Dale W. Jorgenson and Kun-Young Yun
- Published in print:
- 1991
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780198285939
- eISBN:
- 9780191596490
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0198285930.001.0001
- Subject:
- Economics and Finance, Public and Welfare
The concept of ‘cost of capital’ was introduced almost thirty years ago and quickly became an indispensable tool for modelling the impact of tax policy on investment behaviour. In the 1980s it ...
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The concept of ‘cost of capital’ was introduced almost thirty years ago and quickly became an indispensable tool for modelling the impact of tax policy on investment behaviour. In the 1980s it assumed a central role in tax reform debates through the closely related concept of the marginal effective tax rate. This book provides a comprehensive treatment of the cost of capital approach to tax policy analysis. In order to make the approach as accessible as possible, the analytical level of the book has been kept to an absolute minimum. The complexities are introduced in a step-by-step fashion, leading up to a representation of tax systems for capital income that is suitable for tax policy analysis. The success of the cost of capital approach is due in large part to its ability to assimilate a virtually unlimited amount of descriptive detail on alternative tax policies. In order to provide guidance to students and practitioners, the book contains a full implementation of the approach for the USA, including an analysis of the alternative proposals that culminated in the highly influential Tax Reform Act of 1986. The chapters of the book are the first in a series of Lectures in Monetary and Fiscal Policy given at Uppsala University in honour of Erik Lindahl, the Swedish economist who was a professor there from 1942 to 1958.Less
The concept of ‘cost of capital’ was introduced almost thirty years ago and quickly became an indispensable tool for modelling the impact of tax policy on investment behaviour. In the 1980s it assumed a central role in tax reform debates through the closely related concept of the marginal effective tax rate. This book provides a comprehensive treatment of the cost of capital approach to tax policy analysis. In order to make the approach as accessible as possible, the analytical level of the book has been kept to an absolute minimum. The complexities are introduced in a step-by-step fashion, leading up to a representation of tax systems for capital income that is suitable for tax policy analysis. The success of the cost of capital approach is due in large part to its ability to assimilate a virtually unlimited amount of descriptive detail on alternative tax policies. In order to provide guidance to students and practitioners, the book contains a full implementation of the approach for the USA, including an analysis of the alternative proposals that culminated in the highly influential Tax Reform Act of 1986. The chapters of the book are the first in a series of Lectures in Monetary and Fiscal Policy given at Uppsala University in honour of Erik Lindahl, the Swedish economist who was a professor there from 1942 to 1958.
Iain McLean
- Published in print:
- 2001
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780198295297
- eISBN:
- 9780191599873
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0198295294.003.0003
- Subject:
- Political Science, UK Politics
A case study of the relaunch of the Conservative Party, which had been shattered in 1846, under Disraeli and Salisbury. Explains how Disraeli enacted the Second Reform Act in 1867, although it ...
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A case study of the relaunch of the Conservative Party, which had been shattered in 1846, under Disraeli and Salisbury. Explains how Disraeli enacted the Second Reform Act in 1867, although it damaged the material interests of the median MP and peer. Examines the rebasing of the Conservative Party under Disraeli and Salisbury as the party of popular imperialism.Less
A case study of the relaunch of the Conservative Party, which had been shattered in 1846, under Disraeli and Salisbury. Explains how Disraeli enacted the Second Reform Act in 1867, although it damaged the material interests of the median MP and peer. Examines the rebasing of the Conservative Party under Disraeli and Salisbury as the party of popular imperialism.
Kathryn Gleadle
- Published in print:
- 2009
- Published Online:
- January 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780197264492
- eISBN:
- 9780191734274
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- British Academy
- DOI:
- 10.5871/bacad/9780197264492.003.0006
- Subject:
- History, British and Irish Modern History
The Reform Act of 1832 stands as one of the defining moments in the political history of Britain, yet its implications for women and their involvement in its passage remain underexplored. The reform ...
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The Reform Act of 1832 stands as one of the defining moments in the political history of Britain, yet its implications for women and their involvement in its passage remain underexplored. The reform bill pertaining to Scotland did not specify that the parliamentary voter should be male. It presumably did not occur to those drafting the Scottish legislation that such clarification was necessary; whereas the gender-specific wording of the statutes covering England, Wales, and Ireland suggests an awareness that there was a theoretical possibility that it might be otherwise open to challenge. These differences are indicative of the subtle fissures in seemingly dominant assumptions concerning female citizenship. This chapter examines how, within the interstices of parliamentary legislation, there were many such moments of telling indeterminacy in the collective understanding of women as political subjects. It also explores the notion of women as ‘borderline citizens’, women in parliament and their political rights from 1830 to 1832, women's involvement in the campaign for reform, and the impact of the reform crisis on female subjectivities.Less
The Reform Act of 1832 stands as one of the defining moments in the political history of Britain, yet its implications for women and their involvement in its passage remain underexplored. The reform bill pertaining to Scotland did not specify that the parliamentary voter should be male. It presumably did not occur to those drafting the Scottish legislation that such clarification was necessary; whereas the gender-specific wording of the statutes covering England, Wales, and Ireland suggests an awareness that there was a theoretical possibility that it might be otherwise open to challenge. These differences are indicative of the subtle fissures in seemingly dominant assumptions concerning female citizenship. This chapter examines how, within the interstices of parliamentary legislation, there were many such moments of telling indeterminacy in the collective understanding of women as political subjects. It also explores the notion of women as ‘borderline citizens’, women in parliament and their political rights from 1830 to 1832, women's involvement in the campaign for reform, and the impact of the reform crisis on female subjectivities.
