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Exclusionary Politics and the Revolutionary End

Sean L. Yom

in From Resilience to Revolution: How Foreign Interventions Destabilize the Middle East

This chapter investigates the process of state-building in modern Iran. Geopolitical substitution rooted in American intercessions after 1953 resulted in a narrowing coalitional logic that produced ... More

This chapter investigates the process of state-building in modern Iran. Geopolitical substitution rooted in American intercessions after 1953 resulted in a narrowing coalitional logic that produced exclusionary economic and political institutions. From the White Revolution to political parties, new institutional investments signaled the ambitious vision of modernization espoused by the shah. However, such initiatives only further detached the Iranian state from its own society, which climaxed in the Iranian Revolution.Less

Supplying Repression: Military, CIA, and FBI Links

Thomas G. Paterson

in Contesting Castro: The United States and the Triumph of the Cuban Revolution

In order to bind the worlds of Cubans and North Americans, the U.S. Military and intelligence links together with Batista's administration to try to join political, economic, and cultural ties. U.S. ... More

In order to bind the worlds of Cubans and North Americans, the U.S. Military and intelligence links together with Batista's administration to try to join political, economic, and cultural ties. U.S. officials worked to make hemispheric military establishments dependent upon U.S. equipment, weapons, and training. The United States signed agreements with Cuba to install U.S. Army, Navy, and Air Force missions and to grant military equipment under the Mutual Defense Assistance Act on March 7, 1952, just before Batista's coup. The Batista government soon ordered weapons and military goods. The U.S. Military Assistance Advisory Group (MAAG) officers had orders not to accompany Cuban units into combats although Batista's armed forces received U.S. training and weapons. The Central Intelligence Agency (CIA) also helped Batista start the Buro Repression de las Actividades Communistas (BRAC). Moreover, FBI agents also spied on Cuban rebels.Less

Anarchists and Alterity: The Expulsion of Casimiro Barrios from Chile, 1920

Raymond Craib

in In Defiance of Boundaries: Anarchism in Latin American History

Drawing from the case of a Spanish-born immigrant raised in Chile and deeply committed to working-class and social movements in his country, this chapter analyzes how alterity, or the emphasis on ... More

Drawing from the case of a Spanish-born immigrant raised in Chile and deeply committed to working-class and social movements in his country, this chapter analyzes how alterity, or the emphasis on “essential” differences (such as “foreignness” or “placelessness”) were mobilized by nationalists and state actors to marginalize and justify the expulsion and persecution of labor activists on the left. It underscores the difficulty of categorizing individuals as belonging to a single ideological orthodoxy and reflects on the ways in which the intentionality of stigmatization by its enemies affected how anarchism was defined in Chile.Less

Alliances and Adversity

Kenneth Robert Janken

in The Wilmington Ten: Violence, Injustice, and the Rise of Black Politics in the 1970s

Following the guilty verdict in the trial of the Wilmington Ten, a broad based movement developed in North Carolina, the larger United States, and the world to overturn the convictions on appeal and ... More

Following the guilty verdict in the trial of the Wilmington Ten, a broad based movement developed in North Carolina, the larger United States, and the world to overturn the convictions on appeal and set them free. The movement to free the Wilmington Ten in all its phases developed along multiple independent but intersecting paths. How interested parties along these paths, like the United Church of Christ, the Commission for Racial Justice, the National Alliance against Racist and Political Repression organized themselves and cooperated and competed tells us much about the African American political landscape in the 1970s. From community-, school-, and church-based associations to political parties built on leftist and nationalist lines to the quickening of a stratum of black elected officials, the manners in which the campaigns to free the Wilmington Ten unfolded reveal the ways power was accrued and spent and lost. This chapter discloses the efforts of many organizations in the movement to bring the Wilmington Ten before an international audience to pressure the United States government to free the Ten. The chapter also discusses the Wilmington Ten’s continuing legal appeal, which continued to bring to light evidence of prosecutorial and government misconduct.Less

Free the Wilmington Ten at Once!

