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Established in 1983, the European Strategic Program for Research in Information Technologies (ESPRIT) is the oldest of the European Commission's research and technology development (RTD) programmes. ESPRIT came into being as a result of the fear that Europe was lagging far behind the United States and Japan in vital information technologies. Collaboration, rather than competition, among Europe's IT companies, it was imagined would yield synergies, the flexibility to adapt in volatile markets, and the shorter product cycles essential for international competitiveness. The chapter explores the significance of external linkages for innovation in ESPRIT in the light of the reality of collaboration. Empirical data focus on ten ESPRIT projects, examined as case studies. Particular attention is given to the informal networks that link members of the ESPRIT projects to the most dynamic parts of the IT world in the United States and beyond.

The view regarding the role of universities has changed dramatically in the entrepreneurial society. There are several reasons for the emergence of the university as an engine of economic growth. The first is the shift away from the managed economy. A consequence of globalization in the most developed countries has been to shift the comparative advantage away from traditional manufacturing industries and towards new knowledge-based economic activity. But where is this knowledge to come from? The university serves as a vital source of new economic knowledge. As research and knowledge become perhaps the most crucial component to generating economic growth and competitive jobs in globally-linked markets, universities emerge as a key factor in determining the future well-being of the United States.

This chapter surveys the final years of the Research Programme, from the publication of the Third Report of the Joint Working Party, to the appearance of the first books in the Heinemann series in the early 1980s. It explores attempts by the Joint Working Party to respond to referees' reports on the projects that had been funded, and evaluate the Research Programme as a whole. It traces efforts to compare projects across the two main themes of familial processes and socioeconomic factors, and the commissioning of the final report from Muriel Brown and Nicola Madge. It further explores the attitude of the DHSS to the Research Programme, and the broader reaction to it through reviews of the early Heinemann books in academic journals, newspapers, and other periodicals.

This chapter explores the establishment of the Joint Working Party, including the DHSS and SSRC personnel. It surveys the setting up of the Research Programme, from the first discussions between the DHSS and SSRC in the summer of 1971, to the publication of the First Report by the Joint Working Party in August 1974. It explores the informal discussions between the DHSS and SSRC that took place in advance of the cycle speech, the first formal meetings of the Joint Working Party, and the composition of its membership. It traces the conceptual difficulties encountered by the members of the Joint Working Party in attempting to define ‘deprivation’, reflected in an important early paper ‘Approaches to research on transmitted deprivation’, and a conference held at the LSE on 15 April 1973.

This chapter traces early attempts to commission research, some of the applications that were received, and reports by referees. It looks in particular at the efforts that were made to correct the perceived imbalance of the Research Programme, away from the emphasis on familial processes, to take more account of socioeconomic factors. It also traces the attitude of the DHSS civil servants towards the Research Programme, and their growing exasperation with it. It argues that a full understanding of the direction taken by the Research Programme, and in particular the shift from the behavioural focus of the cycle hypothesis to the structural emphasis favoured by many researchers, is only possible through analysis of the available archival sources, supplemented by oral interviews.

This chapter explores the career of neuroscientist Francis O. Schmitt (1903-1995): how his experimental research relied on marine organisms and marine laboratories, and more generally how this earlier phase in his career related to his foundation of the Neurosciences Research Program at MIT from 1962 to 1963. From the 1930s through the 1950s, a network of marine stations, especially the Marine Biological Laboratory in Woods Hole, MA, offered brick-and-mortar places where Schmitt and his colleagues could adopt new experimental systems for studying action potentials. Working from these labs, Schmitt and his colleagues could obtain their choice experimental organisms, squid, which in turn supplied the materials necessary for their work: the abnormally large axons of squid neurons. More theoretically, Schmitt’s research with squid required and facilitated comparative studies, expanding physiologists’ understandings of the varieties of neurons existing in the natural world. Placed into historical context, moreover, Schmitt’s story demonstrates how other neurophysiologists of his era approached such diversity differently than he did, and how finding unifying principles, including amongst the multiplicity of neurons in marine organisms, has always challenged neurobiologists.

