Padraig O'Malley
- Published in print:
- 2001
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780199244348
- eISBN:
- 9780191599866
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199244340.003.0012
- Subject:
- Political Science, UK Politics
Compares Northern Ireland's peace process with the transition to democracy in South Africa. The chapter details the ways in which Northern Ireland's political elites learnt from South Africa's ...
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Compares Northern Ireland's peace process with the transition to democracy in South Africa. The chapter details the ways in which Northern Ireland's political elites learnt from South Africa's negotiations, and argues that they have more to learn. It squarely rejects the claim of Irish republican militants that their position is analogous to that of South Africa's African National Congress.Less
Compares Northern Ireland's peace process with the transition to democracy in South Africa. The chapter details the ways in which Northern Ireland's political elites learnt from South Africa's negotiations, and argues that they have more to learn. It squarely rejects the claim of Irish republican militants that their position is analogous to that of South Africa's African National Congress.
Max. M Edling
- Published in print:
- 2003
- Published Online:
- January 2005
- ISBN:
- 9780195148701
- eISBN:
- 9780199835096
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0195148703.003.0015
- Subject:
- Political Science, American Politics
Offers brief sketches of the institutionalization of the military and fiscal powers granted by the US Constitution, and of the uses made of them by the Federalists in the 1790s. Gives an outline of ...
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Offers brief sketches of the institutionalization of the military and fiscal powers granted by the US Constitution, and of the uses made of them by the Federalists in the 1790s. Gives an outline of the fiscal and financial policy of the Federalists, thereby assessing Alexander Hamilton's claim to have restored public credit while reducing the tax pressure on the citizens. Also looks at the fate of the Federalist program after the Federalists had lost power to the Jeffersonian Republicans.Less
Offers brief sketches of the institutionalization of the military and fiscal powers granted by the US Constitution, and of the uses made of them by the Federalists in the 1790s. Gives an outline of the fiscal and financial policy of the Federalists, thereby assessing Alexander Hamilton's claim to have restored public credit while reducing the tax pressure on the citizens. Also looks at the fate of the Federalist program after the Federalists had lost power to the Jeffersonian Republicans.
Mark Jurdjevic
- Published in print:
- 2008
- Published Online:
- May 2008
- ISBN:
- 9780199204489
- eISBN:
- 9780191708084
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199204489.001.0001
- Subject:
- History, European Early Modern History
Guardians of Republicanism analyses the political and intellectual history of Renaissance Florence—republican and princely—by focusing on five generations of the Valori family, each of ...
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Guardians of Republicanism analyses the political and intellectual history of Renaissance Florence—republican and princely—by focusing on five generations of the Valori family, each of which played a dynamic role in the city's political and cultural life. The Valori were early and influential supporters of the Medici family, but were also crucial participants in the city's periodic republican revivals throughout the Renaissance. Mark Jurdjevic examines their political struggles and conflicts against the larger backdrop of their patronage and support of the Neoplatonic philosopher Marsilio Ficino, the radical Dominican prophet Girolamo Savonarola, and Niccolò Machiavelli, the premier political philosopher of the Italian Renaissance. Each of these three quintessential Renaissance reformers and philosophers relied heavily on the patronage of the Valori, who evolved an innovative republicanism based on a hybrid fusion of the classical and Christian languages of Florentine communal politics. Jurdjevic's study thus illuminates how intellectual forces—humanist, republican, and Machiavellian—intersected and directed the politics and culture of the Florentine Renaissance.Less
Guardians of Republicanism analyses the political and intellectual history of Renaissance Florence—republican and princely—by focusing on five generations of the Valori family, each of which played a dynamic role in the city's political and cultural life. The Valori were early and influential supporters of the Medici family, but were also crucial participants in the city's periodic republican revivals throughout the Renaissance. Mark Jurdjevic examines their political struggles and conflicts against the larger backdrop of their patronage and support of the Neoplatonic philosopher Marsilio Ficino, the radical Dominican prophet Girolamo Savonarola, and Niccolò Machiavelli, the premier political philosopher of the Italian Renaissance. Each of these three quintessential Renaissance reformers and philosophers relied heavily on the patronage of the Valori, who evolved an innovative republicanism based on a hybrid fusion of the classical and Christian languages of Florentine communal politics. Jurdjevic's study thus illuminates how intellectual forces—humanist, republican, and Machiavellian—intersected and directed the politics and culture of the Florentine Renaissance.
