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Beginning in the late 18th century and accelerating in the first half of the 19th century thousands of Highlanders were pushed off their lands to make way for commercial sheep farming. Many migrated to North America. About the same time, in the first half of the 19th century, the United States moved toward and then implemented a policy of Indian Removals, forcing thousands of Indian peoples from their homelands in the East to new lands in the West. With particular emphasis on the Sutherland Clearances in the north of Scotland and the Cherokee removal from Georgia, this chapter considers both phenomena as products of economic change affecting the Atlantic world, and notes that some of the Creeks, Cherokees and other Indians who were forced west were sons and daughters of Highlanders who had experienced similar dispossession.

This chapter introduces the contexts of Removal and Allotment and positions them both in the ideology of colonization and the response of decolonization. Throughout the chapter U.S. colonial ideas (paternalism, territoriality, godly authority) are discussed as a larger framework. Simultaneously, Native decolonization efforts are outlined as a responsive, critical framework. A larger purpose statement – regarding the Native-U.S. relationship and the importance of studying the mingling of governmental and Native rhetoric in these contexts – is also articulated. The chapter ends with a discussion of textual veracity, textual methods, and the inevitability of strategic essentializing.

This chapter traces the history of black people's emancipation from slavery in Indian Territory, with particular emphasis on the 1866 treaties that leaders of the Cherokee, Creek, Seminole, Choctaw, and Chickasaw nations entered with the United States to abolish racial chattel slavery in each nation. From the late eighteenth century through the end of the Civil War, Native American slaveholders held thousands of people of African descent in bondage, exploiting their labor and reproduction for power, prestige, and wealth. During the 1830s era of Indian Removal, the federal government forced Indian nations to leave Mississippi, Alabama, and Georgia, and resettled people in the region known as Indian Territory, where the nations retained limited sovereignty over their people and land. This chapter shows that the federal government's actions to end slavery after the Civil War went hand in hand with efforts to expand national sovereignty over the lands of Native Americans.

This chapter examines the historical development of anti-mountaintop removal activism in Appalachia in the early twenty-first century. The chapter first examines how twenty-first-century groups such as Mountain Justice emerged out of decades of localized activism against strip mining in the area. It then outlines the theoretical influences from Appalachian studies and religious studies that have shaped this discussion of religion and place in Appalachia, including studies of Appalachian history and development, critical regionalism, and approaches to “lived religion.” Based on these theoretical concepts, the remainder of the book explores multiple religious threads in the re-imagining of Appalachian place by anti-mountaintop removal activists in light of a physically transformed topography.

The chapter begins by emphasizing three dogmas: the specificity of the favela seems particularly resistant; the favela as the space of poverty is also resistant but less so; and the unity of the favela is also being partly shattered. This chapter then focuses on graduate education in Brazil during that late 19^th century. It describes the rise of social sciences as the area of study for many students. With that came more focus on urban poverty and public policies, such as the Policy of Removal. Once again, the author emphasizes the need to see favelas not as a problem to be removed but a problem to be improved. Finally, the chapter’s last pages focus on Survey Research with regard to favela and favela residents.

In 1898, a series of explosive events led to the U.S. declaring war on Spain. A multitude of soldiers were in the port when the news came that President McKinley had signed the resolution annexing Hawai‘i. Frances Parker, visiting the school, witnessed Pope’s private rebellion, by asking girls to boldly sing their kingdom’s patriotic songs in their native tongue while their Hawaiian flag was removed. Annexation was a divisive issue at the school; it placed Pope on one side and the parents on the other. Pope, while deeply sympathetic to the plight of the country and the Hawaiian culture she had come to love, was well aware that this year of annexation, she would need to teach her girls more than history or literature; she would have to teach them to be Americans in Hawai‘i. Like the girls, Pope had torn allegiances and conflicting emotions, but it would be up to her to motivate the girls, despite their collective sadness over the demise of their sovereign nation.

This chapter provides an overview of removal-era Cherokee history. It recounts the rise of the Indian removal policy and the state of Georgia's campaign to compel the Cherokee Nation to negotiate a removal treaty. It describes Cherokee resistance to removal and the experience of the "Trail of Tears." It also offers a brief narrative of Cherokee Nation history after removal, while explaining the emergence of the Eastern Band of Cherokee Indians in North Carolina. The chapter ends by describing several ways in which Cherokees and non-Indians employed the memory of removal in writings from the late nineteenth century. These writings established themes later broadcast by twentieth century commemorations.

In this case of mountaintop removal for coal in the Appalachian Mountains of the United States, Laura Bozzi explores the delicate insider-outsider tension of keep-it-in-the ground (KIIG) politics. Mountaintop removal activists recognize both the deep sense of place, history, and culture of the peoples of Appalachia and the impacts of mountaintop removal and coal on local and global ecosystems. This chapter shows how the quick violence of destroying mountains, streams, and rivers creates a slow violence of lung cancer and other diseases, along with diminished educational, employment, and retirement opportunities. Appalachian peoples are effectively pursuing a KIIG politics based on the reality of decreasing coal reserves, ever-increasing mechanization, and declining market share on the one hand, and a dire need for a solution that marries well-being and livelihood on the other. Finally, this chapter explores the uneasy transition of fear of a way of life for locals with the lack of transparency of coal companies.

