Max. M Edling
- Published in print:
- 2003
- Published Online:
- January 2005
- ISBN:
- 9780195148701
- eISBN:
- 9780199835096
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0195148703.003.0015
- Subject:
- Political Science, American Politics
Offers brief sketches of the institutionalization of the military and fiscal powers granted by the US Constitution, and of the uses made of them by the Federalists in the 1790s. Gives an outline of ...
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Offers brief sketches of the institutionalization of the military and fiscal powers granted by the US Constitution, and of the uses made of them by the Federalists in the 1790s. Gives an outline of the fiscal and financial policy of the Federalists, thereby assessing Alexander Hamilton's claim to have restored public credit while reducing the tax pressure on the citizens. Also looks at the fate of the Federalist program after the Federalists had lost power to the Jeffersonian Republicans.Less
Offers brief sketches of the institutionalization of the military and fiscal powers granted by the US Constitution, and of the uses made of them by the Federalists in the 1790s. Gives an outline of the fiscal and financial policy of the Federalists, thereby assessing Alexander Hamilton's claim to have restored public credit while reducing the tax pressure on the citizens. Also looks at the fate of the Federalist program after the Federalists had lost power to the Jeffersonian Republicans.
Mark Jurdjevic
- Published in print:
- 2008
- Published Online:
- May 2008
- ISBN:
- 9780199204489
- eISBN:
- 9780191708084
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199204489.001.0001
- Subject:
- History, European Early Modern History
Guardians of Republicanism analyses the political and intellectual history of Renaissance Florence—republican and princely—by focusing on five generations of the Valori family, each of ...
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Guardians of Republicanism analyses the political and intellectual history of Renaissance Florence—republican and princely—by focusing on five generations of the Valori family, each of which played a dynamic role in the city's political and cultural life. The Valori were early and influential supporters of the Medici family, but were also crucial participants in the city's periodic republican revivals throughout the Renaissance. Mark Jurdjevic examines their political struggles and conflicts against the larger backdrop of their patronage and support of the Neoplatonic philosopher Marsilio Ficino, the radical Dominican prophet Girolamo Savonarola, and Niccolò Machiavelli, the premier political philosopher of the Italian Renaissance. Each of these three quintessential Renaissance reformers and philosophers relied heavily on the patronage of the Valori, who evolved an innovative republicanism based on a hybrid fusion of the classical and Christian languages of Florentine communal politics. Jurdjevic's study thus illuminates how intellectual forces—humanist, republican, and Machiavellian—intersected and directed the politics and culture of the Florentine Renaissance.Less
Guardians of Republicanism analyses the political and intellectual history of Renaissance Florence—republican and princely—by focusing on five generations of the Valori family, each of which played a dynamic role in the city's political and cultural life. The Valori were early and influential supporters of the Medici family, but were also crucial participants in the city's periodic republican revivals throughout the Renaissance. Mark Jurdjevic examines their political struggles and conflicts against the larger backdrop of their patronage and support of the Neoplatonic philosopher Marsilio Ficino, the radical Dominican prophet Girolamo Savonarola, and Niccolò Machiavelli, the premier political philosopher of the Italian Renaissance. Each of these three quintessential Renaissance reformers and philosophers relied heavily on the patronage of the Valori, who evolved an innovative republicanism based on a hybrid fusion of the classical and Christian languages of Florentine communal politics. Jurdjevic's study thus illuminates how intellectual forces—humanist, republican, and Machiavellian—intersected and directed the politics and culture of the Florentine Renaissance.
Padraig O'Malley
- Published in print:
- 2001
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780199244348
- eISBN:
- 9780191599866
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199244340.003.0012
- Subject:
- Political Science, UK Politics
Compares Northern Ireland's peace process with the transition to democracy in South Africa. The chapter details the ways in which Northern Ireland's political elites learnt from South Africa's ...
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Compares Northern Ireland's peace process with the transition to democracy in South Africa. The chapter details the ways in which Northern Ireland's political elites learnt from South Africa's negotiations, and argues that they have more to learn. It squarely rejects the claim of Irish republican militants that their position is analogous to that of South Africa's African National Congress.Less
Compares Northern Ireland's peace process with the transition to democracy in South Africa. The chapter details the ways in which Northern Ireland's political elites learnt from South Africa's negotiations, and argues that they have more to learn. It squarely rejects the claim of Irish republican militants that their position is analogous to that of South Africa's African National Congress.