Edward Holberton
- Published in print:
- 2008
- Published Online:
- September 2008
- ISBN:
- 9780199544585
- eISBN:
- 9780191719981
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199544585.003.0001
- Subject:
- Literature, 17th-century and Restoration Literature
Here the book's argument is introduced and situated in relation to existing studies that address Protectorate culture and literature. The Introduction then focuses upon a recent scholarly interest in ...
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Here the book's argument is introduced and situated in relation to existing studies that address Protectorate culture and literature. The Introduction then focuses upon a recent scholarly interest in republican writing, and looks at how the models of literary history used in these studies have constrained the interpretation of Protectorate poetry. Methodological sections then discuss the kinds of literary sensitivity and interdisciplinary contextualization needed to explore connections between institutions and poetry.Less
Here the book's argument is introduced and situated in relation to existing studies that address Protectorate culture and literature. The Introduction then focuses upon a recent scholarly interest in republican writing, and looks at how the models of literary history used in these studies have constrained the interpretation of Protectorate poetry. Methodological sections then discuss the kinds of literary sensitivity and interdisciplinary contextualization needed to explore connections between institutions and poetry.
Edward Holberton
- Published in print:
- 2008
- Published Online:
- September 2008
- ISBN:
- 9780199544585
- eISBN:
- 9780191719981
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199544585.003.0005
- Subject:
- Literature, 17th-century and Restoration Literature
The first parliament of the Protectorate would not accept the powers allotted to it by the constitution, and refused to ratify the Instrument of Government. As the crisis undermined the state's ...
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The first parliament of the Protectorate would not accept the powers allotted to it by the constitution, and refused to ratify the Instrument of Government. As the crisis undermined the state's legitimacy, republican colonels in the army attempted a coup. I look closely at how Waller's A Panegyrick to My Lord Protector and Marvell's The First Anniversary responded to these events, particularly at the force of circumstance in the rhetoric of these poems and in their different perspectives on the Protectorate's cultural possibilities. Waller's Panegyrick articulates a historical opportunity to be seized, identifying a juncture at which interests might be reconceptualized to form the political foundations of a new, unifying imperium; The First Anniversary more plainly exposes the fragility of the Protectorate settlement. It unpacks institutional cruces that the Panegyrick elides, yet makes of the anniversary's uncertainties persuasions for readers to move beyond partisan entrenchments.Less
The first parliament of the Protectorate would not accept the powers allotted to it by the constitution, and refused to ratify the Instrument of Government. As the crisis undermined the state's legitimacy, republican colonels in the army attempted a coup. I look closely at how Waller's A Panegyrick to My Lord Protector and Marvell's The First Anniversary responded to these events, particularly at the force of circumstance in the rhetoric of these poems and in their different perspectives on the Protectorate's cultural possibilities. Waller's Panegyrick articulates a historical opportunity to be seized, identifying a juncture at which interests might be reconceptualized to form the political foundations of a new, unifying imperium; The First Anniversary more plainly exposes the fragility of the Protectorate settlement. It unpacks institutional cruces that the Panegyrick elides, yet makes of the anniversary's uncertainties persuasions for readers to move beyond partisan entrenchments.
James Tracy
- Published in print:
- 2008
- Published Online:
- May 2008
- ISBN:
- 9780199209118
- eISBN:
- 9780191706134
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199209118.001.0001
- Subject:
- History, European Early Modern History
In 1572, towns in the province of Holland, led by William of Orange, rebelled against the government of the Habsburg Netherlands. The story of the Dutch Revolt is usually told in terms of fractious ...
