Sean L. Yom
- Published in print:
- 2015
- Published Online:
- May 2016
- ISBN:
- 9780231175647
- eISBN:
- 9780231540278
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Columbia University Press
- DOI:
- 10.7312/columbia/9780231175647.003.0006
- Subject:
- Political Science, Middle Eastern Politics
This chapter investigates the process of state-building in modern Iran. Geopolitical substitution rooted in American intercessions after 1953 resulted in a narrowing coalitional logic that produced ...
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This chapter investigates the process of state-building in modern Iran. Geopolitical substitution rooted in American intercessions after 1953 resulted in a narrowing coalitional logic that produced exclusionary economic and political institutions. From the White Revolution to political parties, new institutional investments signaled the ambitious vision of modernization espoused by the shah. However, such initiatives only further detached the Iranian state from its own society, which climaxed in the Iranian Revolution.Less
This chapter investigates the process of state-building in modern Iran. Geopolitical substitution rooted in American intercessions after 1953 resulted in a narrowing coalitional logic that produced exclusionary economic and political institutions. From the White Revolution to political parties, new institutional investments signaled the ambitious vision of modernization espoused by the shah. However, such initiatives only further detached the Iranian state from its own society, which climaxed in the Iranian Revolution.
Thomas G. Paterson
- Published in print:
- 1995
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780195101201
- eISBN:
- 9780199854189
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195101201.003.0006
- Subject:
- History, American History: 20th Century
In order to bind the worlds of Cubans and North Americans, the U.S. Military and intelligence links together with Batista's administration to try to join political, economic, and cultural ties. U.S. ...
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In order to bind the worlds of Cubans and North Americans, the U.S. Military and intelligence links together with Batista's administration to try to join political, economic, and cultural ties. U.S. officials worked to make hemispheric military establishments dependent upon U.S. equipment, weapons, and training. The United States signed agreements with Cuba to install U.S. Army, Navy, and Air Force missions and to grant military equipment under the Mutual Defense Assistance Act on March 7, 1952, just before Batista's coup. The Batista government soon ordered weapons and military goods. The U.S. Military Assistance Advisory Group (MAAG) officers had orders not to accompany Cuban units into combats although Batista's armed forces received U.S. training and weapons. The Central Intelligence Agency (CIA) also helped Batista start the Buro Repression de las Actividades Communistas (BRAC). Moreover, FBI agents also spied on Cuban rebels.Less
In order to bind the worlds of Cubans and North Americans, the U.S. Military and intelligence links together with Batista's administration to try to join political, economic, and cultural ties. U.S. officials worked to make hemispheric military establishments dependent upon U.S. equipment, weapons, and training. The United States signed agreements with Cuba to install U.S. Army, Navy, and Air Force missions and to grant military equipment under the Mutual Defense Assistance Act on March 7, 1952, just before Batista's coup. The Batista government soon ordered weapons and military goods. The U.S. Military Assistance Advisory Group (MAAG) officers had orders not to accompany Cuban units into combats although Batista's armed forces received U.S. training and weapons. The Central Intelligence Agency (CIA) also helped Batista start the Buro Repression de las Actividades Communistas (BRAC). Moreover, FBI agents also spied on Cuban rebels.
Raymond Craib
- Published in print:
- 2015
- Published Online:
- May 2016
- ISBN:
- 9780813061108
- eISBN:
- 9780813051383
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University Press of Florida
- DOI:
- 10.5744/florida/9780813061108.003.0012
- Subject:
- Society and Culture, Latin American Studies
Drawing from the case of a Spanish-born immigrant raised in Chile and deeply committed to working-class and social movements in his country, this chapter analyzes how alterity, or the emphasis on ...
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Drawing from the case of a Spanish-born immigrant raised in Chile and deeply committed to working-class and social movements in his country, this chapter analyzes how alterity, or the emphasis on “essential” differences (such as “foreignness” or “placelessness”) were mobilized by nationalists and state actors to marginalize and justify the expulsion and persecution of labor activists on the left. It underscores the difficulty of categorizing individuals as belonging to a single ideological orthodoxy and reflects on the ways in which the intentionality of stigmatization by its enemies affected how anarchism was defined in Chile.Less
Drawing from the case of a Spanish-born immigrant raised in Chile and deeply committed to working-class and social movements in his country, this chapter analyzes how alterity, or the emphasis on “essential” differences (such as “foreignness” or “placelessness”) were mobilized by nationalists and state actors to marginalize and justify the expulsion and persecution of labor activists on the left. It underscores the difficulty of categorizing individuals as belonging to a single ideological orthodoxy and reflects on the ways in which the intentionality of stigmatization by its enemies affected how anarchism was defined in Chile.
Kenneth Robert Janken
- Published in print:
- 2016
- Published Online:
- May 2016
- ISBN:
- 9781469624839
- eISBN:
- 9781469624853
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University of North Carolina Press
- DOI:
- 10.5149/northcarolina/9781469624839.003.0005
- Subject:
- History, African-American History
Following the guilty verdict in the trial of the Wilmington Ten, a broad based movement developed in North Carolina, the larger United States, and the world to overturn the convictions on appeal and ...