James Tracy
- Published in print:
- 2008
- Published Online:
- May 2008
- ISBN:
- 9780199209118
- eISBN:
- 9780191706134
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199209118.001.0001
- Subject:
- History, European Early Modern History
In 1572, towns in the province of Holland, led by William of Orange, rebelled against the government of the Habsburg Netherlands. The story of the Dutch Revolt is usually told in terms of fractious ...
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In 1572, towns in the province of Holland, led by William of Orange, rebelled against the government of the Habsburg Netherlands. The story of the Dutch Revolt is usually told in terms of fractious provinces that frustrated Orange's efforts to formulate a coherent programme. In this book James D. Tracy argues that there was a coherent strategy for the war, but that it was set by the towns of Holland. Although the States of Holland was in theory subject to the States General, Holland provided over 60% of the taxes and an even larger share of war loans. Accordingly, funds were directed to securing Holland's borders, and subsequently to extending this protected frontier to neighboring provinces that, like Holland, lay north of the great rivers running east to west. Shielded from the war by its cordon sanitaire, Holland experienced an extraordinary economic boom, allowing taxes and loans to keep flowing. The goal—in sight if not achieved by 1588—was a United Provinces of the north, free and separate from provinces in the southern Netherlands that remained under Spanish rule. With Europe increasingly under the sway of strong hereditary princes, the new Dutch Republic was a beacon of promise for those who still believed that citizens ought to rule themselves.Less
In 1572, towns in the province of Holland, led by William of Orange, rebelled against the government of the Habsburg Netherlands. The story of the Dutch Revolt is usually told in terms of fractious provinces that frustrated Orange's efforts to formulate a coherent programme. In this book James D. Tracy argues that there was a coherent strategy for the war, but that it was set by the towns of Holland. Although the States of Holland was in theory subject to the States General, Holland provided over 60% of the taxes and an even larger share of war loans. Accordingly, funds were directed to securing Holland's borders, and subsequently to extending this protected frontier to neighboring provinces that, like Holland, lay north of the great rivers running east to west. Shielded from the war by its cordon sanitaire, Holland experienced an extraordinary economic boom, allowing taxes and loans to keep flowing. The goal—in sight if not achieved by 1588—was a United Provinces of the north, free and separate from provinces in the southern Netherlands that remained under Spanish rule. With Europe increasingly under the sway of strong hereditary princes, the new Dutch Republic was a beacon of promise for those who still believed that citizens ought to rule themselves.
James D. Tracy
- Published in print:
- 2008
- Published Online:
- May 2008
- ISBN:
- 9780199209118
- eISBN:
- 9780191706134
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199209118.003.0014
- Subject:
- History, European Early Modern History
Historians of republicanism have focussed on states where princely rule was overthrown (15th‐century Florence, 17th‐century England). Yet even in princely realms town magistrates claimed to be part ...
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Historians of republicanism have focussed on states where princely rule was overthrown (15th‐century Florence, 17th‐century England). Yet even in princely realms town magistrates claimed to be part of a underline respublica mixta, a state combining the principles of monarchy, aristocracy, and democracy. Dutch writers understood the United Provinces as a underline respublica mixta—that is, a stable, balanced constitution. Some embraced the democratic principle, invoking the memory of ancient Athens. Others (partisans of the House of Orange) bemoaned the weakness of the monarchical principle. Still others, like Holland's Hugo Grotius, saw the town oligarchies as forming a proper, aristocratic republic, like Sparta or Venice. Thus understood, the new polity was hardly democratic; but in a Europe dominated by strong monarchies, it was a beacon of republican liberty.Less
Historians of republicanism have focussed on states where princely rule was overthrown (15th‐century Florence, 17th‐century England). Yet even in princely realms town magistrates claimed to be part of a underline respublica mixta, a state combining the principles of monarchy, aristocracy, and democracy. Dutch writers understood the United Provinces as a underline respublica mixta—that is, a stable, balanced constitution. Some embraced the democratic principle, invoking the memory of ancient Athens. Others (partisans of the House of Orange) bemoaned the weakness of the monarchical principle. Still others, like Holland's Hugo Grotius, saw the town oligarchies as forming a proper, aristocratic republic, like Sparta or Venice. Thus understood, the new polity was hardly democratic; but in a Europe dominated by strong monarchies, it was a beacon of republican liberty.
Mark Jurdjevic
- Published in print:
- 2008
- Published Online:
- May 2008
- ISBN:
- 9780199204489
- eISBN:
- 9780191708084
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199204489.003.0001
- Subject:
- History, European Early Modern History
The introduction provides a narrative overview and survey of the five generations of the Valori analysed in the book. It explains the principal actions, conflicts, and outcomes of the family's ...