Chapter 3 explores instances of “sentimental diplomacy” in the literary aftermath of the US–Mexican War and Indian Removal. It opens by arguing that the heroines of María Amparo Ruiz de Burton’s The Squatter and the Don (1885)—who seek to counter the violence and dispossession of late-nineteenth-century Californios—stand as unrecognized heirs to the women in John Rollin Ridge’s 1854 novel of Mexican banditry, Joaquín Murieta. Amidst the sensational violence of Joaquín Murieta, the first Native American novel, Mexican and Anglo-American women engage in a sentimental diplomacy that resists rampant racialized violence. In both The Squatter and the Don and Joaquín Murieta, sentimental diplomacy offers local possibilities for peace, but in neither novel can it overcome the war’s brutal legacy or the racism and systemic corruption that followed.

Most critics and historians agree that Faulkner’s Indian characters are outrageous mystifications drawn from popular misperceptions and unspoken ideologies. While he famously admitted that he “made up” his Indians, numerous scholars have wondered whether such a shrewd student of Mississippi history could have ignored the facts entirely. This chapter suggests that the reality lies somewhere in between—purposefully and revealingly so. Faulkner’s Indians occupy the dialectical space between the wreckage of the South’s colonial histories and the rapacities of the capitalist future; they are despicably “other” even as they are uncannily, frighteningly kindred. Departing from the standard focus on Faulkner’s so-called “Indian stories,” this chapter instead uncovers the obscure, uncanny Indians that lurk unseen in his major texts and within his most prominent families and novels. Collectively, these Indians comprise a surprisingly active and pertinent contingent in Faulkner’s modern South: specimens of America’s most luminous possibilities and haunting failures.

This chapter examines the final decades of American policy toward incorporation of lands east of the Mississippi. It first considers the federal government's continuation of land and expansion policies under the Jeffersonian Republicans from 1800 to the mid-1820s before discussing the federal government's initial incursions into the lands purchased from the French, especially Orleans Territory that became the state of Louisiana. It then explores how the addition of Louisiana, and its French settlers who were actively involved in the slave trade, exacerbated existing national debates over slavery. It also looks at the role of judges and courts of law in privileging the rights of settlers in their claims against both Native Americans and the federal government. Finally, it analyzes the passage of the Indian Removal Act in 1830 and its enforcement, with emphasis on the politics of removals of Native Americans.

Despite its effacement from official history, the 1921 Battle of Blair Mountain entered history and folklore as the culmination of the West Virginia Mine Wars of the early twentieth century. Ninety years later, the site of that battle, a former national heritage site, is threatened with destruction by the coal extraction process known as mountaintop removal. In June 2011, several hundred people set out to retrace the route taken by miners from Kanawha to Mingo counties. This march invoked a history of resistance in the Appalachian region to promote a vision for the future that included community empowerment and a diversified economy. Drawing on oral histories of participants in the 2011 march and my own experiences as a marcher, Brown examines the ways in which the march used the past to challenge the power encoded in a landscape defined by intensive resource extraction.

This chapter traces intermarriages between Scots and Indians and the families they established in the matrilineal indigenous societies of the American Southeast. It examines the roles played by Scots in the deerskin trade and in the British Indian department, and by their children in Creek and Cherokee history. It reconstructs the historic connections between Scots and Cherokees that endured after the Cherokees were forced west by US policies of Indian removal.

This chapter explores other key elements of Everett’s House career, centering on his commitment to American nationalism and to the National Republican and Whig Parties’ ethic of “Improvement.” A staunch supporter of improvements to American infrastructure known at the time as “internal improvements” or the “American System,” Everett vigorously opposed Jacksonian priorities such as Indian Removal. He joined with other nationalists of all parties to combat threats to American unity headlined by the nullification movement.

This chapter describes the history of Indian Removal under the leadership of Andrew Jackson, explores the spiritual and psychological impact of dislocation among Cherokees and their black slaves, and offers an interpretation of why the Cherokee–African relations worsened in the aftermath of forced relocation. In 1802, the U.S. government entered into an agreement with the state of Georgia, promising to expel the Indians in exchange for Georgia's relinquishment of particular lands in the West. If slavery is the monumental tragedy of the African American experience, then removal plays the same role in the American Indian experience. Crucial to making sense of the decline in relations between Cherokees and blacks in the West is poet Diane Glancy's paradigm of place. For Native peoples, place was paramount in maintaining cultural values and moral relationships. Displacement, therefore, was likely to weaken those values and relationships.