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Following the guilty verdict in the trial of the Wilmington Ten, a broad based movement developed in North Carolina, the larger United States, and the world to overturn the convictions on appeal and set them free. The movement to free the Wilmington Ten in all its phases developed along multiple independent but intersecting paths. How interested parties along these paths, like the United Church of Christ, the Commission for Racial Justice, the National Alliance against Racist and Political Repression organized themselves and cooperated and competed tells us much about the African American political landscape in the 1970s. From community-, school-, and church-based associations to political parties built on leftist and nationalist lines to the quickening of a stratum of black elected officials, the manners in which the campaigns to free the Wilmington Ten unfolded reveal the ways power was accrued and spent and lost. This chapter discloses the efforts of many organizations in the movement to bring the Wilmington Ten before an international audience to pressure the United States government to free the Ten. The chapter also discusses the Wilmington Ten’s continuing legal appeal, which continued to bring to light evidence of prosecutorial and government misconduct.Less
Following the guilty verdict in the trial of the Wilmington Ten, a broad based movement developed in North Carolina, the larger United States, and the world to overturn the convictions on appeal and set them free. The movement to free the Wilmington Ten in all its phases developed along multiple independent but intersecting paths. How interested parties along these paths, like the United Church of Christ, the Commission for Racial Justice, the National Alliance against Racist and Political Repression organized themselves and cooperated and competed tells us much about the African American political landscape in the 1970s. From community-, school-, and church-based associations to political parties built on leftist and nationalist lines to the quickening of a stratum of black elected officials, the manners in which the campaigns to free the Wilmington Ten unfolded reveal the ways power was accrued and spent and lost. This chapter discloses the efforts of many organizations in the movement to bring the Wilmington Ten before an international audience to pressure the United States government to free the Ten. The chapter also discusses the Wilmington Ten’s continuing legal appeal, which continued to bring to light evidence of prosecutorial and government misconduct.
Kenneth Robert Janken
- Published in print:
- 2016
- Published Online:
- May 2016
- ISBN:
- 9781469624839
- eISBN:
- 9781469624853
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University of North Carolina Press
- DOI:
- 10.5149/northcarolina/9781469624839.003.0006
- Subject:
- History, African-American History
This chapter and the previous one discuss the sophisticated multiyear campaign to free the Wilmington Ten carried out by religious and secular black nationalists, the Communist-affiliated National ...
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This chapter and the previous one discuss the sophisticated multiyear campaign to free the Wilmington Ten carried out by religious and secular black nationalists, the Communist-affiliated National Alliance against Racist and Political Repression, Amnesty International, and the Workers Viewpoint Organization of the Maoist new communist movement. In North Carolina, the Commission for Racial Justice, linked the case of the Ten with other local issues, such as police brutality and discrimination in the criminal justice system, and the Wilmington Ten became a locus for radicals and revolutionaries as well as aspiring politicians. Across the country, different organizations connected the case of the Wilmington Ten to labor unions, church groups, student organizations, and elected officials who expressed extreme skepticism of the federal government in the wake of Watergate. Combining education, agitation, and direct action, the major organizations hounded President Jimmy Carter and North Carolina Governor Jim Hunt and forced them to take corrective action. Additionally, chapters four and five place the campaign to free the Wilmington Ten in an international context and demonstrate the ways in which politically conscious actors utilized the contradictions inherent in the Cold War and President Carter’s human rights foreign policy to build international pressure to free the Ten.Less
This chapter and the previous one discuss the sophisticated multiyear campaign to free the Wilmington Ten carried out by religious and secular black nationalists, the Communist-affiliated National Alliance against Racist and Political Repression, Amnesty International, and the Workers Viewpoint Organization of the Maoist new communist movement. In North Carolina, the Commission for Racial Justice, linked the case of the Ten with other local issues, such as police brutality and discrimination in the criminal justice system, and the Wilmington Ten became a locus for radicals and revolutionaries as well as aspiring politicians. Across the country, different organizations connected the case of the Wilmington Ten to labor unions, church groups, student organizations, and elected officials who expressed extreme skepticism of the federal government in the wake of Watergate. Combining education, agitation, and direct action, the major organizations hounded President Jimmy Carter and North Carolina Governor Jim Hunt and forced them to take corrective action. Additionally, chapters four and five place the campaign to free the Wilmington Ten in an international context and demonstrate the ways in which politically conscious actors utilized the contradictions inherent in the Cold War and President Carter’s human rights foreign policy to build international pressure to free the Ten.
Horace A. Bartilow
- Published in print:
- 2019
- Published Online:
- September 2020
- ISBN:
- 9781469652559
- eISBN:
- 9781469652573
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- University of North Carolina Press
- DOI:
- 10.5149/northcarolina/9781469652559.001.0001
- Subject:
- Public Health and Epidemiology, Public Health
In this book, Horace Bartilow develops a theory of embedded corporatism to explain the U.S. government’s war on drugs. Stemming from President Richard Nixon’s 1971 call for an international approach ...