This section provides an introduction to the intellectual history of the cycle speech and the Transmitted Deprivation Research Programme of the 1970s. It explores their relevance to current policy initiatives on child poverty, antisocial behaviour, and social exclusion. It notes that Keith Joseph's theme had been that of a hypothesis of a ‘cycle of deprivation’ while Tony Blair's was that of a new government stance on social exclusion. It observes that despite the passage of thirty-four years, the fact that one speech was given by a Conservative minister, the other by a Labour prime minister, and inevitable difference in language, the content is remarkably similar. It notes that in all of the recent debate, the rhetoric of a cycle of deprivation, and of intergenerational continuities, has been ever present.

This chapter examines the application of a variety of laboratory and field disciplines of experimental research to the conservation of endangered marsupials and the management of marsupial pest control in Australia and New Zealand. It discusses an integrated approach to conservation, illustrating the interaction between researchers and managers at work. It draws on examples from the research and communications programmes of the Cooperative Research Centres (CRC) Programme, which encourages integrated, multidisciplinary research and technology development.

This article introduces the Naples Zoological Station’s research program. It offers a new perspective on the Station’s practices of knowledge production, spanning laboratory and field. Against the backdrop of the Station’s monograph-series, Fauna und Flora des Golfes von Neapel und seiner angrenzenden Meeresgebiete, representing the program in published form, I focus on the work of Wilhelm Giesbrecht, a longstanding researcher at the Station, to explore the program’s epistemic and institutional dimensions. I argue that the Station’s sampling operations, while representing a service infrastructure for guest researchers, was primarily built around its research program. I also show that within the Station, sampling marine invertebrates not only served guest researchers’ needs but was developed to pursue the program’s goal of systematic sampling the Tyrrhenian Sea. This involved ecology as part of a new taxonomy done at the Station.

This section draws the earlier themes together. It summarises five areas in which this intellectual history of the cycle speech and Research Programme has added significantly to existing knowledge. It argues that while the cycle speech and Research Programme have been recognised as being relevant to the approach taken by New Labour to child poverty from 1997, these continuities have become even more striking given subsequent efforts to tackle antisocial behaviour and social exclusion.

This chapter uses the Research Programme to explore further the approach of social scientists to issues of poverty, deprivation, structure, and behaviour. It builds on the earlier work by Deacon, which took a collective biographical approach to explaining changing ideologies of welfare reform, focusing on Richard Titmuss, Charles Murray, and Lawrence Mead, along with Oscar Lewis, William Julius Wilson, and William Ryan. This chapter looks particularly at the work of social scientists who were openly hostile, or at best marginal, to the Research Programme: Harriet Wilson, Adrian Sinfield, and Peter Townsend.

This chapter discusses a case study of the Brown University Superfund Research Program, in which academic researchers and state agency personnel collaborated with community activists in developing legislation to give temporary financial relief to residents of a contaminated neighborhood while they awaited cleanup. Relationships between stakeholders in cases involving contaminated sites are often contentious, in part because biomedical and engineering scientists are not trained to recognize and address the social problems that accompany the environmental hazards. By creating opportunities for cooperation, outreach efforts that make the research results more accessible can begin to repair trust among stakeholders and thus may pave the way for speedier site cleanup and reuse. This case study also shows how the inclusion of social scientists in a research translation and outreach program can contribute to a broader understanding of the social and political contexts that shape interactions between professionals and affected communities.

This appendix begins with the history of the Engineering Research Center program, a National Science Foundation initiative whose roots lie in concerns about American competitiveness in the 1980s. NSF responded to worries about US innovation efforts and engineering education flaws with a program that by design brought together academic researchers and industry leaders. The ERC program also made interdisciplinary collaboration a centerpiece, and introduced a novel organizing tool: the three-plane strategic planning framework. The chapter also highlights the remarkably successful track record of the ERC program. ERCs reaped a return in the tens of billions of dollars for the $1 billion invested in them from 1985 through 2009. The centers have produced graduates much better prepared to make a difference in industry. And the three-plane framework has improved the strategic planning capabilities of many research leaders.

