” rejected entrenched images of black women as desexualized “mammies” or sexually available “Jezebels.” Twenty years later, her stardom affected younger women, who pioneered new strategies of activist entertainment, which in turn affected Horne. In a 1963 meeting with Robert Kennedy, Harry Belafonte, and others, Horne publicly committed herself to black activism. All six of these women were part of a longer tradition in which black women entertainers had used entertainment to resist both racism and sexism.
Timothy J. Minchin and John A. Salmond
- Published in print:
- 2011
- Published Online:
- September 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780813129785
- eISBN:
- 9780813135625
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University Press of Kentucky
- DOI:
- 10.5810/kentucky/9780813129785.003.0004
- Subject:
- History, African-American History
Martin Luther King Jr. was shot and killed by James Earl Ray—an escaped convict who supported Klan efforts—as he stood on Lorraine Motel's balcony on April 4, 1968. King tried to help several people, ...
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Martin Luther King Jr. was shot and killed by James Earl Ray—an escaped convict who supported Klan efforts—as he stood on Lorraine Motel's balcony on April 4, 1968. King tried to help several people, and all of these people felt that King's death left a significant impact on their lives. Liberal hopes for racial healing went on a decline after the said event and after presidential hopeful Robert Kennedy was also assassinated. Blacks and whites were further polarized as a result of the riots that followed the assassinations. Richard Nixon's new administration, however, did not foster good relations with the civil rights groups, and they found themselves at ends with NAACP leaders who accused them of pandering. King's death particularly left a mark for the civil rights movement in terms of the fact that the media no longer had a charismatic figurehead to focus on. As such, it became difficult to initiate action protests that would draw national attention.Less
Martin Luther King Jr. was shot and killed by James Earl Ray—an escaped convict who supported Klan efforts—as he stood on Lorraine Motel's balcony on April 4, 1968. King tried to help several people, and all of these people felt that King's death left a significant impact on their lives. Liberal hopes for racial healing went on a decline after the said event and after presidential hopeful Robert Kennedy was also assassinated. Blacks and whites were further polarized as a result of the riots that followed the assassinations. Richard Nixon's new administration, however, did not foster good relations with the civil rights groups, and they found themselves at ends with NAACP leaders who accused them of pandering. King's death particularly left a mark for the civil rights movement in terms of the fact that the media no longer had a charismatic figurehead to focus on. As such, it became difficult to initiate action protests that would draw national attention.
Maya Plisetskaya
- Published in print:
- 2001
- Published Online:
- October 2013
- ISBN:
- 9780300088571
- eISBN:
- 9780300130713
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Yale University Press
- DOI:
- 10.12987/yale/9780300088571.001.0001
- Subject:
- Music, Dance
Maya Plisetskaya, one of the world's foremost dancers, rose to become a prima ballerina of Moscow's Bolshoi Ballet after an early life filled with tragedy and loss. In this memoir, Plisetskaya ...
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Maya Plisetskaya, one of the world's foremost dancers, rose to become a prima ballerina of Moscow's Bolshoi Ballet after an early life filled with tragedy and loss. In this memoir, Plisetskaya reflects on her personal and professional odyssey, presenting a unique view of the life of a Soviet artist during the troubled period from the late 1930s to the 1990s. Plisetskaya recounts the execution of her father in the Great Terror and her mother's exile to the Gulag. She describes her admission to the Bolshoi in 1943, the roles she performed there, and the endless petty harassments she endured, from both envious colleagues and Party officials. Refused permission for six years to tour with the company, Plisetskaya eventually performed all over the world, working with such noted choreographers as Roland Petit and Maurice Béjart. She recounts the tumultuous events she lived through and the fascinating people she met—among them the legendary ballet teacher Agrippina Vaganova, George Balanchine, Frank Sinatra, Rudolf Nureyev, and Dmitri Shostakovich. She also provides fascinating details about testy cocktail-party encounters with Nikita Khrushchev, tours abroad when her meager per diem allowance brought her close to starvation, and KGB plots to capitalize on her friendship with Robert Kennedy.Less
Maya Plisetskaya, one of the world's foremost dancers, rose to become a prima ballerina of Moscow's Bolshoi Ballet after an early life filled with tragedy and loss. In this memoir, Plisetskaya reflects on her personal and professional odyssey, presenting a unique view of the life of a Soviet artist during the troubled period from the late 1930s to the 1990s. Plisetskaya recounts the execution of her father in the Great Terror and her mother's exile to the Gulag. She describes her admission to the Bolshoi in 1943, the roles she performed there, and the endless petty harassments she endured, from both envious colleagues and Party officials. Refused permission for six years to tour with the company, Plisetskaya eventually performed all over the world, working with such noted choreographers as Roland Petit and Maurice Béjart. She recounts the tumultuous events she lived through and the fascinating people she met—among them the legendary ballet teacher Agrippina Vaganova, George Balanchine, Frank Sinatra, Rudolf Nureyev, and Dmitri Shostakovich. She also provides fascinating details about testy cocktail-party encounters with Nikita Khrushchev, tours abroad when her meager per diem allowance brought her close to starvation, and KGB plots to capitalize on her friendship with Robert Kennedy.