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In this book, Horace Bartilow develops a theory of embedded corporatism to explain the U.S. government’s war on drugs. Stemming from President Richard Nixon’s 1971 call for an international approach to this “war,” U.S. drug enforcement policy has persisted with few changes to the present day, despite widespread criticism of its effectiveness and of its unequal effects on hundreds of millions of people across the Americas. While researchers consistently emphasize the role of race in U.S. drug enforcement, Bartilow’s empirical analysis highlights the class dimension of the drug war and the immense power that American corporations wield within the regime.
Drawing on qualitative case study methods, declassified U.S. government documents, and advanced econometric estimators that analyze cross-national data, Bartilow demonstrates how corporate power is projected and embedded—in lobbying, financing of federal elections, funding of policy think tanks, and interlocks with the federal government and the military. Embedded corporatism, he explains, creates the conditions by which the interests of state and nonstate members of the regime converge to promote capital accumulation. The subsequent human rights repression, illiberal democratic governments, antiworker practices, and widening income inequality throughout the Americas, Bartilow argues, are the pathological policy outcomes of embedded corporatism in drug enforcement.Less
In this book, Horace Bartilow develops a theory of embedded corporatism to explain the U.S. government’s war on drugs. Stemming from President Richard Nixon’s 1971 call for an international approach to this “war,” U.S. drug enforcement policy has persisted with few changes to the present day, despite widespread criticism of its effectiveness and of its unequal effects on hundreds of millions of people across the Americas. While researchers consistently emphasize the role of race in U.S. drug enforcement, Bartilow’s empirical analysis highlights the class dimension of the drug war and the immense power that American corporations wield within the regime.
Drawing on qualitative case study methods, declassified U.S. government documents, and advanced econometric estimators that analyze cross-national data, Bartilow demonstrates how corporate power is projected and embedded—in lobbying, financing of federal elections, funding of policy think tanks, and interlocks with the federal government and the military. Embedded corporatism, he explains, creates the conditions by which the interests of state and nonstate members of the regime converge to promote capital accumulation. The subsequent human rights repression, illiberal democratic governments, antiworker practices, and widening income inequality throughout the Americas, Bartilow argues, are the pathological policy outcomes of embedded corporatism in drug enforcement.
Nunzio Pernicone and Fraser M. Ottanelli
- Published in print:
- 2018
- Published Online:
- May 2019
- ISBN:
- 9780252041877
- eISBN:
- 9780252050565
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University of Illinois Press
- DOI:
- 10.5622/illinois/9780252041877.003.0004
- Subject:
- History, Cultural History
Bombings are traditionally associated with anarchism. Through a brief comparative survey, Chapter 3 explains that while this was a lethal weapon of struggle used by anarchists in Spain and France, ...
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Bombings are traditionally associated with anarchism. Through a brief comparative survey, Chapter 3 explains that while this was a lethal weapon of struggle used by anarchists in Spain and France, the same was not the case for the bombings perpetrated by their Italian comrades. Spanish and French anarchists bombed activities and locations that attracted large numbers of people, especially members of the bourgeoisie. In contrast, instead of an abstract class enemy, Italian anarchists (in whatever country they struck) bombed buildings or targeted specific personalities along with tangible symbols of state power and repressive policies. The determination to strike those held responsible for repressive policies led to two attentats: Paolo Lega’s attempt on Prime Minister Francesco Crispi’s life followed by Sante Caserio’s assassination of the president of France, Marie Francois Sadi Carnot.Less
Bombings are traditionally associated with anarchism. Through a brief comparative survey, Chapter 3 explains that while this was a lethal weapon of struggle used by anarchists in Spain and France, the same was not the case for the bombings perpetrated by their Italian comrades. Spanish and French anarchists bombed activities and locations that attracted large numbers of people, especially members of the bourgeoisie. In contrast, instead of an abstract class enemy, Italian anarchists (in whatever country they struck) bombed buildings or targeted specific personalities along with tangible symbols of state power and repressive policies. The determination to strike those held responsible for repressive policies led to two attentats: Paolo Lega’s attempt on Prime Minister Francesco Crispi’s life followed by Sante Caserio’s assassination of the president of France, Marie Francois Sadi Carnot.
Nunzio Pernicone and Fraser M. Ottanelli
- Published in print:
- 2018
- Published Online:
- May 2019
- ISBN:
- 9780252041877
- eISBN:
- 9780252050565
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University of Illinois Press
- DOI:
- 10.5622/illinois/9780252041877.003.0005
- Subject:
- History, Cultural History
In Italy anarchist bombings along with the attentats of Lega and Caserio provided the pretext for an intensification of repression. Chapter 4 details the measures adopted under Francesco Crispi’s ...
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In Italy anarchist bombings along with the attentats of Lega and Caserio provided the pretext for an intensification of repression. Chapter 4 details the measures adopted under Francesco Crispi’s draconian rule directed against the country’s progressive forces—republicans, socialists, and anarchists. The chapter describes the legislation approved in 1894 that allowed the government to escalate the clampdown of political subversion and public unrest. These “exceptional laws” further curtailed freedom of the press and made it possible to subject thousands of subversives and malfattori to ammonizione, trial by military courts and domicilio coatto in penal colonies. Finally, these repressive measures forced anarchist leaders who were not in detention to flee into exile.Less
In Italy anarchist bombings along with the attentats of Lega and Caserio provided the pretext for an intensification of repression. Chapter 4 details the measures adopted under Francesco Crispi’s draconian rule directed against the country’s progressive forces—republicans, socialists, and anarchists. The chapter describes the legislation approved in 1894 that allowed the government to escalate the clampdown of political subversion and public unrest. These “exceptional laws” further curtailed freedom of the press and made it possible to subject thousands of subversives and malfattori to ammonizione, trial by military courts and domicilio coatto in penal colonies. Finally, these repressive measures forced anarchist leaders who were not in detention to flee into exile.