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In 1572, towns in the province of Holland, led by William of Orange, rebelled against the government of the Habsburg Netherlands. The story of the Dutch Revolt is usually told in terms of fractious provinces that frustrated Orange's efforts to formulate a coherent programme. In this book James D. Tracy argues that there was a coherent strategy for the war, but that it was set by the towns of Holland. Although the States of Holland was in theory subject to the States General, Holland provided over 60% of the taxes and an even larger share of war loans. Accordingly, funds were directed to securing Holland's borders, and subsequently to extending this protected frontier to neighboring provinces that, like Holland, lay north of the great rivers running east to west. Shielded from the war by its cordon sanitaire, Holland experienced an extraordinary economic boom, allowing taxes and loans to keep flowing. The goal—in sight if not achieved by 1588—was a United Provinces of the north, free and separate from provinces in the southern Netherlands that remained under Spanish rule. With Europe increasingly under the sway of strong hereditary princes, the new Dutch Republic was a beacon of promise for those who still believed that citizens ought to rule themselves.Less
In 1572, towns in the province of Holland, led by William of Orange, rebelled against the government of the Habsburg Netherlands. The story of the Dutch Revolt is usually told in terms of fractious provinces that frustrated Orange's efforts to formulate a coherent programme. In this book James D. Tracy argues that there was a coherent strategy for the war, but that it was set by the towns of Holland. Although the States of Holland was in theory subject to the States General, Holland provided over 60% of the taxes and an even larger share of war loans. Accordingly, funds were directed to securing Holland's borders, and subsequently to extending this protected frontier to neighboring provinces that, like Holland, lay north of the great rivers running east to west. Shielded from the war by its cordon sanitaire, Holland experienced an extraordinary economic boom, allowing taxes and loans to keep flowing. The goal—in sight if not achieved by 1588—was a United Provinces of the north, free and separate from provinces in the southern Netherlands that remained under Spanish rule. With Europe increasingly under the sway of strong hereditary princes, the new Dutch Republic was a beacon of promise for those who still believed that citizens ought to rule themselves.
P. P. Craig
- Published in print:
- 1991
- Published Online:
- March 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780198256373
- eISBN:
- 9780191681646
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198256373.001.0001
- Subject:
- Law, Constitutional and Administrative Law
This book has two themes. The ‘minor’ theme is that the content and direction of both constitutional and administrative law are integrally related. The ‘major’ theme is that their nature and content ...
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This book has two themes. The ‘minor’ theme is that the content and direction of both constitutional and administrative law are integrally related. The ‘major’ theme is that their nature and content can only be properly understood against the background political theory which a society actually espouses, or against such a background which a particular commentator believes a society should espouse. The book brings the fruits of writings in political science and political theory to bear on the issues of public law. A critical examination of the centralist democratic views of Dicey is followed by an extensive discussion of a variety of pluralist theories of democracy, tracing their development in the USA from the early 20th century to their more sophisticated recent versions. A similar analysis is applied to a cross-section of English pluralists, and in all cases the discussion is followed by a criticism of the views expounded and an exploration of their implications for public law. Considerable space is devoted to the examination of Rawls’ views and their implications for public law and to a discussion of Republicanism and radical participatory democracy arguments.Less
This book has two themes. The ‘minor’ theme is that the content and direction of both constitutional and administrative law are integrally related. The ‘major’ theme is that their nature and content can only be properly understood against the background political theory which a society actually espouses, or against such a background which a particular commentator believes a society should espouse. The book brings the fruits of writings in political science and political theory to bear on the issues of public law. A critical examination of the centralist democratic views of Dicey is followed by an extensive discussion of a variety of pluralist theories of democracy, tracing their development in the USA from the early 20th century to their more sophisticated recent versions. A similar analysis is applied to a cross-section of English pluralists, and in all cases the discussion is followed by a criticism of the views expounded and an exploration of their implications for public law. Considerable space is devoted to the examination of Rawls’ views and their implications for public law and to a discussion of Republicanism and radical participatory democracy arguments.