Kenneth Robert Janken

in The Wilmington Ten: Violence, Injustice, and the Rise of Black Politics in the 1970s

This chapter and the previous one discuss the sophisticated multiyear campaign to free the Wilmington Ten carried out by religious and secular black nationalists, the Communist-affiliated National ... More

This chapter and the previous one discuss the sophisticated multiyear campaign to free the Wilmington Ten carried out by religious and secular black nationalists, the Communist-affiliated National Alliance against Racist and Political Repression, Amnesty International, and the Workers Viewpoint Organization of the Maoist new communist movement. In North Carolina, the Commission for Racial Justice, linked the case of the Ten with other local issues, such as police brutality and discrimination in the criminal justice system, and the Wilmington Ten became a locus for radicals and revolutionaries as well as aspiring politicians. Across the country, different organizations connected the case of the Wilmington Ten to labor unions, church groups, student organizations, and elected officials who expressed extreme skepticism of the federal government in the wake of Watergate. Combining education, agitation, and direct action, the major organizations hounded President Jimmy Carter and North Carolina Governor Jim Hunt and forced them to take corrective action. Additionally, chapters four and five place the campaign to free the Wilmington Ten in an international context and demonstrate the ways in which politically conscious actors utilized the contradictions inherent in the Cold War and President Carter’s human rights foreign policy to build international pressure to free the Ten.Less

Bombings, Insurrections, and Cosmopolitanism: Paolo Lega and Sante Caserio

Nunzio Pernicone and Fraser M. Ottanelli

in Assassins against the Old Order: Italian Anarchist Violence in Fin de Siècle Europe

Bombings are traditionally associated with anarchism. Through a brief comparative survey, Chapter 3 explains that while this was a lethal weapon of struggle used by anarchists in Spain and France, ... More

Bombings are traditionally associated with anarchism. Through a brief comparative survey, Chapter 3 explains that while this was a lethal weapon of struggle used by anarchists in Spain and France, the same was not the case for the bombings perpetrated by their Italian comrades. Spanish and French anarchists bombed activities and locations that attracted large numbers of people, especially members of the bourgeoisie. In contrast, instead of an abstract class enemy, Italian anarchists (in whatever country they struck) bombed buildings or targeted specific personalities along with tangible symbols of state power and repressive policies. The determination to strike those held responsible for repressive policies led to two attentats: Paolo Lega’s attempt on Prime Minister Francesco Crispi’s life followed by Sante Caserio’s assassination of the president of France, Marie Francois Sadi Carnot.Less

Crispi and the “Exceptional Laws”

Nunzio Pernicone and Fraser M. Ottanelli

in Assassins against the Old Order: Italian Anarchist Violence in Fin de Siècle Europe

In Italy anarchist bombings along with the attentats of Lega and Caserio provided the pretext for an intensification of repression. Chapter 4 details the measures adopted under Francesco Crispi’s ... More

In Italy anarchist bombings along with the attentats of Lega and Caserio provided the pretext for an intensification of repression. Chapter 4 details the measures adopted under Francesco Crispi’s draconian rule directed against the country’s progressive forces—republicans, socialists, and anarchists. The chapter describes the legislation approved in 1894 that allowed the government to escalate the clampdown of political subversion and public unrest. These “exceptional laws” further curtailed freedom of the press and made it possible to subject thousands of subversives and malfattori to ammonizione, trial by military courts and domicilio coatto in penal colonies. Finally, these repressive measures forced anarchist leaders who were not in detention to flee into exile.Less

Fatti di Maggio and Gaetano Bresci

Nunzio Pernicone and Fraser M. Ottanelli

in Assassins against the Old Order: Italian Anarchist Violence in Fin de Siècle Europe

In May 1898, worsening economic conditions culminated in demonstrations and brutal military intervention, centered mainly in Milan, known as the Fatti di Maggio. Chapter 6 describes how the carnage ... More

In May 1898, worsening economic conditions culminated in demonstrations and brutal military intervention, centered mainly in Milan, known as the Fatti di Maggio. Chapter 6 describes how the carnage of the Fatti di Maggio along with the increased repression that followed set the stage for the most momentous of all the attentats carried out by an Italian anarchist giustiziere: the assassination of King Umberto I by Gaetano Bresci on July 21, 1900. The chapter traces Bresci’s experiences and political evolution within the radical and working class communities in Prato and, after he migrated, in the dynamic anarchist milieu in Paterson, NJ.Less