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The introduction provides a narrative overview and survey of the five generations of the Valori analysed in the book. It explains the principal actions, conflicts, and outcomes of the family's political careers between the late fifteenth century through the late seventeenth century. Additionally, the introduction provides an overview and survey of the family's primary intellectual patronage patterns, particularly their alliances with Girolamo Savonarola, a radical Dominican reformer and prophet, Marsilio Ficino, the city's leading Neoplatonic philosopher, and Niccolò Machiavelli, the most influential political philosopher of the Italian Renaissance.Less
The introduction provides a narrative overview and survey of the five generations of the Valori analysed in the book. It explains the principal actions, conflicts, and outcomes of the family's political careers between the late fifteenth century through the late seventeenth century. Additionally, the introduction provides an overview and survey of the family's primary intellectual patronage patterns, particularly their alliances with Girolamo Savonarola, a radical Dominican reformer and prophet, Marsilio Ficino, the city's leading Neoplatonic philosopher, and Niccolò Machiavelli, the most influential political philosopher of the Italian Renaissance.
Edward Holberton
- Published in print:
- 2008
- Published Online:
- September 2008
- ISBN:
- 9780199544585
- eISBN:
- 9780191719981
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199544585.003.0001
- Subject:
- Literature, 17th-century and Restoration Literature
Here the book's argument is introduced and situated in relation to existing studies that address Protectorate culture and literature. The Introduction then focuses upon a recent scholarly interest in ...
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Here the book's argument is introduced and situated in relation to existing studies that address Protectorate culture and literature. The Introduction then focuses upon a recent scholarly interest in republican writing, and looks at how the models of literary history used in these studies have constrained the interpretation of Protectorate poetry. Methodological sections then discuss the kinds of literary sensitivity and interdisciplinary contextualization needed to explore connections between institutions and poetry.Less
Here the book's argument is introduced and situated in relation to existing studies that address Protectorate culture and literature. The Introduction then focuses upon a recent scholarly interest in republican writing, and looks at how the models of literary history used in these studies have constrained the interpretation of Protectorate poetry. Methodological sections then discuss the kinds of literary sensitivity and interdisciplinary contextualization needed to explore connections between institutions and poetry.
Edward Holberton
- Published in print:
- 2008
- Published Online:
- September 2008
- ISBN:
- 9780199544585
- eISBN:
- 9780191719981
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199544585.003.0005
- Subject:
- Literature, 17th-century and Restoration Literature
The first parliament of the Protectorate would not accept the powers allotted to it by the constitution, and refused to ratify the Instrument of Government. As the crisis undermined the state's ...
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The first parliament of the Protectorate would not accept the powers allotted to it by the constitution, and refused to ratify the Instrument of Government. As the crisis undermined the state's legitimacy, republican colonels in the army attempted a coup. I look closely at how Waller's A Panegyrick to My Lord Protector and Marvell's The First Anniversary responded to these events, particularly at the force of circumstance in the rhetoric of these poems and in their different perspectives on the Protectorate's cultural possibilities. Waller's Panegyrick articulates a historical opportunity to be seized, identifying a juncture at which interests might be reconceptualized to form the political foundations of a new, unifying imperium; The First Anniversary more plainly exposes the fragility of the Protectorate settlement. It unpacks institutional cruces that the Panegyrick elides, yet makes of the anniversary's uncertainties persuasions for readers to move beyond partisan entrenchments.Less
The first parliament of the Protectorate would not accept the powers allotted to it by the constitution, and refused to ratify the Instrument of Government. As the crisis undermined the state's legitimacy, republican colonels in the army attempted a coup. I look closely at how Waller's A Panegyrick to My Lord Protector and Marvell's The First Anniversary responded to these events, particularly at the force of circumstance in the rhetoric of these poems and in their different perspectives on the Protectorate's cultural possibilities. Waller's Panegyrick articulates a historical opportunity to be seized, identifying a juncture at which interests might be reconceptualized to form the political foundations of a new, unifying imperium; The First Anniversary more plainly exposes the fragility of the Protectorate settlement. It unpacks institutional cruces that the Panegyrick elides, yet makes of the anniversary's uncertainties persuasions for readers to move beyond partisan entrenchments.