This chapter outlines how knowledge is mobilised – produced, mediated and applied – to improve education practice and policy in Singapore. It begins with an introduction to Singapore's education system. It then describes how the problem of knowledge mobilisation theory is framed and how Singaporean researchers have developed a Research, Development and Innovation programme. The chapter ends with a discussion of how the Singapore experience may contribute to the international education research community's drive to increase its impact on policy and practice.

This chapter focuses on the ecological response mechanisms of the Luquillo Mountains to natural and human-induced disturbances, such as hurricanes and land cover change. It identifies the ecosystems of the Luquillo Mountains as a perfect representation of large masses of a non-frost tropical land because of its naturally occurring features: high rainfall, hurricane disturbances, maritime climate, and insularity. It then sets out the Luquillo Long-Term Ecological Research (LTER) program as a by-product of the 20th and 21st century experimentations, and discusses its contributions to the basic understanding of the ecological make-up and biogeochemistry of the Luquillo Mountains.

This chapter examines whether the current research program of the discipline matches the quality of the archaeological record and argues that most processes studied by archaeologists operate over a decade or less. This is 2–3 orders of magnitude faster than the sampling interval and the resolution of archaeological data. This has three consequences. First, most archaeological results are wrong. The chance that an archaeological interpretation, picked among dozens of equifinal alternatives, is valid is vanishingly small. Second, most archaeological research is also unneeded. The short-scale processes studied by archaeologists are borrowed from other disciplines, such as cultural anthropology. These disciplines do not need archaeology to confirm or disprove their ideas. Third, archaeological theory is balkanized. The archaeological literature is crowded with a daunting number of theories and claims that are mutually exclusive. New theories and processes are added to the literature faster than old ones are eliminated. Archaeologists are ignoring the equifinality problem for historical reasons that are outlined here. This was further amplified by the way archaeologists understood uniformitarianism, a human-centric view of the world, and the way archaeologists test hypothesis. Paleontologists, faced a similar problem years ago and solved it by changing their research problem.

A research program that takes full advantage of the quality of the archaeological record eliminates the study of most microscale processes — those that are observed within a human lifetime and that operate at the hierarchical scale of the individual — because the archaeological record is not a suitable medium to study them. Instead, an appropriate research program focuses on: (1) cultural history and (2) macroarchaeology, the search for macroscale patterns and processes in the global archaeological record. Archaeologists can also make unique contributions to the social sciences by studying macroscale processes that operate at a hierarchical level well above that of the individual, that cannot be seen within the span of a human lifetime, but that become visible only when looked from an observation window thousands of years long and thousands of kilometers wide. The archaeological record has the scope necessary to detect macroscale phenomena because it can provide samples that are large enough to cancel out the noise generated by microscale processes. In order to discover macroscale principles affecting human history, archaeologists need to build a global database of archaeological types. Such database can act as a low-pass filter that cancels out the noise generated by microscale factors.

Henry Lorenzi began a part-time coordinator position Holmes County Health Research Program through his appointment by Prof. Demitri Shimkin as a University of Illinois research associate. Edgar Love, born on a Holmes delta plantation, worked long hours on the election campaign, developing as a strong, devoted, and creative organizer. When in 1966 SNCC expelled all its white southern workers including those in Mississippi and increasingly used the term Black Power, the relationship of the Holmes County Movement with its northern financial supporters weakened. Two law students arrived in summer 1967 and ten black students were recruited by SNCC to work in Holmes. Slight tension was felt when the young people disapproved of the black leadership asking for advice from Henry. The Holmes leadership successfully avoided a black white confrontation and at the end of the summer, the students left. Edgar Love describes a shootout between him and white racists in Tchula. Alexander Shimkin reflects on the Black Power movement and the Summer of 1967.

The plants enumerated in the checklist are primarily based on the botanical collections made by Grady L. Webster and collaborators on the University of California Research Expeditions Program (UREP), and additional collections made by other botanists. These specimens are deposited at the University of California, Davis (DAV), the Herbario Nacional (QCNE), and the Pontificia Universidad Católica (QCA). The total number of UREP collections is 3,625; together with the records of other collectors, the grand total of all collections made in the Maquipucuna area is over 5,200.