Nunzio Pernicone and Fraser M. Ottanelli
- Published in print:
- 2018
- Published Online:
- May 2019
- ISBN:
- 9780252041877
- eISBN:
- 9780252050565
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University of Illinois Press
- DOI:
- 10.5622/illinois/9780252041877.003.0007
- Subject:
- History, Cultural History
In May 1898, worsening economic conditions culminated in demonstrations and brutal military intervention, centered mainly in Milan, known as the Fatti di Maggio. Chapter 6 describes how the carnage ...
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In May 1898, worsening economic conditions culminated in demonstrations and brutal military intervention, centered mainly in Milan, known as the Fatti di Maggio. Chapter 6 describes how the carnage of the Fatti di Maggio along with the increased repression that followed set the stage for the most momentous of all the attentats carried out by an Italian anarchist giustiziere: the assassination of King Umberto I by Gaetano Bresci on July 21, 1900. The chapter traces Bresci’s experiences and political evolution within the radical and working class communities in Prato and, after he migrated, in the dynamic anarchist milieu in Paterson, NJ.Less
In May 1898, worsening economic conditions culminated in demonstrations and brutal military intervention, centered mainly in Milan, known as the Fatti di Maggio. Chapter 6 describes how the carnage of the Fatti di Maggio along with the increased repression that followed set the stage for the most momentous of all the attentats carried out by an Italian anarchist giustiziere: the assassination of King Umberto I by Gaetano Bresci on July 21, 1900. The chapter traces Bresci’s experiences and political evolution within the radical and working class communities in Prato and, after he migrated, in the dynamic anarchist milieu in Paterson, NJ.
Dina Al Raffie
- Published in print:
- 2019
- Published Online:
- May 2019
- ISBN:
- 9781526105813
- eISBN:
- 9781526135988
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Manchester University Press
- DOI:
- 10.7228/manchester/9781526105813.003.0012
- Subject:
- Political Science, Security Studies
The Arab Republic of Egypt has a long history of battling jihadism in the region, and as such presents an interesting case study of counter-terrorism (CT) practices in a non-Western setting. Contrary ...
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The Arab Republic of Egypt has a long history of battling jihadism in the region, and as such presents an interesting case study of counter-terrorism (CT) practices in a non-Western setting. Contrary to the conventional wisdom that reduces the Egyptian state's response to the indiscriminate use of repressive measures, the current case study offers a more nuanced analysis of Egyptian state responses to terrorism that spans the country's history since its independence. Despite repressive measures constituting the backbone of Egyptian state responses to terrorism, their use is much more strategic than is often implied in the literature. As this chapter will demonstrate, a comprehensive CT approach including select soft measures does exist in Egypt, albeit with the goal of maintaining regime interests, as opposed to necessarily eliminating the phenomenon. On the contrary, the analysis that follows suggests that regime longevity is highly dependent on the existence of an extremist opposition, and that a strategy of extremism in moderation is perhaps the most prominent, underlying strategic trend that has emerged from Egyptian CT state practices over the past six decades.Less
The Arab Republic of Egypt has a long history of battling jihadism in the region, and as such presents an interesting case study of counter-terrorism (CT) practices in a non-Western setting. Contrary to the conventional wisdom that reduces the Egyptian state's response to the indiscriminate use of repressive measures, the current case study offers a more nuanced analysis of Egyptian state responses to terrorism that spans the country's history since its independence. Despite repressive measures constituting the backbone of Egyptian state responses to terrorism, their use is much more strategic than is often implied in the literature. As this chapter will demonstrate, a comprehensive CT approach including select soft measures does exist in Egypt, albeit with the goal of maintaining regime interests, as opposed to necessarily eliminating the phenomenon. On the contrary, the analysis that follows suggests that regime longevity is highly dependent on the existence of an extremist opposition, and that a strategy of extremism in moderation is perhaps the most prominent, underlying strategic trend that has emerged from Egyptian CT state practices over the past six decades.
David Roche
- Published in print:
- 2014
- Published Online:
- September 2014
- ISBN:
- 9781617039621
- eISBN:
- 9781626740129
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University Press of Mississippi
- DOI:
- 10.14325/mississippi/9781617039621.003.0004
- Subject:
- Film, Television and Radio, Film
This chapter explores the thematic and structuring role played by the Gothic motif of the American nuclear family. Rather than arguing that the patriarchal order represses disorder, the notion of ...