Stuart White
- Published in print:
- 2020
- Published Online:
- September 2020
- ISBN:
- 9781447340010
- eISBN:
- 9781447340164
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Policy Press
- DOI:
- 10.1332/policypress/9781447340010.003.0014
- Subject:
- Economics and Finance, Public and Welfare
According to a ‘republican’ argument, universal basic income increases workers' power to exit employment and so allegedly reduces workers’ vulnerability to domination from this source. However, ...
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According to a ‘republican’ argument, universal basic income increases workers' power to exit employment and so allegedly reduces workers’ vulnerability to domination from this source. However, critics argue that a basic income will have limited impact on exit power, especially if set at a modest level, and that employer domination is anyway built into standard labour contracts independently of workers’ exit power. This chapter acknowledges these criticisms, but argues that we can rescue a republican argument for basic income if we refine it so that it attends to some important but neglected distinctions: between mitigating, reducing and eliminating domination; between a basic income helping, being necessary to, or sufficient for, one or more of these effects; and by recalling that the potential impact of basic income on domination applies not just in the workplace but in other contexts such as the family and in relation to welfare bureaucracy.Less
According to a ‘republican’ argument, universal basic income increases workers' power to exit employment and so allegedly reduces workers’ vulnerability to domination from this source. However, critics argue that a basic income will have limited impact on exit power, especially if set at a modest level, and that employer domination is anyway built into standard labour contracts independently of workers’ exit power. This chapter acknowledges these criticisms, but argues that we can rescue a republican argument for basic income if we refine it so that it attends to some important but neglected distinctions: between mitigating, reducing and eliminating domination; between a basic income helping, being necessary to, or sufficient for, one or more of these effects; and by recalling that the potential impact of basic income on domination applies not just in the workplace but in other contexts such as the family and in relation to welfare bureaucracy.
P. P. Craig
- Published in print:
- 1991
- Published Online:
- March 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780198256373
- eISBN:
- 9780191681646
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198256373.001.0001
- Subject:
- Law, Constitutional and Administrative Law
This book has two themes. The ‘minor’ theme is that the content and direction of both constitutional and administrative law are integrally related. The ‘major’ theme is that their nature and content ...
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This book has two themes. The ‘minor’ theme is that the content and direction of both constitutional and administrative law are integrally related. The ‘major’ theme is that their nature and content can only be properly understood against the background political theory which a society actually espouses, or against such a background which a particular commentator believes a society should espouse. The book brings the fruits of writings in political science and political theory to bear on the issues of public law. A critical examination of the centralist democratic views of Dicey is followed by an extensive discussion of a variety of pluralist theories of democracy, tracing their development in the USA from the early 20th century to their more sophisticated recent versions. A similar analysis is applied to a cross-section of English pluralists, and in all cases the discussion is followed by a criticism of the views expounded and an exploration of their implications for public law. Considerable space is devoted to the examination of Rawls’ views and their implications for public law and to a discussion of Republicanism and radical participatory democracy arguments.Less
This book has two themes. The ‘minor’ theme is that the content and direction of both constitutional and administrative law are integrally related. The ‘major’ theme is that their nature and content can only be properly understood against the background political theory which a society actually espouses, or against such a background which a particular commentator believes a society should espouse. The book brings the fruits of writings in political science and political theory to bear on the issues of public law. A critical examination of the centralist democratic views of Dicey is followed by an extensive discussion of a variety of pluralist theories of democracy, tracing their development in the USA from the early 20th century to their more sophisticated recent versions. A similar analysis is applied to a cross-section of English pluralists, and in all cases the discussion is followed by a criticism of the views expounded and an exploration of their implications for public law. Considerable space is devoted to the examination of Rawls’ views and their implications for public law and to a discussion of Republicanism and radical participatory democracy arguments.
Leah Wright Rigueur
- Published in print:
- 2014
- Published Online:
- October 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780691159010
- eISBN:
- 9781400852437
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Princeton University Press
- DOI:
- 10.23943/princeton/9780691159010.003.0009
- Subject:
- History, Political History
This concluding chapter explores how the fundamental ideological rift illustrated by Elaine Jenkins' and Clarence Thomas' philosophies spoke to an evolution of the thoughts and actions that black ...