Egypt: Extremism in moderation: Understanding state responses to terrorism in Egypt

Dina Al Raffie

in Non-Western responses to terrorism

The Arab Republic of Egypt has a long history of battling jihadism in the region, and as such presents an interesting case study of counter-terrorism (CT) practices in a non-Western setting. Contrary ... More

The Arab Republic of Egypt has a long history of battling jihadism in the region, and as such presents an interesting case study of counter-terrorism (CT) practices in a non-Western setting. Contrary to the conventional wisdom that reduces the Egyptian state's response to the indiscriminate use of repressive measures, the current case study offers a more nuanced analysis of Egyptian state responses to terrorism that spans the country's history since its independence. Despite repressive measures constituting the backbone of Egyptian state responses to terrorism, their use is much more strategic than is often implied in the literature. As this chapter will demonstrate, a comprehensive CT approach including select soft measures does exist in Egypt, albeit with the goal of maintaining regime interests, as opposed to necessarily eliminating the phenomenon. On the contrary, the analysis that follows suggests that regime longevity is highly dependent on the existence of an extremist opposition, and that a strategy of extremism in moderation is perhaps the most prominent, underlying strategic trend that has emerged from Egyptian CT state practices over the past six decades.Less

Young Ladies Seduced and Carried Off by Terrorists: Secrets, Spies, and Anticommunist Moral Panic

Benjamin A. Cowan

in Securing Sex: Morality and Repression in the Making of Cold War Brazil

Chapter Five investigates the impact of moral technocracy—the ways in which doctrinalized moral panic suffused security institutions and made inroads into repressive practice. Categorical alarm about ... More

Chapter Five investigates the impact of moral technocracy—the ways in which doctrinalized moral panic suffused security institutions and made inroads into repressive practice. Categorical alarm about youth, decadence, media, and working women manifested itself throughout Brazil’s security establishment. These notions, moreover, did not merely percolate at the higher levels of government authority. Police and security forces on the ground, the foot soldiers of countersubversion, also bound sex and morality into their approaches to the “enemy.” Intelligence and political police agents surveilled sexual deviance; the nation’s spy agencies shared information about supposed orgies among leftist educators and their students; state representatives, from top-brass intellectuals to cops on a beat, wrung their hands over the “loss” of young people via sexualized subversion; and military and police guides to identifying and dealing with subversion outlined sexual seduction, “free love,” and public eroticism as tactics of communist insurgency. The intensity of repression, like the reasons for arrest and atrocity, varied over time and in keeping with the multifarious paranoias of police; but the notion of sexual, gender, and moral deviance as a communist conspiracy framed police work in important ways.Less

The (Dys)Functional American Nuclear Family

David Roche

in Making and Remaking Horror in the 1970s and 2000s: Why Don’t They Do It Like They Used To?

This chapter explores the thematic and structuring role played by the Gothic motif of the American nuclear family. Rather than arguing that the patriarchal order represses disorder, the notion of ... More

This chapter explores the thematic and structuring role played by the Gothic motif of the American nuclear family. Rather than arguing that the patriarchal order represses disorder, the notion of immanence emphasizes that order produces disorder. A chronological study of the films shows that the motif of the family remains a recurrent narrative thread in the remakes, but that, like the contextual aspects examined in Chapter 1, it has become more a matter of direct causality and less a matter of subtext, suggesting that contemporary filmmakers are familiar with Wood’s thesis. Moreover, in the remakes, the “monstrous” families no longer reflect the dysfunctions of the “normal” family, but represent the threat of a perverse order capable of destroying and/or assimilating “healthy” families. As such, they do not call into question the partiarchal order by revealing its constructiveness.Less

Security Concerns Trumping Korenizatsiia, 1931–1937

Jon K. Chang

in Burnt by the Sun: The Koreans of the Russian Far East

Chapter 6 covers the period 1931–1937. In 1931, Japan invaded Manchuria. This greatly increased Soviet fears of invasion and espionage being carried out in the Russian Far East. At the same time, ... More