Leah Wright Rigueur
- Published in print:
- 2014
- Published Online:
- October 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780691159010
- eISBN:
- 9781400852437
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Princeton University Press
- DOI:
- 10.23943/princeton/9780691159010.003.0009
- Subject:
- History, Political History
This concluding chapter explores how the fundamental ideological rift illustrated by Elaine Jenkins' and Clarence Thomas' philosophies spoke to an evolution of the thoughts and actions that black ...
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This concluding chapter explores how the fundamental ideological rift illustrated by Elaine Jenkins' and Clarence Thomas' philosophies spoke to an evolution of the thoughts and actions that black Republicans had advanced since 1936. In that year, about one hundred African American party members from New York gathered to discuss the party's responsibilities in times of crisis; for them, Republicanism symbolized government that was “by the people,” that spoke to matters of social justice. And though they rejected the New Deal, disparaging social welfare as “handouts,” they nevertheless insisted that the party had to offer something to address racial inequality and the economic needs of the American public in a viable and empathetic way.Less
This concluding chapter explores how the fundamental ideological rift illustrated by Elaine Jenkins' and Clarence Thomas' philosophies spoke to an evolution of the thoughts and actions that black Republicans had advanced since 1936. In that year, about one hundred African American party members from New York gathered to discuss the party's responsibilities in times of crisis; for them, Republicanism symbolized government that was “by the people,” that spoke to matters of social justice. And though they rejected the New Deal, disparaging social welfare as “handouts,” they nevertheless insisted that the party had to offer something to address racial inequality and the economic needs of the American public in a viable and empathetic way.
James D. Tracy
- Published in print:
- 2008
- Published Online:
- May 2008
- ISBN:
- 9780199209118
- eISBN:
- 9780191706134
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199209118.003.0014
- Subject:
- History, European Early Modern History
Historians of republicanism have focussed on states where princely rule was overthrown (15th‐century Florence, 17th‐century England). Yet even in princely realms town magistrates claimed to be part ...
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Historians of republicanism have focussed on states where princely rule was overthrown (15th‐century Florence, 17th‐century England). Yet even in princely realms town magistrates claimed to be part of a underline respublica mixta, a state combining the principles of monarchy, aristocracy, and democracy. Dutch writers understood the United Provinces as a underline respublica mixta—that is, a stable, balanced constitution. Some embraced the democratic principle, invoking the memory of ancient Athens. Others (partisans of the House of Orange) bemoaned the weakness of the monarchical principle. Still others, like Holland's Hugo Grotius, saw the town oligarchies as forming a proper, aristocratic republic, like Sparta or Venice. Thus understood, the new polity was hardly democratic; but in a Europe dominated by strong monarchies, it was a beacon of republican liberty.Less
Historians of republicanism have focussed on states where princely rule was overthrown (15th‐century Florence, 17th‐century England). Yet even in princely realms town magistrates claimed to be part of a underline respublica mixta, a state combining the principles of monarchy, aristocracy, and democracy. Dutch writers understood the United Provinces as a underline respublica mixta—that is, a stable, balanced constitution. Some embraced the democratic principle, invoking the memory of ancient Athens. Others (partisans of the House of Orange) bemoaned the weakness of the monarchical principle. Still others, like Holland's Hugo Grotius, saw the town oligarchies as forming a proper, aristocratic republic, like Sparta or Venice. Thus understood, the new polity was hardly democratic; but in a Europe dominated by strong monarchies, it was a beacon of republican liberty.
Mark Jurdjevic
- Published in print:
- 2008
- Published Online:
- May 2008
- ISBN:
- 9780199204489
- eISBN:
- 9780191708084
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199204489.003.0001
- Subject:
- History, European Early Modern History
The introduction provides a narrative overview and survey of the five generations of the Valori analysed in the book. It explains the principal actions, conflicts, and outcomes of the family's ...