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This concluding chapter explores how the fundamental ideological rift illustrated by Elaine Jenkins' and Clarence Thomas' philosophies spoke to an evolution of the thoughts and actions that black Republicans had advanced since 1936. In that year, about one hundred African American party members from New York gathered to discuss the party's responsibilities in times of crisis; for them, Republicanism symbolized government that was “by the people,” that spoke to matters of social justice. And though they rejected the New Deal, disparaging social welfare as “handouts,” they nevertheless insisted that the party had to offer something to address racial inequality and the economic needs of the American public in a viable and empathetic way.Less
This concluding chapter explores how the fundamental ideological rift illustrated by Elaine Jenkins' and Clarence Thomas' philosophies spoke to an evolution of the thoughts and actions that black Republicans had advanced since 1936. In that year, about one hundred African American party members from New York gathered to discuss the party's responsibilities in times of crisis; for them, Republicanism symbolized government that was “by the people,” that spoke to matters of social justice. And though they rejected the New Deal, disparaging social welfare as “handouts,” they nevertheless insisted that the party had to offer something to address racial inequality and the economic needs of the American public in a viable and empathetic way.
Bill Kissane
- Published in print:
- 2005
- Published Online:
- September 2007
- ISBN:
- 9780199273553
- eISBN:
- 9780191706172
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199273553.003.0008
- Subject:
- History, British and Irish Modern History
This chapter discusses the anti-Treaty interpretation of the civil war and its evolution after the formation of a Fianna Fail government in 1932. It shows how the anti-treatyites had a ...
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This chapter discusses the anti-Treaty interpretation of the civil war and its evolution after the formation of a Fianna Fail government in 1932. It shows how the anti-treatyites had a constitutionalist interpretation of the civil war, which was shared by moderate and hardline republicans. Common to both was a conviction that British pressure rather than divisions within Irish nationalism was responsible for the outbreak of fighting, so establishment of the Free State was essentially a neo-colonial project. Under the leadership of de Valera, this outlook increasingly concentrated on the oath of allegiance as their main grievance with the Free State, which enabled Fianna Fail to combat the accusation that their position in 1922 was fundamentally anti-democratic. Indeed, the abolition of the oath enabled de Valera to call for all republicans to recognize the Free State and claim that his party had helped the society recover from the civil war.Less
This chapter discusses the anti-Treaty interpretation of the civil war and its evolution after the formation of a Fianna Fail government in 1932. It shows how the anti-treatyites had a constitutionalist interpretation of the civil war, which was shared by moderate and hardline republicans. Common to both was a conviction that British pressure rather than divisions within Irish nationalism was responsible for the outbreak of fighting, so establishment of the Free State was essentially a neo-colonial project. Under the leadership of de Valera, this outlook increasingly concentrated on the oath of allegiance as their main grievance with the Free State, which enabled Fianna Fail to combat the accusation that their position in 1922 was fundamentally anti-democratic. Indeed, the abolition of the oath enabled de Valera to call for all republicans to recognize the Free State and claim that his party had helped the society recover from the civil war.
Don E. Fehrenbacher and Ward M. McAfee
- Published in print:
- 2002
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780195158052
- eISBN:
- 9780199849475
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195158052.003.0010
- Subject:
- History, American History: 19th Century
The Republican free-soil principle was actually a political and moral compromise with the institution of slavery, and Republican leaders were something less than willful agents of violent social ...
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The Republican free-soil principle was actually a political and moral compromise with the institution of slavery, and Republican leaders were something less than willful agents of violent social revolution. Southerners made no mistake in perceiving the election of Abraham Lincoln as a sharp break with the past. To understand its revolutionary implications for southerners, one must take into account not only the malign countenance of Republicanism in the South, but also the character and conduct of the national government from 1789 to 1861. However, with Lincoln's election, all was suddenly changed. The old republic—which had protected the slaveholding interest on the high seas, in relations with foreign governments, in the District of Columbia, in the federal territories, and to some extent even in the free states—was at an end.Less
The Republican free-soil principle was actually a political and moral compromise with the institution of slavery, and Republican leaders were something less than willful agents of violent social revolution. Southerners made no mistake in perceiving the election of Abraham Lincoln as a sharp break with the past. To understand its revolutionary implications for southerners, one must take into account not only the malign countenance of Republicanism in the South, but also the character and conduct of the national government from 1789 to 1861. However, with Lincoln's election, all was suddenly changed. The old republic—which had protected the slaveholding interest on the high seas, in relations with foreign governments, in the District of Columbia, in the federal territories, and to some extent even in the free states—was at an end.
Craig Smith
- Published in print:
- 2019
- Published Online:
- September 2019
- ISBN:
- 9781474413275
- eISBN:
- 9781474460187
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Edinburgh University Press
- DOI:
- 10.3366/edinburgh/9781474413275.001.0001
- Subject:
- Philosophy, History of Philosophy
Adam Ferguson was a Professor of Moral Philosophy at the University of Edinburgh and a leading member of the Scottish Enlightenment. A friend of David Hume and Adam Smith, Ferguson was among the ...