Danilyn Rutherford
- Published in print:
- 2018
- Published Online:
- May 2019
- ISBN:
- 9780226570105
- eISBN:
- 9780226570389
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University of Chicago Press
- DOI:
- 10.7208/chicago/9780226570389.003.0001
- Subject:
- Anthropology, Anthropology, Theory and Practice
The introduction lays out the problematic explored in the book. It takes as its starting point a 1961 quote from Robert F. Kennedy, the US Secretary of State: in the midst of a dispute between the ...
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The introduction lays out the problematic explored in the book. It takes as its starting point a 1961 quote from Robert F. Kennedy, the US Secretary of State: in the midst of a dispute between the Netherlands and Indonesia on West Papua’s future, Kennedy observed that the Papuans were “still, as it were, living in the Stone Age,” and thus had no ability to decide their own fate. The chapter examines the contemporary problems caused by this assumption, and then offers a brief history of the idea of the Stone Age. Then it introduces the book’s argument on how a particular experience of colonial state building fed the notion that western New Guinea was a Stone Age land. It goes on to provide an overview of the colonial conditions that gave rise to the mission of establishing a Dutch presence in the highlands, before introducing the various chapters and the characters featured in them. The introduction ends with a reflection on the importance of the history described in the book in shaping the fortunes of West Papuans today.Less
The introduction lays out the problematic explored in the book. It takes as its starting point a 1961 quote from Robert F. Kennedy, the US Secretary of State: in the midst of a dispute between the Netherlands and Indonesia on West Papua’s future, Kennedy observed that the Papuans were “still, as it were, living in the Stone Age,” and thus had no ability to decide their own fate. The chapter examines the contemporary problems caused by this assumption, and then offers a brief history of the idea of the Stone Age. Then it introduces the book’s argument on how a particular experience of colonial state building fed the notion that western New Guinea was a Stone Age land. It goes on to provide an overview of the colonial conditions that gave rise to the mission of establishing a Dutch presence in the highlands, before introducing the various chapters and the characters featured in them. The introduction ends with a reflection on the importance of the history described in the book in shaping the fortunes of West Papuans today.
Davis W. Houck and David E. Dixon
- Published in print:
- 2008
- Published Online:
- March 2014
- ISBN:
- 9781604731071
- eISBN:
- 9781604737608
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University Press of Mississippi
- DOI:
- 10.14325/mississippi/9781604731071.003.0021
- Subject:
- History, African-American History
Born in New York City in 1903, Kathleen Scofield Louchheim was a talented poet and Democratic activist. Louchheim became a delegate from Washington D.C. to the Democratic National Convention in 1948 ...