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The introduction provides a narrative overview and survey of the five generations of the Valori analysed in the book. It explains the principal actions, conflicts, and outcomes of the family's political careers between the late fifteenth century through the late seventeenth century. Additionally, the introduction provides an overview and survey of the family's primary intellectual patronage patterns, particularly their alliances with Girolamo Savonarola, a radical Dominican reformer and prophet, Marsilio Ficino, the city's leading Neoplatonic philosopher, and Niccolò Machiavelli, the most influential political philosopher of the Italian Renaissance.Less
The introduction provides a narrative overview and survey of the five generations of the Valori analysed in the book. It explains the principal actions, conflicts, and outcomes of the family's political careers between the late fifteenth century through the late seventeenth century. Additionally, the introduction provides an overview and survey of the family's primary intellectual patronage patterns, particularly their alliances with Girolamo Savonarola, a radical Dominican reformer and prophet, Marsilio Ficino, the city's leading Neoplatonic philosopher, and Niccolò Machiavelli, the most influential political philosopher of the Italian Renaissance.
Bill Kissane
- Published in print:
- 2005
- Published Online:
- September 2007
- ISBN:
- 9780199273553
- eISBN:
- 9780191706172
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199273553.003.0008
- Subject:
- History, British and Irish Modern History
This chapter discusses the anti-Treaty interpretation of the civil war and its evolution after the formation of a Fianna Fail government in 1932. It shows how the anti-treatyites had a ...
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This chapter discusses the anti-Treaty interpretation of the civil war and its evolution after the formation of a Fianna Fail government in 1932. It shows how the anti-treatyites had a constitutionalist interpretation of the civil war, which was shared by moderate and hardline republicans. Common to both was a conviction that British pressure rather than divisions within Irish nationalism was responsible for the outbreak of fighting, so establishment of the Free State was essentially a neo-colonial project. Under the leadership of de Valera, this outlook increasingly concentrated on the oath of allegiance as their main grievance with the Free State, which enabled Fianna Fail to combat the accusation that their position in 1922 was fundamentally anti-democratic. Indeed, the abolition of the oath enabled de Valera to call for all republicans to recognize the Free State and claim that his party had helped the society recover from the civil war.Less
This chapter discusses the anti-Treaty interpretation of the civil war and its evolution after the formation of a Fianna Fail government in 1932. It shows how the anti-treatyites had a constitutionalist interpretation of the civil war, which was shared by moderate and hardline republicans. Common to both was a conviction that British pressure rather than divisions within Irish nationalism was responsible for the outbreak of fighting, so establishment of the Free State was essentially a neo-colonial project. Under the leadership of de Valera, this outlook increasingly concentrated on the oath of allegiance as their main grievance with the Free State, which enabled Fianna Fail to combat the accusation that their position in 1922 was fundamentally anti-democratic. Indeed, the abolition of the oath enabled de Valera to call for all republicans to recognize the Free State and claim that his party had helped the society recover from the civil war.
- Published in print:
- 2007
- Published Online:
- June 2013
- ISBN:
- 9781846311444
- eISBN:
- 9781846314193
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Liverpool University Press
- DOI:
- 10.5949/UPO9781846314193.006
- Subject:
- Political Science, UK Politics
This chapter illustrates the scope of the issues in the transition phase of the Republican and British state peace process together with its clashing ambiguities and criticisms. This portion also ...
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This chapter illustrates the scope of the issues in the transition phase of the Republican and British state peace process together with its clashing ambiguities and criticisms. This portion also sets the tone of the following chapters, uniting the process of transition in the first few chapters with the origins, inner workings, and mechanisms of the shifting ideologies. It also describes the themes that are presented in the next few chapters and how these themes – new types of identity politics – take on a different appearance towards the ambiguous breakaway from traditional Republicanism.Less
This chapter illustrates the scope of the issues in the transition phase of the Republican and British state peace process together with its clashing ambiguities and criticisms. This portion also sets the tone of the following chapters, uniting the process of transition in the first few chapters with the origins, inner workings, and mechanisms of the shifting ideologies. It also describes the themes that are presented in the next few chapters and how these themes – new types of identity politics – take on a different appearance towards the ambiguous breakaway from traditional Republicanism.