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Adam Ferguson was a Professor of Moral Philosophy at the University of Edinburgh and a leading member of the Scottish Enlightenment. A friend of David Hume and Adam Smith, Ferguson was among the leading exponents of the Scottish Enlightenment’s attempts to develop a science of man and was among the first in the English speaking world to make use of the terms civilization, civil society, and political science.
This book challenges many of the prevailing assumptions about Ferguson’s thinking. It explores how Ferguson sought to create a methodology for moral science that combined empirically based social theory with normative moralising with a view to supporting the virtuous education of the British elite. The Ferguson that emerges is far from the stereotyped image of a nostalgic republican sceptical about modernity, and instead is one much closer to the mainstream Scottish Enlightenment’s defence of eighteenth century British commercial society.Less
Adam Ferguson was a Professor of Moral Philosophy at the University of Edinburgh and a leading member of the Scottish Enlightenment. A friend of David Hume and Adam Smith, Ferguson was among the leading exponents of the Scottish Enlightenment’s attempts to develop a science of man and was among the first in the English speaking world to make use of the terms civilization, civil society, and political science.
This book challenges many of the prevailing assumptions about Ferguson’s thinking. It explores how Ferguson sought to create a methodology for moral science that combined empirically based social theory with normative moralising with a view to supporting the virtuous education of the British elite. The Ferguson that emerges is far from the stereotyped image of a nostalgic republican sceptical about modernity, and instead is one much closer to the mainstream Scottish Enlightenment’s defence of eighteenth century British commercial society.
Marius M. Carriere Jr.
- Published in print:
- 2018
- Published Online:
- September 2019
- ISBN:
- 9781496816849
- eISBN:
- 9781496816887
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- University Press of Mississippi
- DOI:
- 10.14325/mississippi/9781496816849.001.0001
- Subject:
- History, Political History
This book examines the Know Nothing party in Louisiana. In the early 1850s, the Whig party disintegrated. Several third party movements appeared in the country. Know Nothings seemed to have a strong ...
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This book examines the Know Nothing party in Louisiana. In the early 1850s, the Whig party disintegrated. Several third party movements appeared in the country. Know Nothings seemed to have a strong chance of replacing the Whig party and by 1854 the Know Nothings appeared throughout the United States. This book examines Louisiana because one feature of the Know Nothings, or American party as it was sometimes called, was its anti-foreign and anti-Catholic prejudice. Louisiana, particularly, South Louisiana had a large Roman Catholic population. The book seeks to address whether this feature hurt the party. The book also examines how northern Know Nothings, many of whom were anti-slavery, affected the party’s success in the South. Additionally, early studies of the Know Nothing party in Louisiana argue the party was made up of old Whigs and that traditionally, the party was seen as consisting of older, large slaveholding planters or town businessmen and lawyers connected to the slave-holding interests. This book concludes that Know Nothingism was unique in Louisiana; who actually were Know Nothings does not meet the traditional historical view for the state and the book concludes that the anti-Roman Catholic feature did not preclude South Louisiana slave-holding Catholics from belonging to the party. Louisiana Know Nothings did have difficulty because of the anti-Catholic feature, but it did not prevent Catholics from belonging. Northern Know Nothings’ abolitionism did cause problems for Louisiana Know Nothings, but the election outcomes in the 1850s demonstrated that Union and conservatism was strong in the state.Less
This book examines the Know Nothing party in Louisiana. In the early 1850s, the Whig party disintegrated. Several third party movements appeared in the country. Know Nothings seemed to have a strong chance of replacing the Whig party and by 1854 the Know Nothings appeared throughout the United States. This book examines Louisiana because one feature of the Know Nothings, or American party as it was sometimes called, was its anti-foreign and anti-Catholic prejudice. Louisiana, particularly, South Louisiana had a large Roman Catholic population. The book seeks to address whether this feature hurt the party. The book also examines how northern Know Nothings, many of whom were anti-slavery, affected the party’s success in the South. Additionally, early studies of the Know Nothing party in Louisiana argue the party was made up of old Whigs and that traditionally, the party was seen as consisting of older, large slaveholding planters or town businessmen and lawyers connected to the slave-holding interests. This book concludes that Know Nothingism was unique in Louisiana; who actually were Know Nothings does not meet the traditional historical view for the state and the book concludes that the anti-Roman Catholic feature did not preclude South Louisiana slave-holding Catholics from belonging to the party. Louisiana Know Nothings did have difficulty because of the anti-Catholic feature, but it did not prevent Catholics from belonging. Northern Know Nothings’ abolitionism did cause problems for Louisiana Know Nothings, but the election outcomes in the 1850s demonstrated that Union and conservatism was strong in the state.