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This chapter explores the thematic and structuring role played by the Gothic motif of the American nuclear family. Rather than arguing that the patriarchal order represses disorder, the notion of immanence emphasizes that order produces disorder. A chronological study of the films shows that the motif of the family remains a recurrent narrative thread in the remakes, but that, like the contextual aspects examined in Chapter 1, it has become more a matter of direct causality and less a matter of subtext, suggesting that contemporary filmmakers are familiar with Wood’s thesis. Moreover, in the remakes, the “monstrous” families no longer reflect the dysfunctions of the “normal” family, but represent the threat of a perverse order capable of destroying and/or assimilating “healthy” families. As such, they do not call into question the partiarchal order by revealing its constructiveness.Less
This chapter explores the thematic and structuring role played by the Gothic motif of the American nuclear family. Rather than arguing that the patriarchal order represses disorder, the notion of immanence emphasizes that order produces disorder. A chronological study of the films shows that the motif of the family remains a recurrent narrative thread in the remakes, but that, like the contextual aspects examined in Chapter 1, it has become more a matter of direct causality and less a matter of subtext, suggesting that contemporary filmmakers are familiar with Wood’s thesis. Moreover, in the remakes, the “monstrous” families no longer reflect the dysfunctions of the “normal” family, but represent the threat of a perverse order capable of destroying and/or assimilating “healthy” families. As such, they do not call into question the partiarchal order by revealing its constructiveness.
Jon K. Chang
- Published in print:
- 2016
- Published Online:
- January 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780824856786
- eISBN:
- 9780824872205
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University of Hawai'i Press
- DOI:
- 10.21313/hawaii/9780824856786.003.0006
- Subject:
- History, Asian History
Chapter 6 covers the period 1931–1937. In 1931, Japan invaded Manchuria. This greatly increased Soviet fears of invasion and espionage being carried out in the Russian Far East. At the same time, ...
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Chapter 6 covers the period 1931–1937. In 1931, Japan invaded Manchuria. This greatly increased Soviet fears of invasion and espionage being carried out in the Russian Far East. At the same time, Soviet Koreans were great in education and higher education. By the early 1930s, there were three institutes of higher education for Koreans and other institutes with Korean “sections” such as in Khabarovsk. In 1937, Raisa Nigai (who was interviewed) withdrew from the Nikolsk Ussuriisk Teacher’s College in anticipation of the deportation of Koreans. Nikolai Nigai, an NKVD officer began his work in the first phase of the deportation which consisted of arresting and sentencing some 2000 of the Soviet Korean elites and intellectuals. Afanasii A. Kim, the leader of the Soviet Koreans had been arrested earlier on January 1936. On 21 August 1937, the first resolution for the deportation of the Koreans was signed by Stalin and Molotov. Their deportation was part of the Great Terror.Less
Chapter 6 covers the period 1931–1937. In 1931, Japan invaded Manchuria. This greatly increased Soviet fears of invasion and espionage being carried out in the Russian Far East. At the same time, Soviet Koreans were great in education and higher education. By the early 1930s, there were three institutes of higher education for Koreans and other institutes with Korean “sections” such as in Khabarovsk. In 1937, Raisa Nigai (who was interviewed) withdrew from the Nikolsk Ussuriisk Teacher’s College in anticipation of the deportation of Koreans. Nikolai Nigai, an NKVD officer began his work in the first phase of the deportation which consisted of arresting and sentencing some 2000 of the Soviet Korean elites and intellectuals. Afanasii A. Kim, the leader of the Soviet Koreans had been arrested earlier on January 1936. On 21 August 1937, the first resolution for the deportation of the Koreans was signed by Stalin and Molotov. Their deportation was part of the Great Terror.
Benjamin A. Cowan
- Published in print:
- 2016
- Published Online:
- September 2016
- ISBN:
- 9781469627502
- eISBN:
- 9781469627526
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University of North Carolina Press
- DOI:
- 10.5149/northcarolina/9781469627502.003.0005
- Subject:
- History, Latin American History
Chapter Five investigates the impact of moral technocracy—the ways in which doctrinalized moral panic suffused security institutions and made inroads into repressive practice. Categorical alarm about ...
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Chapter Five investigates the impact of moral technocracy—the ways in which doctrinalized moral panic suffused security institutions and made inroads into repressive practice. Categorical alarm about youth, decadence, media, and working women manifested itself throughout Brazil’s security establishment. These notions, moreover, did not merely percolate at the higher levels of government authority. Police and security forces on the ground, the foot soldiers of countersubversion, also bound sex and morality into their approaches to the “enemy.” Intelligence and political police agents surveilled sexual deviance; the nation’s spy agencies shared information about supposed orgies among leftist educators and their students; state representatives, from top-brass intellectuals to cops on a beat, wrung their hands over the “loss” of young people via sexualized subversion; and military and police guides to identifying and dealing with subversion outlined sexual seduction, “free love,” and public eroticism as tactics of communist insurgency. The intensity of repression, like the reasons for arrest and atrocity, varied over time and in keeping with the multifarious paranoias of police; but the notion of sexual, gender, and moral deviance as a communist conspiracy framed police work in important ways.Less
Chapter Five investigates the impact of moral technocracy—the ways in which doctrinalized moral panic suffused security institutions and made inroads into repressive practice. Categorical alarm about youth, decadence, media, and working women manifested itself throughout Brazil’s security establishment. These notions, moreover, did not merely percolate at the higher levels of government authority. Police and security forces on the ground, the foot soldiers of countersubversion, also bound sex and morality into their approaches to the “enemy.” Intelligence and political police agents surveilled sexual deviance; the nation’s spy agencies shared information about supposed orgies among leftist educators and their students; state representatives, from top-brass intellectuals to cops on a beat, wrung their hands over the “loss” of young people via sexualized subversion; and military and police guides to identifying and dealing with subversion outlined sexual seduction, “free love,” and public eroticism as tactics of communist insurgency. The intensity of repression, like the reasons for arrest and atrocity, varied over time and in keeping with the multifarious paranoias of police; but the notion of sexual, gender, and moral deviance as a communist conspiracy framed police work in important ways.