Edward Legon
- Published in print:
- 2019
- Published Online:
- September 2019
- ISBN:
- 9781526124654
- eISBN:
- 9781526144652
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Manchester University Press
- DOI:
- 10.7228/manchester/9781526124654.001.0001
- Subject:
- History, British and Irish Early Modern History
Parliamentarians continued to identify with the decisions to oppose and resist Crown and established church after the Restoration. By expressing these views between 1660 and 1688, these men and women ...
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Parliamentarians continued to identify with the decisions to oppose and resist Crown and established church after the Restoration. By expressing these views between 1660 and 1688, these men and women were vulnerable to charges of sedition or treason. This book examines these ‘seditious memories’ and asks why people risked themselves by expressing them in public. It does so without dismissing such views as evidence of discontent or radicalism, showing instead how they countered experiences of defeat. As well as speech and writing, these views are shown to have manifested themselves as misbehavior during official commemoration of the civil wars and republic. It also considers how such views were passed on from the generation of men and women who experienced civil war and revolution to their children and grandchildren.Less
Parliamentarians continued to identify with the decisions to oppose and resist Crown and established church after the Restoration. By expressing these views between 1660 and 1688, these men and women were vulnerable to charges of sedition or treason. This book examines these ‘seditious memories’ and asks why people risked themselves by expressing them in public. It does so without dismissing such views as evidence of discontent or radicalism, showing instead how they countered experiences of defeat. As well as speech and writing, these views are shown to have manifested themselves as misbehavior during official commemoration of the civil wars and republic. It also considers how such views were passed on from the generation of men and women who experienced civil war and revolution to their children and grandchildren.
Don E. Fehrenbacher and Ward M. McAfee
- Published in print:
- 2002
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780195158052
- eISBN:
- 9780199849475
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195158052.003.0010
- Subject:
- History, American History: 19th Century
The Republican free-soil principle was actually a political and moral compromise with the institution of slavery, and Republican leaders were something less than willful agents of violent social ...
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The Republican free-soil principle was actually a political and moral compromise with the institution of slavery, and Republican leaders were something less than willful agents of violent social revolution. Southerners made no mistake in perceiving the election of Abraham Lincoln as a sharp break with the past. To understand its revolutionary implications for southerners, one must take into account not only the malign countenance of Republicanism in the South, but also the character and conduct of the national government from 1789 to 1861. However, with Lincoln's election, all was suddenly changed. The old republic—which had protected the slaveholding interest on the high seas, in relations with foreign governments, in the District of Columbia, in the federal territories, and to some extent even in the free states—was at an end.Less
The Republican free-soil principle was actually a political and moral compromise with the institution of slavery, and Republican leaders were something less than willful agents of violent social revolution. Southerners made no mistake in perceiving the election of Abraham Lincoln as a sharp break with the past. To understand its revolutionary implications for southerners, one must take into account not only the malign countenance of Republicanism in the South, but also the character and conduct of the national government from 1789 to 1861. However, with Lincoln's election, all was suddenly changed. The old republic—which had protected the slaveholding interest on the high seas, in relations with foreign governments, in the District of Columbia, in the federal territories, and to some extent even in the free states—was at an end.
Gary Dorrien
- Published in print:
- 2015
- Published Online:
- May 2016
- ISBN:
- 9780300205602
- eISBN:
- 9780300216332
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Yale University Press
- DOI:
- 10.12987/yale/9780300205602.003.0002
- Subject:
- History, American History: 19th Century
Henry McNeal Turner and Ida B. Wells-Barnett were pioneers of the black social gospel, both as militant anti-lynching activists and within the African Methodist Episcopal Church. Turner paved the way ...
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Henry McNeal Turner and Ida B. Wells-Barnett were pioneers of the black social gospel, both as militant anti-lynching activists and within the African Methodist Episcopal Church. Turner paved the way for new abolition movements and organizations that he did not join, and Wells-Barnett had embattled relationships with them.Less
Henry McNeal Turner and Ida B. Wells-Barnett were pioneers of the black social gospel, both as militant anti-lynching activists and within the African Methodist Episcopal Church. Turner paved the way for new abolition movements and organizations that he did not join, and Wells-Barnett had embattled relationships with them.
