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This chapter examines the formal structure of the Republican Party from county precinct committeemen and committeewomen to the staffing and organization of the state Party. It provides an analysis of the social part of the network that includes the Republican Clubs, the Federation of Republican Women, and the Young Republicans and their contributions. The chapter also introduces the individuals who became elected and appointed officials through their participation in the formal Republican Party structure and identifies their paths to office. The chapter outlines the foundations of the Republican political philosophy, describes campaign fundraising and techniques, and discusses the conversion of Democratic voters to the Republican network.

Chapter 2 draws on several theoretical frameworks—including the ideological, racial, and regional realignment of the parties as well as the contrasting cultures of the parties—to explore the emergence and growth of the partisan gap among women state legislators. The chapter employs data drawn from a number of sources, most prominently the Center for American Women and Politics (CAWP) and the National Conference of State Legislatures (NCSL), to compare the current representation of Republican and Democratic women in state legislatures, broken down by state and geographic region, as well as the changing dynamics in their representation over the past several decades. Additionally, the chapter utilizes multivariate analyses to simultaneously explore the role of ideology, race, and party recruitment in explaining variations in the representation of Democratic and Republican women in state legislatures.

Chapter 4 examines the collective action of Republican congresswomen. Through case studies of the Congressional Caucus for Women’s Issues (CCWI) and the Republican Women’s Policy Committee (RWPC), the chapter demonstrates how institutional and political changes over time have shaped the recognition and mobilization of a partisan-gender identity among Republican women. The first half of the chapter examines the evolution of CCWI membership, focusing on Republican women. It shows how ideological differences, party loyalty, and institutional changes have affected Republican congresswomen’s decisions to work within the bipartisan women’s caucus. The second half of the chapter discusses how this partisan-gender identity would gradually become institutionalized as the RWPC. Through an analysis of the formation of the RWPC, it shows how ideological cohesion, interparty competition, and changes in the political environment have resulted in opportunities for women to organize collectively within the GOP. Chapter 4 also reveals the various challenges faced by Republican congresswomen and the significance of male party leaders as gatekeepers.

This chapter focuses on church women in the electoral process where they carved alternative roles as politicians. Having tried for decades to effect progressive social reforms, by 1920, with the ratification of the Nineteenth Amendment, New Jersey’s black women were organized for action. In 1922 they formed Colored Women’s Republican Clubs and over the next decade and a half mobilized a political machine. Even as they allied with white women on key legislation, their particular issues led them beyond feminist and maternalist agendas to a focus on civil rights. Though their political behavior often branded them as Republican Party loyalists, black women’s political ideals rested on Christian principles. The Republican Party and its candidates did not reward their work or support their agenda, and thus lost their votes; they voted for jobs and justice in the Democratic realignment of 1936.

Chapter 1 makes the case for studying the evolution of Republican women’s congressional representation. While much of the previous literature on women in Congress has focused on their legislative impact, it is becoming necessary to more thoroughly understand how changes in the institutional environment affect the experiences and strategies of congresswomen more broadly. For example, while Republican women are no longer more ideologically moderate than men in their party, they may be invoking their gender and working together as women in new ways. The chapter synthesizes main concepts in the fields of gender and American politics and introduces readers to the concept of a partisan-gender identity.

Chapter 2 presents an analysis of Republican women’s House floor speeches to determine changes in rhetoric over time. The chapter focuses on the issues that members discussed when engaging in woman-invoked rhetoric, as well as the positions they took on those issues. Case studies of three policy areas—abortion, health, a foreign policy—reveal a shift toward woman-invoked rhetoric that is increasingly in line with official Republican Party policy positions and messaging strategies. Women in the 113th/114th Congresses were not simply speaking differently than women in the 103rd/104th Congresses; they were also speaking collectively as women. Readers are introduced to the concept of a partisan woman-invoked rhetoric.

Chapter 5 focuses on the experiences of three female Republican Conference leaders: Susan Molinari, Jennifer Dunn, and Cathy McMorris Rodgers. Through in-depth case studies, the chapter highlights similarities and differences in each woman’s pathway to office and gendered strategies and priorities. The chapter also shows how female Republican Conference leaders have operated as critical actors for women’s representation within their party. That is, they have attempted to use their positions of power to draw attention to Republican women’s institutional interests and priorities, despite their small numbers. In particular, the chapter demonstrates how personal, political, and institutional factors allowed Cathy McMorris Rodgers to leverage and perpetuate the existence of a partisan-gender identity among Republican women. Despite this, male party leaders continue to value Republican women primarily as loyal party messengers.