Jon Schubert
- Published in print:
- 2017
- Published Online:
- September 2018
- ISBN:
- 9781501713699
- eISBN:
- 9781501709692
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Cornell University Press
- DOI:
- 10.7591/cornell/9781501713699.003.0007
- Subject:
- Anthropology, Asian Cultural Anthropology
The final chapter explores what happens when the ‘hegemonic domination’ sketched out previously reaches its limits. It shows how youth anti-government protests that started in 2011 utilise the ...
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The final chapter explores what happens when the ‘hegemonic domination’ sketched out previously reaches its limits. It shows how youth anti-government protests that started in 2011 utilise the discursive repertoires of dominant ideology to challenge the dominance of the regime. By disassembling the discursive and performative reactions by various social actors to those events the chapter draws back together the different elements that make up the modalities of power in Angola analysed separately in the previous chapters. Although the demonstrations could not decisively change the outcome of the 2012 elections, these first protests did significantly impact on the dynamics of Angolan political culture, triggering strong reactions by a vast array of social actors and sketching out the possibility of change.Less
The final chapter explores what happens when the ‘hegemonic domination’ sketched out previously reaches its limits. It shows how youth anti-government protests that started in 2011 utilise the discursive repertoires of dominant ideology to challenge the dominance of the regime. By disassembling the discursive and performative reactions by various social actors to those events the chapter draws back together the different elements that make up the modalities of power in Angola analysed separately in the previous chapters. Although the demonstrations could not decisively change the outcome of the 2012 elections, these first protests did significantly impact on the dynamics of Angolan political culture, triggering strong reactions by a vast array of social actors and sketching out the possibility of change.
- Published in print:
- 2009
- Published Online:
- March 2013
- ISBN:
- 9780226389257
- eISBN:
- 9780226389288
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University of Chicago Press
- DOI:
- 10.7208/chicago/9780226389288.003.0010
- Subject:
- History, European Modern History
At the end of the 1970s, André Baudry and Arcadie were still alive. In May 1979, Arcadie organized a large international congress in Paris on the theme of “homosexuality as seen by others.” Held at ...
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At the end of the 1970s, André Baudry and Arcadie were still alive. In May 1979, Arcadie organized a large international congress in Paris on the theme of “homosexuality as seen by others.” Held at the Palais des Congrès, it was attended by some 1,200 people from all over the world, including the center-left senator Henri Cavaillet, the distinguished historian Paul Veyne, the best-selling novelist Robert Merle, and Michel Foucault. The congress attracted some positive attention even from the radical gay press. It was the most impressive gathering in Arcadie's history, yet it also proved to be the group's swan song. Three years later Arcadie had dissolved, and Baudry had left France forever. Arcadie's end was not inevitable. This article focuses on Arcadie's last years (1979–1982) and examines the factors that led to its demise. It looks at the 1978 elections, the reorientation of gay politics in France, the formation of the Emergency Committee against Homosexual Repression, and Arcadie's refusal to join it.Less
At the end of the 1970s, André Baudry and Arcadie were still alive. In May 1979, Arcadie organized a large international congress in Paris on the theme of “homosexuality as seen by others.” Held at the Palais des Congrès, it was attended by some 1,200 people from all over the world, including the center-left senator Henri Cavaillet, the distinguished historian Paul Veyne, the best-selling novelist Robert Merle, and Michel Foucault. The congress attracted some positive attention even from the radical gay press. It was the most impressive gathering in Arcadie's history, yet it also proved to be the group's swan song. Three years later Arcadie had dissolved, and Baudry had left France forever. Arcadie's end was not inevitable. This article focuses on Arcadie's last years (1979–1982) and examines the factors that led to its demise. It looks at the 1978 elections, the reorientation of gay politics in France, the formation of the Emergency Committee against Homosexual Repression, and Arcadie's refusal to join it.
Helena Ifill
- Published in print:
- 2018
- Published Online:
- September 2018
- ISBN:
- 9781784995133
- eISBN:
- 9781526136275
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Manchester University Press
- DOI:
- 10.7228/manchester/9781784995133.003.0003
- Subject:
- Literature, Criticism/Theory
In John Marchmont’s Legacy, Braddon draws on two dominant Victorian female stereotypes: the ideal woman, or Angel in the House; and the emotionally volatile woman who, as prevailing medical discourse ...