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Born in New York City in 1903, Kathleen Scofield Louchheim was a talented poet and Democratic activist. Louchheim became a delegate from Washington D.C. to the Democratic National Convention in 1948 and served as an alternate member of the Democratic National Committee (DNC) four years later. Perhaps her biggest break came in 1953 when she was appointed Director of Women’s Activities for the DNC, a position she used to encourage women to get involved in all levels of politics. On November 17, 1961, she spoke at the National Council of Negro Women in Washington D.C. This chapter presents Louchheim’s speech, in which she talked about the interracial work that awaits American women and the “weapons” they needed in this endeavor. She also praised Robert Kennedy’s handling of civil rights despite the fact that Bob Moses and other members of the Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee were languishing in a jail in McComb, Mississippi.Less
Born in New York City in 1903, Kathleen Scofield Louchheim was a talented poet and Democratic activist. Louchheim became a delegate from Washington D.C. to the Democratic National Convention in 1948 and served as an alternate member of the Democratic National Committee (DNC) four years later. Perhaps her biggest break came in 1953 when she was appointed Director of Women’s Activities for the DNC, a position she used to encourage women to get involved in all levels of politics. On November 17, 1961, she spoke at the National Council of Negro Women in Washington D.C. This chapter presents Louchheim’s speech, in which she talked about the interracial work that awaits American women and the “weapons” they needed in this endeavor. She also praised Robert Kennedy’s handling of civil rights despite the fact that Bob Moses and other members of the Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee were languishing in a jail in McComb, Mississippi.
Brian C. Kalt
- Published in print:
- 2012
- Published Online:
- October 2013
- ISBN:
- 9780300123517
- eISBN:
- 9780300178012
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Yale University Press
- DOI:
- 10.12987/yale/9780300123517.003.0004
- Subject:
- Law, Constitutional and Administrative Law
This chapter explores the muddy path to determining whether the president is disabled or not: the second of the five steps, in which the vice president and cabinet have four days to re-challenge the ...
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This chapter explores the muddy path to determining whether the president is disabled or not: the second of the five steps, in which the vice president and cabinet have four days to re-challenge the president. It is indisputable that Section 4's creators intended for the vice president to remain in charge during this waiting period, and there is ample evidence that Section 4 so provides. Unfortunately, the text of Section 4 is unclear, so it has occasionally been misread as placing the president in charge during the waiting period. As seen in this chapter's hypothetical scenario, if push ever comes to shove, things could go very badly. When Section 4 was being debated, Senator Robert Kennedy worried about a situation in which “[t]here would be two Presidents and two Cabinets.” This skittishness might explain why Section 4 has never been used.Less
This chapter explores the muddy path to determining whether the president is disabled or not: the second of the five steps, in which the vice president and cabinet have four days to re-challenge the president. It is indisputable that Section 4's creators intended for the vice president to remain in charge during this waiting period, and there is ample evidence that Section 4 so provides. Unfortunately, the text of Section 4 is unclear, so it has occasionally been misread as placing the president in charge during the waiting period. As seen in this chapter's hypothetical scenario, if push ever comes to shove, things could go very badly. When Section 4 was being debated, Senator Robert Kennedy worried about a situation in which “[t]here would be two Presidents and two Cabinets.” This skittishness might explain why Section 4 has never been used.
Dana Greene
- Published in print:
- 2012
- Published Online:
- April 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780252037108
- eISBN:
- 9780252094217
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University of Illinois Press
- DOI:
- 10.5406/illinois/9780252037108.003.0006
- Subject:
- Literature, Poetry
This chapter details the life and career of Denise Levertov from 1968 to 1971. As “poet in the world,” Levertov's writing reflected the great social upheaval in American society in the late 1960s. ...
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This chapter details the life and career of Denise Levertov from 1968 to 1971. As “poet in the world,” Levertov's writing reflected the great social upheaval in American society in the late 1960s. But that upheaval, focused as it was on the Vietnam War, did not explain her sense of personal anxiety. Overwrought, fretful, and needy, she contemplated an accidental suicide. Her pain was exacerbated by the fact that she did not know its source or how to cure it. Now in her midforties, she had come to the surprising realization that there was something “green & undeveloped” in her. On the national level the events that galvanized Levertov were the war, and the assassinations of Martin Luther King and Robert Kennedy.Less
This chapter details the life and career of Denise Levertov from 1968 to 1971. As “poet in the world,” Levertov's writing reflected the great social upheaval in American society in the late 1960s. But that upheaval, focused as it was on the Vietnam War, did not explain her sense of personal anxiety. Overwrought, fretful, and needy, she contemplated an accidental suicide. Her pain was exacerbated by the fact that she did not know its source or how to cure it. Now in her midforties, she had come to the surprising realization that there was something “green & undeveloped” in her. On the national level the events that galvanized Levertov were the war, and the assassinations of Martin Luther King and Robert Kennedy.