Norman Ingram
- Published in print:
- 2019
- Published Online:
- March 2019
- ISBN:
- 9780198827993
- eISBN:
- 9780191866685
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/oso/9780198827993.001.0001
- Subject:
- History, European Modern History, Political History
This book contributes in important ways to three distinct historical arguments. First and foremost, it is a significant addition to a still small, but growing, literature on the Ligue des droits de ...
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This book contributes in important ways to three distinct historical arguments. First and foremost, it is a significant addition to a still small, but growing, literature on the Ligue des droits de l’homme (LDH), an organization founded in 1898 at the height of the Dreyfus Affair which lay at the very centre of French Republican politics in the era of the two world wars. It posits that the Ligue was half-dead by its own hand by 1937—well before the Nazi invasion of May 1940—because of its inability to resolve the question of war guilt from the Great War. The issue of war origins and war guilt transfixed it from 1914 down to the Second World War. Secondly, this book expands our understanding of the aetiology of French pacifism, thereby allowing for a deeper awareness of the differences between French and Anglo-American pacifism. It argues that from 1916 onwards one can see a principled dissent from the Union sacrée war effort that occurred within mainstream French Republicanism and not on the syndicalist or anarchist fringes. Finally, the book proposes a new explanatory model to help us understand some of the choices made in Vichy France, moving beyond the usual triptych of collaboration, resistance, or accommodation. This study is based on substantial research in a large number of French archives, primarily in the papers of the LDH which were repatriated to France from the former Soviet Union in late 2001, but also on considerable research in German archives—something other historians of the Ligue have not done. There is thus an exciting primacy of discovery here.Less
This book contributes in important ways to three distinct historical arguments. First and foremost, it is a significant addition to a still small, but growing, literature on the Ligue des droits de l’homme (LDH), an organization founded in 1898 at the height of the Dreyfus Affair which lay at the very centre of French Republican politics in the era of the two world wars. It posits that the Ligue was half-dead by its own hand by 1937—well before the Nazi invasion of May 1940—because of its inability to resolve the question of war guilt from the Great War. The issue of war origins and war guilt transfixed it from 1914 down to the Second World War. Secondly, this book expands our understanding of the aetiology of French pacifism, thereby allowing for a deeper awareness of the differences between French and Anglo-American pacifism. It argues that from 1916 onwards one can see a principled dissent from the Union sacrée war effort that occurred within mainstream French Republicanism and not on the syndicalist or anarchist fringes. Finally, the book proposes a new explanatory model to help us understand some of the choices made in Vichy France, moving beyond the usual triptych of collaboration, resistance, or accommodation. This study is based on substantial research in a large number of French archives, primarily in the papers of the LDH which were repatriated to France from the former Soviet Union in late 2001, but also on considerable research in German archives—something other historians of the Ligue have not done. There is thus an exciting primacy of discovery here.
Julian Jackson
- Published in print:
- 2001
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780198207061
- eISBN:
- 9780191677465
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198207061.003.0003
- Subject:
- History, European Modern History
This chapter surveys the long history of dissatisfaction with the Third Republic and its institutions. Some of this dissatisfaction originated ...
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This chapter surveys the long history of dissatisfaction with the Third Republic and its institutions. Some of this dissatisfaction originated within the Republican mainstream from as early as the 1890s; some came from arch-conservatives; some came from the post-war generation for whom the heroic early years of the Republic were ancient history. It shows that if Vichy’s renunciation of the Republic was partly a victory of reactionary conservatism, it also represented much of what was best and brightest in French politics.Less
This chapter surveys the long history of dissatisfaction with the Third Republic and its institutions. Some of this dissatisfaction originated within the Republican mainstream from as early as the 1890s; some came from arch-conservatives; some came from the post-war generation for whom the heroic early years of the Republic were ancient history. It shows that if Vichy’s renunciation of the Republic was partly a victory of reactionary conservatism, it also represented much of what was best and brightest in French politics.