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In John Marchmont’s Legacy, Braddon draws on two dominant Victorian female stereotypes: the ideal woman, or Angel in the House; and the emotionally volatile woman who, as prevailing medical discourse of the era asserted, was a prey to the influence of her reproductive system. The intellectually brilliant and emotionally repressed Olivia Marchmont is the antithesis of the ideal woman, while her monomaniacal malicious actions (inspired by unrequited love for her cousin Edward) seem to confirm a connection between female sexuality and pathological behaviour. Olivia is at once not womanly enough, and too womanly, leading to inconsistencies in her characterisation which reveal the incongruity of Victorian conceptions of gender, whilst allowing for speculation about what it means to be a woman. Olivia is also compared with two critically neglected, hyper-feminine, female characters, Mary Marchmont and Belinda Lawford. In her depiction of Belinda particularly, Braddon shows her readers the near-impossible combination of deterministic factors required to form the prized ideal woman, and implies that to hold women up to such standards is not only unrealistic but ignores the potential of women who may be able to contribute to society in ways that do not conform to narrow and essentialist conceptions of gender.Less
In John Marchmont’s Legacy, Braddon draws on two dominant Victorian female stereotypes: the ideal woman, or Angel in the House; and the emotionally volatile woman who, as prevailing medical discourse of the era asserted, was a prey to the influence of her reproductive system. The intellectually brilliant and emotionally repressed Olivia Marchmont is the antithesis of the ideal woman, while her monomaniacal malicious actions (inspired by unrequited love for her cousin Edward) seem to confirm a connection between female sexuality and pathological behaviour. Olivia is at once not womanly enough, and too womanly, leading to inconsistencies in her characterisation which reveal the incongruity of Victorian conceptions of gender, whilst allowing for speculation about what it means to be a woman. Olivia is also compared with two critically neglected, hyper-feminine, female characters, Mary Marchmont and Belinda Lawford. In her depiction of Belinda particularly, Braddon shows her readers the near-impossible combination of deterministic factors required to form the prized ideal woman, and implies that to hold women up to such standards is not only unrealistic but ignores the potential of women who may be able to contribute to society in ways that do not conform to narrow and essentialist conceptions of gender.
David J. Hess
- Published in print:
- 2016
- Published Online:
- May 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780262035132
- eISBN:
- 9780262336444
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- The MIT Press
- DOI:
- 10.7551/mitpress/9780262035132.003.0002
- Subject:
- Political Science, Environmental Politics
This chapter builds on two literatures: repression and backfire in social movement studies, and ignorance and suppression in science and technology studies. The chapter then introduces the concepts ...
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This chapter builds on two literatures: repression and backfire in social movement studies, and ignorance and suppression in science and technology studies. The chapter then introduces the concepts of undone science and industrial transition movements. Industrial transition movements are mobilized counterpublics of activists, advocates, entrepreneurs, and other agents of change who seek fundamentally new approaches to the design of industrial technologies, products, and organizations. There are four basic types of industrial transition movements based on the following goals: sunsetting industrial processes, developing alternative technologies and products, restructuring industrial organizations, and redistributing access to industrial goods. Undone science is the systematically produced absence of knowledge that industrial transition movements and other mobilized publics identify as potentially valuable for achieving their goals. Each type of industrial transition movement has its own associated type of undone science and a unique pattern of routinization.Less
This chapter builds on two literatures: repression and backfire in social movement studies, and ignorance and suppression in science and technology studies. The chapter then introduces the concepts of undone science and industrial transition movements. Industrial transition movements are mobilized counterpublics of activists, advocates, entrepreneurs, and other agents of change who seek fundamentally new approaches to the design of industrial technologies, products, and organizations. There are four basic types of industrial transition movements based on the following goals: sunsetting industrial processes, developing alternative technologies and products, restructuring industrial organizations, and redistributing access to industrial goods. Undone science is the systematically produced absence of knowledge that industrial transition movements and other mobilized publics identify as potentially valuable for achieving their goals. Each type of industrial transition movement has its own associated type of undone science and a unique pattern of routinization.
Sonia L. Alianak
- Published in print:
- 2014
- Published Online:
- May 2015
- ISBN:
- 9780748692712
- eISBN:
- 9781474406079
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Edinburgh University Press
- DOI:
- 10.3366/edinburgh/9780748692712.003.0005
- Subject:
- Political Science, Middle Eastern Politics
This chapter analyses Jordanian king Abdullah II’s resorting to religion, as the forty-third descendant of the Prophet Muhammad, during the 2011 Arab Spring, which permeated his other methods of ...