Chapter 6 covers the period 1931–1937. In 1931, Japan invaded Manchuria. This greatly increased Soviet fears of invasion and espionage being carried out in the Russian Far East. At the same time, Soviet Koreans were great in education and higher education. By the early 1930s, there were three institutes of higher education for Koreans and other institutes with Korean “sections” such as in Khabarovsk. In 1937, Raisa Nigai (who was interviewed) withdrew from the Nikolsk Ussuriisk Teacher’s College in anticipation of the deportation of Koreans. Nikolai Nigai, an NKVD officer began his work in the first phase of the deportation which consisted of arresting and sentencing some 2000 of the Soviet Korean elites and intellectuals. Afanasii A. Kim, the leader of the Soviet Koreans had been arrested earlier on January 1936. On 21 August 1937, the first resolution for the deportation of the Koreans was signed by Stalin and Molotov. Their deportation was part of the Great Terror.Less

Repression, Ignorance, and Undone Science

David J. Hess

in Undone Science: Social Movements, Mobilized Publics, and Industrial Transitions

This chapter builds on two literatures: repression and backfire in social movement studies, and ignorance and suppression in science and technology studies. The chapter then introduces the concepts ... More

This chapter builds on two literatures: repression and backfire in social movement studies, and ignorance and suppression in science and technology studies. The chapter then introduces the concepts of undone science and industrial transition movements. Industrial transition movements are mobilized counterpublics of activists, advocates, entrepreneurs, and other agents of change who seek fundamentally new approaches to the design of industrial technologies, products, and organizations. There are four basic types of industrial transition movements based on the following goals: sunsetting industrial processes, developing alternative technologies and products, restructuring industrial organizations, and redistributing access to industrial goods. Undone science is the systematically produced absence of knowledge that industrial transition movements and other mobilized publics identify as potentially valuable for achieving their goals. Each type of industrial transition movement has its own associated type of undone science and a unique pattern of routinization.Less

Against the System, within the System: The Parameters of the Political

Jon Schubert

in Working the System: A Political Ethnography of the New Angola

The final chapter explores what happens when the ‘hegemonic domination’ sketched out previously reaches its limits. It shows how youth anti-government protests that started in 2011 utilise the ... More

The final chapter explores what happens when the ‘hegemonic domination’ sketched out previously reaches its limits. It shows how youth anti-government protests that started in 2011 utilise the discursive repertoires of dominant ideology to challenge the dominance of the regime. By disassembling the discursive and performative reactions by various social actors to those events the chapter draws back together the different elements that make up the modalities of power in Angola analysed separately in the previous chapters. Although the demonstrations could not decisively change the outcome of the 2012 elections, these first protests did significantly impact on the dynamics of Angolan political culture, triggering strong reactions by a vast array of social actors and sketching out the possibility of change.Less

The End, 1979–1982

in Living in Arcadia: Homosexuality, Politics, and Morality in France from the Liberation to AIDS

At the end of the 1970s, André Baudry and Arcadie were still alive. In May 1979, Arcadie organized a large international congress in Paris on the theme of “homosexuality as seen by others.” Held at ... More

At the end of the 1970s, André Baudry and Arcadie were still alive. In May 1979, Arcadie organized a large international congress in Paris on the theme of “homosexuality as seen by others.” Held at the Palais des Congrès, it was attended by some 1,200 people from all over the world, including the center-left senator Henri Cavaillet, the distinguished historian Paul Veyne, the best-selling novelist Robert Merle, and Michel Foucault. The congress attracted some positive attention even from the radical gay press. It was the most impressive gathering in Arcadie's history, yet it also proved to be the group's swan song. Three years later Arcadie had dissolved, and Baudry had left France forever. Arcadie's end was not inevitable. This article focuses on Arcadie's last years (1979–1982) and examines the factors that led to its demise. It looks at the 1978 elections, the reorientation of gay politics in France, the formation of the Emergency Committee against Homosexual Repression, and Arcadie's refusal to join it.Less

John Marchmont’s Legacy

Helena Ifill

in Creating character: Theories of nature and nurture in Victorian sensation fiction

In John Marchmont’s Legacy, Braddon draws on two dominant Victorian female stereotypes: the ideal woman, or Angel in the House; and the emotionally volatile woman who, as prevailing medical discourse ... More