Sean P. Cunningham
- Published in print:
- 2010
- Published Online:
- September 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780813125763
- eISBN:
- 9780813135441
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University Press of Kentucky
- DOI:
- 10.5810/kentucky/9780813125763.003.0008
- Subject:
- Political Science, American Politics
Jimmy Carter was one of the best friends that the Texas Republican Party could ever have asked for. Between 1977 and 1980, Carter, quite unintentionally, not only provided the Texas GOP with the ...
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Jimmy Carter was one of the best friends that the Texas Republican Party could ever have asked for. Between 1977 and 1980, Carter, quite unintentionally, not only provided the Texas GOP with the context and ammunition it needed to finally achieve viable second-party status, but also helped lay the groundwork for the Lone Star State's future status as a bedrock of national conservative Republicanism. During these years, the viability of a Reagan presidency grew, especially when sharply contrasted with the growing perceptions of Carter's weakness and inability to handle the mounting tally of foreign and domestic crises that seemed to threaten America's place in the global sun.Less
Jimmy Carter was one of the best friends that the Texas Republican Party could ever have asked for. Between 1977 and 1980, Carter, quite unintentionally, not only provided the Texas GOP with the context and ammunition it needed to finally achieve viable second-party status, but also helped lay the groundwork for the Lone Star State's future status as a bedrock of national conservative Republicanism. During these years, the viability of a Reagan presidency grew, especially when sharply contrasted with the growing perceptions of Carter's weakness and inability to handle the mounting tally of foreign and domestic crises that seemed to threaten America's place in the global sun.
Julian Jackson
- Published in print:
- 2001
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780198207061
- eISBN:
- 9780191677465
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198207061.003.0003
- Subject:
- History, European Modern History
This chapter surveys the long history of dissatisfaction with the Third Republic and its institutions. Some of this dissatisfaction originated ...
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This chapter surveys the long history of dissatisfaction with the Third Republic and its institutions. Some of this dissatisfaction originated within the Republican mainstream from as early as the 1890s; some came from arch-conservatives; some came from the post-war generation for whom the heroic early years of the Republic were ancient history. It shows that if Vichy’s renunciation of the Republic was partly a victory of reactionary conservatism, it also represented much of what was best and brightest in French politics.Less
This chapter surveys the long history of dissatisfaction with the Third Republic and its institutions. Some of this dissatisfaction originated within the Republican mainstream from as early as the 1890s; some came from arch-conservatives; some came from the post-war generation for whom the heroic early years of the Republic were ancient history. It shows that if Vichy’s renunciation of the Republic was partly a victory of reactionary conservatism, it also represented much of what was best and brightest in French politics.
Julian Jackson
- Published in print:
- 2001
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780198207061
- eISBN:
- 9780191677465
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198207061.003.0006
- Subject:
- History, European Modern History
This chapter shows how many of the themes discussed in the previous chapters culminated in the last peacetime government of the Third Republic ...
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This chapter shows how many of the themes discussed in the previous chapters culminated in the last peacetime government of the Third Republic after April 1938. It examines how that government anticipated the Vichy regime which followed it.Less
This chapter shows how many of the themes discussed in the previous chapters culminated in the last peacetime government of the Third Republic after April 1938. It examines how that government anticipated the Vichy regime which followed it.
Eoin Daly and Tom Hickey (eds)
- Published in print:
- 2015
- Published Online:
- January 2016
- ISBN:
- 9780719095283
- eISBN:
- 9781781708842
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Manchester University Press
- DOI:
- 10.7228/manchester/9780719095283.001.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, Political Theory
Recent years have witnessed a revived interest in civic republicanism in Ireland, in tandem with a growing consciousness of republican ideas across the English-speaking world. Yet while republicanism ...