Women's lack of access to public life in Republican and Imperial Rome, and its effect on their use of language are discussed. Women's education and the evidence for women's verse-writing are examined. Cornificia's epigrams and her relationship with the circle of Catullus, Ovid's evidence for a poet called Perilla, Sulpicia's relationship to the circle of Tibullus, her social position, and a consideration of her surviving verse are also addressed. Evidence for women poets and scholars in the early Empire is presented, together with Martial's evidence for women as poets in his own social circle, above all for Sulpicia II, whose work was circulating down to the 6th century.

This chapter offers a preliminary assessment of women who support the Tea Party. Using data from a cross-sectional, national survey jointly conducted by the Pew Research Center for the People and the Press and the Pew Forum on Religion and Public Life in July and August 2010, it analyzes how much support the Tea Party is drawing from women nationally. It also considers how Tea Party women differ from Republican women, specifically, and American women, more generally, in terms of their personal backgrounds, religious behavior, and political and policy leanings. Lastly, it compares Tea Party women with Tea Party men to uncover how or if the roots of their support for the movement differ. The chapter concludes with a discussion of the challenges that the Tea Party faces in reaching beyond a narrow slice of female supporters to recruit a broader segment of women to the movement.

Chapter 3 continues the analysis of partisan woman-invoked rhetoric, showing how Republican congresswomen’s rhetoric has evolved to conform to their party culture. It explores the types of claims made in woman-invoked speeches—that is, how women are invoked—and shows that Republican women are more likely than in the 1990s to speak about themselves as women and mothers. Given the GOP’s emphasis on traditional gender roles, family values, and individualism, this shift in rhetoric places Republican women in line with the cultural values of their party. Taken together, Chapters 2 and 3 highlight a shift toward the use of partisan woman-invoked rhetoric—rhetoric that aligns with the policies, messaging tactics, and culture of the party.

For many decades after the Civil War, the Republican Party claimed the majority of black votes. Its legacy as the party of Abraham Lincoln and its leadership in securing the Reconstruction Amendments outweighed its failure to enforce them, as well as its unwillingness to pass federal anti-lynching legislation. Robert Terrell was appointed a justice of the peace by the Republican President Theodore Roosevelt in 1901 and Mollie Terrell, a member of the National League of Republican Colored Women (NLRCW) secured campaign jobs from the RNC beginning in 1920, once women secured the right to vote with the 19th Amendment. Nor could Terrell forgive the Democrats’ role as the party of secession and its continued embrace of segregation and white supremacy. Terrell was a pro-peace member of the Women’s International League for Peace and Freedom (WILPF) and an anti-colonialist, advocating the self-determination of nations. Focusing on the status of what she termed the “darker races of the world,” Terrell approached race and equality from a transnational perspective.

Chapter 6 concludes the book with an overview of the way Republican women’s congressional representation has evolved over time. The chapter ends with several potential implications and provides a theoretical foundation for future studies of women’s representation in the modern GOP. In particular, it highlights a multidimensional paradox for Republican women’s representation in Congress as well as the potentially transformative power of a partisan-gender identity. The book makes the case throughout that gendering scholarly analyses of intraparty politics and focusing on Republican women’s representational behavior are important endeavors in order to fully understand the evolving dynamics of women’s congressional representation.

This chapter focuses on the period of the Revolutionary “Terror,” commonly dated from September 1793 through July 1794. Unfortunately, we know far less about Colson’s views during this period because of the repression and arrests of “suspects” throughout Paris and Colson’s caution in conveying any news of events to Lemaigre. What is clear, however, is that he encountered several developments that brought him considerable personal unhappiness. First, was the souring of relations with his longtime employer, the Longaunay family, and his effective replacement as chief confidant by the marquis’s valet de chambre, Monsieur Drot. Second, was the breakdown, for reasons that are not entirely clear, of his friendship with Roch Lemaigre. Third was the so-called movement of “dechristianization” that saw the arrest of his parish priest, the closing of his church, and the attempt to replace Christianity with various Revolutionary religions. As he lay dying in 1797, his parish church of Saint-Jacques-de-la-Boucherie had been sold and was being dismantled for scrap limestone.