In John Marchmont’s Legacy, Braddon draws on two dominant Victorian female stereotypes: the ideal woman, or Angel in the House; and the emotionally volatile woman who, as prevailing medical discourse of the era asserted, was a prey to the influence of her reproductive system. The intellectually brilliant and emotionally repressed Olivia Marchmont is the antithesis of the ideal woman, while her monomaniacal malicious actions (inspired by unrequited love for her cousin Edward) seem to confirm a connection between female sexuality and pathological behaviour. Olivia is at once not womanly enough, and too womanly, leading to inconsistencies in her characterisation which reveal the incongruity of Victorian conceptions of gender, whilst allowing for speculation about what it means to be a woman. Olivia is also compared with two critically neglected, hyper-feminine, female characters, Mary Marchmont and Belinda Lawford. In her depiction of Belinda particularly, Braddon shows her readers the near-impossible combination of deterministic factors required to form the prized ideal woman, and implies that to hold women up to such standards is not only unrealistic but ignores the potential of women who may be able to contribute to society in ways that do not conform to narrow and essentialist conceptions of gender.Less

IT 4 Regime Change: Networking around the State in Egypt

Deborah L. Wheeler

in Digital Resistance in the Middle East: New Media Activism in Everyday Life

This chapter takes as a starting point Gene Sharp’s observation that, “the exercise of power depends on the consent of the ruled who, by withdrawing that consent can control and even destroy the ... More

This chapter takes as a starting point Gene Sharp’s observation that, “the exercise of power depends on the consent of the ruled who, by withdrawing that consent can control and even destroy the power of their opponent” (Sharp, 1973, p. 4). While this observation applies across the three case studies at the core of this book, in the Egyptian state in particular, Internet use allowed citizens to experiment with withdrawing their consent, in ways that were destructive to the status quo over time, but subtle enough to go relatively undetected until the 25 January revolution. Having a voice, both online and off, resulted in, “the exchange of ideas, information and models” which “created an active citizenry” (Bayat, 2010, p. 247). Throughout the Egyptian case study, explanations for an empowered citizenry linked in part with new media use are considered.Less

Fear the State: Repression and the Risks of Resistance in the Middle East

Deborah L. Wheeler

in Digital Resistance in the Middle East: New Media Activism in Everyday Life

In the authoritarian state system that characterizes Kuwait, Jordan and Egypt, digital citizen activism has been met with increasingly stiff penalties. Egypt has more than 40,000 people in jail for ... More

In the authoritarian state system that characterizes Kuwait, Jordan and Egypt, digital citizen activism has been met with increasingly stiff penalties. Egypt has more than 40,000 people in jail for political crimes. Kuwait has revoked the citizenship of individuals who have overtly challenged the state. And Jordan has had a sharp down turn in freedom of expression and civil liberties. In Jordan, new election rules have disempowered Islamist political parties. In all three of these countries, states are fighting to secure increasingly volatile public spheres. But can security and stability be achieved through repression. As so many political thinkers have stressed, states that use violence to maintain legitimacy show signs of increased fragility. This chapter will explore state responses to citizen empowerment in Egypt, Jordan and Kuwait in order to add a more complete analysis of the costs of citizen resistance, both to individuals and the state.Less

Reforming the Jordanian monarchy

Sonia L. Alianak

in The Transition Towards Revolution and Reform: The Arab Spring Realised?

This chapter analyses Jordanian king Abdullah II’s resorting to religion, as the forty-third descendant of the Prophet Muhammad, during the 2011 Arab Spring, which permeated his other methods of ... More

This chapter analyses Jordanian king Abdullah II’s resorting to religion, as the forty-third descendant of the Prophet Muhammad, during the 2011 Arab Spring, which permeated his other methods of cooptation, repression and political liberalisation, lessening the severity of the hierarchical dissonance in values experienced with the ruled who demanded economic justice but at the same time valued stability like their monarch whom they trusted, and which contributed to the survival of the monarchy by making a slow managed reform process more tenable as depicted by the Pendulum Model. The monarch’s version of Islam tended to be more acceptable than that of the opposition Muslim Brotherhood’s Islamic Action Front, who also calling for stability asked for a faster rate of reform which Abdullah II did not tend to oblige perhaps because he did not feel as secure as the Moroccan monarch due to Jordan’s more recent creation after the First World War.Less