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Recent years have witnessed a revived interest in civic republicanism in Ireland, in tandem with a growing consciousness of republican ideas across the English-speaking world. Yet while republicanism is posited as a catch-all public philosophy and as a framework for political reform in Ireland and elsewhere, its content remains highly ambiguous and contested. Its implications for constitutional structure and constitutional theory are the subject of wide debate in both legal and political thought. In this book, Eoin Daly and Tom Hickey consider republican themes in the Irish constitutional tradition. While the Irish Constitution has been understood as oscillating between a liberal concern for individual freedoms against the state and a communitarian concern for promoting a shared identity, the authors argue that many of its central features and devices can be interpreted in a distinctively republican light – and specifically, as providing a framework for participation in self-government. They consider how institutions and concepts such as popular sovereignty, constitutional rights, parliamentary government and judicial review might be re-interpreted in light of the republican themes of civic virtue and freedom as non-domination.Less
Recent years have witnessed a revived interest in civic republicanism in Ireland, in tandem with a growing consciousness of republican ideas across the English-speaking world. Yet while republicanism is posited as a catch-all public philosophy and as a framework for political reform in Ireland and elsewhere, its content remains highly ambiguous and contested. Its implications for constitutional structure and constitutional theory are the subject of wide debate in both legal and political thought. In this book, Eoin Daly and Tom Hickey consider republican themes in the Irish constitutional tradition. While the Irish Constitution has been understood as oscillating between a liberal concern for individual freedoms against the state and a communitarian concern for promoting a shared identity, the authors argue that many of its central features and devices can be interpreted in a distinctively republican light – and specifically, as providing a framework for participation in self-government. They consider how institutions and concepts such as popular sovereignty, constitutional rights, parliamentary government and judicial review might be re-interpreted in light of the republican themes of civic virtue and freedom as non-domination.
Rod Andrew Jr.
- Published in print:
- 2017
- Published Online:
- September 2017
- ISBN:
- 9781469631530
- eISBN:
- 9781469631554
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- University of North Carolina Press
- DOI:
- 10.5149/northcarolina/9781469631530.001.0001
- Subject:
- History, American History: early to 18th Century
Andrew Pickens (1739–1817), the hard-fighting South Carolina militia commander of the American Revolution, was the hero of many victories against British and Loyalist forces. In this book, Rod Andrew ...
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Andrew Pickens (1739–1817), the hard-fighting South Carolina militia commander of the American Revolution, was the hero of many victories against British and Loyalist forces. In this book, Rod Andrew Jr. offers an authoritative and comprehensive biography of Pickens the man, the general, the planter, and the diplomat. Andrew vividly depicts Pickens as he founds churches, acquires slaves, joins the Patriot cause, and struggles over Indian territorial boundaries on the southern frontier. Combining insights from military and social history, Andrew argues that while Pickens’s actions consistently reaffirmed the authority of white men, he was also determined to help found the new republic based on broader principles of morality and justice.
After the war, Pickens sought a peaceful and just relationship between his country and the southern Native American tribes and wrestled internally with the issue of slavery. Andrew suggests that Pickens’s rise to prominence, his stern character, and his sense of duty highlight the egalitarian ideals of his generation as well as its moral shortcomings--all of which still influence Americans’ understanding of themselves.Less
Andrew Pickens (1739–1817), the hard-fighting South Carolina militia commander of the American Revolution, was the hero of many victories against British and Loyalist forces. In this book, Rod Andrew Jr. offers an authoritative and comprehensive biography of Pickens the man, the general, the planter, and the diplomat. Andrew vividly depicts Pickens as he founds churches, acquires slaves, joins the Patriot cause, and struggles over Indian territorial boundaries on the southern frontier. Combining insights from military and social history, Andrew argues that while Pickens’s actions consistently reaffirmed the authority of white men, he was also determined to help found the new republic based on broader principles of morality and justice.
After the war, Pickens sought a peaceful and just relationship between his country and the southern Native American tribes and wrestled internally with the issue of slavery. Andrew suggests that Pickens’s rise to prominence, his stern character, and his sense of duty highlight the egalitarian ideals of his generation as well as its moral shortcomings--all of which still influence Americans’ understanding of themselves.