Julian Jackson
- Published in print:
- 2001
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780198207061
- eISBN:
- 9780191677465
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198207061.003.0006
- Subject:
- History, European Modern History
This chapter shows how many of the themes discussed in the previous chapters culminated in the last peacetime government of the Third Republic ...
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This chapter shows how many of the themes discussed in the previous chapters culminated in the last peacetime government of the Third Republic after April 1938. It examines how that government anticipated the Vichy regime which followed it.Less
This chapter shows how many of the themes discussed in the previous chapters culminated in the last peacetime government of the Third Republic after April 1938. It examines how that government anticipated the Vichy regime which followed it.
Stephen Howe
- Published in print:
- 2002
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780199249909
- eISBN:
- 9780191697845
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199249909.003.0001
- Subject:
- History, British and Irish Modern History
Ireland was for centuries the victim of English, or British, imperialist oppression. Ireland, north and south, is still the victim of imperialism. The ‘Black and Tan war’ of 1919–21 was the first ...
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Ireland was for centuries the victim of English, or British, imperialist oppression. Ireland, north and south, is still the victim of imperialism. The ‘Black and Tan war’ of 1919–21 was the first great modern anticolonial struggle. The violence in Northern Ireland after 1969 has been an anticolonial war of liberation. The revival of colonial models and images for understanding Ireland has multiple roots and operates in several different modalities. Some stem from long-lasting traditions of historical enquiry, ‘new cultural nationalism’, militant Republicanism, and some from new international forms of discourse about empires and their legacies. Not only has it become the focus for many international debates about colonialism, culture and anticolonial/postcolonial nationalisms, but postmodernism, poststructuralism and postcoloniality — which has made its mark on North American, Indian, African and Middle Eastern cultural-political disputes — have found a profound recent resonance in Ireland.Less
Ireland was for centuries the victim of English, or British, imperialist oppression. Ireland, north and south, is still the victim of imperialism. The ‘Black and Tan war’ of 1919–21 was the first great modern anticolonial struggle. The violence in Northern Ireland after 1969 has been an anticolonial war of liberation. The revival of colonial models and images for understanding Ireland has multiple roots and operates in several different modalities. Some stem from long-lasting traditions of historical enquiry, ‘new cultural nationalism’, militant Republicanism, and some from new international forms of discourse about empires and their legacies. Not only has it become the focus for many international debates about colonialism, culture and anticolonial/postcolonial nationalisms, but postmodernism, poststructuralism and postcoloniality — which has made its mark on North American, Indian, African and Middle Eastern cultural-political disputes — have found a profound recent resonance in Ireland.
Stephen Howe
- Published in print:
- 2002
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780199249909
- eISBN:
- 9780191697845
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199249909.003.0009
- Subject:
- History, British and Irish Modern History
This chapter examines the employment of colonial models in the Northern Ireland conflict, presenting it as an anticolonial one. It was with the opening of the Northern Ireland ‘Troubles’ after 1968 ...
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This chapter examines the employment of colonial models in the Northern Ireland conflict, presenting it as an anticolonial one. It was with the opening of the Northern Ireland ‘Troubles’ after 1968 that the discourse of anticolonialism became truly widespread in Ireland. To link the Ulster conflict with Third World anticolonial struggle was to associate it with revolutionary glamour, with movements which commanded massive sympathy amongst the young and radical in advanced capitalist states including Britain itself, with new and imaginative models of social development, perhaps above all with success. The most egregious excesses of ‘anti-imperialist’ polemic have usually come from non-Irish sympathisers with Republicanism. Despite the vast waves of change that have swept over both Northern Ireland and the Republic in recent years, the timeworn notion of an Irish nationalist-socialist synthesis centred on militant Republicanism appears to have an inexhaustible capacity to renew itself.Less
This chapter examines the employment of colonial models in the Northern Ireland conflict, presenting it as an anticolonial one. It was with the opening of the Northern Ireland ‘Troubles’ after 1968 that the discourse of anticolonialism became truly widespread in Ireland. To link the Ulster conflict with Third World anticolonial struggle was to associate it with revolutionary glamour, with movements which commanded massive sympathy amongst the young and radical in advanced capitalist states including Britain itself, with new and imaginative models of social development, perhaps above all with success. The most egregious excesses of ‘anti-imperialist’ polemic have usually come from non-Irish sympathisers with Republicanism. Despite the vast waves of change that have swept over both Northern Ireland and the Republic in recent years, the timeworn notion of an Irish nationalist-socialist synthesis centred on militant Republicanism appears to have an inexhaustible capacity to renew itself.