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This chapter analyses Jordanian king Abdullah II’s resorting to religion, as the forty-third descendant of the Prophet Muhammad, during the 2011 Arab Spring, which permeated his other methods of cooptation, repression and political liberalisation, lessening the severity of the hierarchical dissonance in values experienced with the ruled who demanded economic justice but at the same time valued stability like their monarch whom they trusted, and which contributed to the survival of the monarchy by making a slow managed reform process more tenable as depicted by the Pendulum Model. The monarch’s version of Islam tended to be more acceptable than that of the opposition Muslim Brotherhood’s Islamic Action Front, who also calling for stability asked for a faster rate of reform which Abdullah II did not tend to oblige perhaps because he did not feel as secure as the Moroccan monarch due to Jordan’s more recent creation after the First World War.Less
This chapter analyses Jordanian king Abdullah II’s resorting to religion, as the forty-third descendant of the Prophet Muhammad, during the 2011 Arab Spring, which permeated his other methods of cooptation, repression and political liberalisation, lessening the severity of the hierarchical dissonance in values experienced with the ruled who demanded economic justice but at the same time valued stability like their monarch whom they trusted, and which contributed to the survival of the monarchy by making a slow managed reform process more tenable as depicted by the Pendulum Model. The monarch’s version of Islam tended to be more acceptable than that of the opposition Muslim Brotherhood’s Islamic Action Front, who also calling for stability asked for a faster rate of reform which Abdullah II did not tend to oblige perhaps because he did not feel as secure as the Moroccan monarch due to Jordan’s more recent creation after the First World War.
Emma Galbally and Conrad Brunström
- Published in print:
- 2017
- Published Online:
- September 2017
- ISBN:
- 9781784992699
- eISBN:
- 9781526124050
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Manchester University Press
- DOI:
- 10.7228/manchester/9781784992699.003.0005
- Subject:
- Literature, Film, Media, and Cultural Studies
This chapter considers the context of the French Revolution and the spectacle of accelerated and mechanised decapitation and their joint influence on the Gothic imagination. The focus of the ...
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This chapter considers the context of the French Revolution and the spectacle of accelerated and mechanised decapitation and their joint influence on the Gothic imagination. The focus of the discussion is on stage representation, and the anxieties generated by attempts to represent insurrectionary violence in the 1790s in front of potentially volatile and unpredictable audiences. James Boaden’s dramatisation of Matthew Lewis’ The Monk is adapted (in part) to neutralise the representation of mob rule. Meanwhile, George Reynolds’ Bantry Bay, staged during a unique window of opportunity in 1797, attempts to re-imagine potential insurgents in loyalist terms. Paradoxically, the attempt to control the theatre through licensing had created larger venues than ever before, making audiences potentially more threatening.Less
This chapter considers the context of the French Revolution and the spectacle of accelerated and mechanised decapitation and their joint influence on the Gothic imagination. The focus of the discussion is on stage representation, and the anxieties generated by attempts to represent insurrectionary violence in the 1790s in front of potentially volatile and unpredictable audiences. James Boaden’s dramatisation of Matthew Lewis’ The Monk is adapted (in part) to neutralise the representation of mob rule. Meanwhile, George Reynolds’ Bantry Bay, staged during a unique window of opportunity in 1797, attempts to re-imagine potential insurgents in loyalist terms. Paradoxically, the attempt to control the theatre through licensing had created larger venues than ever before, making audiences potentially more threatening.
Aaron Schuster
- Published in print:
- 2016
- Published Online:
- January 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780262528597
- eISBN:
- 9780262334150
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- The MIT Press
- DOI:
- 10.7551/mitpress/9780262528597.003.0007
- Subject:
- Philosophy, General
Focusing on the clinical dimension of Anti-Oedipus (which I propose to read as a kind of “Psychopathia Metaphysica”), the chapter unfolds Deleuze and Guattari’s conception of schizophrenia, along ...
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Focusing on the clinical dimension of Anti-Oedipus (which I propose to read as a kind of “Psychopathia Metaphysica”), the chapter unfolds Deleuze and Guattari’s conception of schizophrenia, along with their positive notion of desire and its three aspects of desiring machines, the body without organs, and the organism. This conception is brought into connection with Lacan’s theory of the relationship between drive and desire. I defend Deleuze and Guattari against the claim that they romanticize mental illness, showing how Anti-Oedipus articulates a clinical anthropology in close dialogue with psychoanalysis. On the other hand, I also defend Lacan against the criticism that his theory of foreclosure implies a normative conception of psychic development (according to a certain understanding of the Oedipus complex). This leads to a further specification of the two conceptions of negativity at stake in Deleuze and Lacan, and what they entail for an understanding of subjectivity and psychic life. Different positions in contemporary philosophy (Lacan, Badiou, Deleuze) can be read in terms of the psychoanalytic ménage à trois of desire, love, and enjoyment—a “philosophical clinic.”Less
Focusing on the clinical dimension of Anti-Oedipus (which I propose to read as a kind of “Psychopathia Metaphysica”), the chapter unfolds Deleuze and Guattari’s conception of schizophrenia, along with their positive notion of desire and its three aspects of desiring machines, the body without organs, and the organism. This conception is brought into connection with Lacan’s theory of the relationship between drive and desire. I defend Deleuze and Guattari against the claim that they romanticize mental illness, showing how Anti-Oedipus articulates a clinical anthropology in close dialogue with psychoanalysis. On the other hand, I also defend Lacan against the criticism that his theory of foreclosure implies a normative conception of psychic development (according to a certain understanding of the Oedipus complex). This leads to a further specification of the two conceptions of negativity at stake in Deleuze and Lacan, and what they entail for an understanding of subjectivity and psychic life. Different positions in contemporary philosophy (Lacan, Badiou, Deleuze) can be read in terms of the psychoanalytic ménage à trois of desire, love, and enjoyment—a “philosophical clinic.”