Malcolm Combe
- Published in print:
- 2018
- Published Online:
- May 2019
- ISBN:
- 9780197266380
- eISBN:
- 9780191879579
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- British Academy
- DOI:
- 10.5871/bacad/9780197266380.003.0005
- Subject:
- Law, Environmental and Energy Law
Since the establishment of the Scottish Parliament by the Scotland Act 1998, Scottish legislators have embarked on a programme of community-oriented land reform to allow for redistribution of land to ...
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Since the establishment of the Scottish Parliament by the Scotland Act 1998, Scottish legislators have embarked on a programme of community-oriented land reform to allow for redistribution of land to communities. Eligible community bodies have rights of acquisition of varying strengths under the Land Reform (Scotland) Act 2003, and will soon benefit from a further suite of rights as a result of the Community Empowerment (Scotland) Act 2015 and the Land Reform (Scotland) Act 2016. The community approach that has been introduced to Scotland makes Scots law an interesting comparator for other land law regimes. This chapter explains the background to, the operation of and the future scope of such community rights in Scots property law.Less
Since the establishment of the Scottish Parliament by the Scotland Act 1998, Scottish legislators have embarked on a programme of community-oriented land reform to allow for redistribution of land to communities. Eligible community bodies have rights of acquisition of varying strengths under the Land Reform (Scotland) Act 2003, and will soon benefit from a further suite of rights as a result of the Community Empowerment (Scotland) Act 2015 and the Land Reform (Scotland) Act 2016. The community approach that has been introduced to Scotland makes Scots law an interesting comparator for other land law regimes. This chapter explains the background to, the operation of and the future scope of such community rights in Scots property law.
Stephen Cretney
- Published in print:
- 2005
- Published Online:
- February 2010
- ISBN:
- 9780199280919
- eISBN:
- 9780191713170
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199280919.003.0009
- Subject:
- Law, Family Law, Legal History
In 1969, Parliament passed the Divorce Reform Act, which was supposedly based on the principle that the fact that a marriage had irretrievably broken down should be a sufficient and exhaustive ground ...
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In 1969, Parliament passed the Divorce Reform Act, which was supposedly based on the principle that the fact that a marriage had irretrievably broken down should be a sufficient and exhaustive ground for divorce. But the process which led to this legislation — still in force in the twenty-first century — was lengthy and complex. Firstly there was a Royal Commission (which, once again, was divided); then a group appointed by the Archbishop of Canterbury gave its backing to the principle of ‘irretrievable breakdown’ as the only grounds for divorce; then the Law Commission considered that proposal, and a ‘compromise’ was reached. Eventually, after much manoeuvring, parliamentary approval was given, and the Bill was enacted. But what did it really mean? Did ‘easier divorce’ jeopardise the financial position of vulnerable women or the welfare of children? Criticism of the working of the law led to the passing of the Family Law Act 1996, but this has never been brought into force.Less
In 1969, Parliament passed the Divorce Reform Act, which was supposedly based on the principle that the fact that a marriage had irretrievably broken down should be a sufficient and exhaustive ground for divorce. But the process which led to this legislation — still in force in the twenty-first century — was lengthy and complex. Firstly there was a Royal Commission (which, once again, was divided); then a group appointed by the Archbishop of Canterbury gave its backing to the principle of ‘irretrievable breakdown’ as the only grounds for divorce; then the Law Commission considered that proposal, and a ‘compromise’ was reached. Eventually, after much manoeuvring, parliamentary approval was given, and the Bill was enacted. But what did it really mean? Did ‘easier divorce’ jeopardise the financial position of vulnerable women or the welfare of children? Criticism of the working of the law led to the passing of the Family Law Act 1996, but this has never been brought into force.
Dale W. Jorgenson and Kun‐Young Yun
- Published in print:
- 1991
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780198285939
- eISBN:
- 9780191596490
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0198285930.003.0003
- Subject:
- Economics and Finance, Public and Welfare
A quantitative and detailed description is presented of the US tax system and law, which begins by providing estimates of the rates of capital income taxation at both corporate and individual levels ...
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A quantitative and detailed description is presented of the US tax system and law, which begins by providing estimates of the rates of capital income taxation at both corporate and individual levels for the period 1947–86; property tax rates are also presented for household, non-corporate and corporate sectors. It is noted that the adoption of these tax preferences in the USA dramatically altered the incentives to invest in different types of assets and radically changed the distribution of the tax burden. Provisions are then discussed for capital cost recovery, including capital consumption allowances and the investment tax credit; next, a description is given of features of the financial structure of corporate and non-corporate businesses and households that affect the taxation of income from capital. Finally, the impact is considered of the Tax Reform Act of 1986 on the US tax system, especially in relation to the tax (financial) structure for income from capital; alternative approaches are considered. The data presented can be used to implement either the traditional or the new view of the corporate cost of capital.Less
A quantitative and detailed description is presented of the US tax system and law, which begins by providing estimates of the rates of capital income taxation at both corporate and individual levels for the period 1947–86; property tax rates are also presented for household, non-corporate and corporate sectors. It is noted that the adoption of these tax preferences in the USA dramatically altered the incentives to invest in different types of assets and radically changed the distribution of the tax burden. Provisions are then discussed for capital cost recovery, including capital consumption allowances and the investment tax credit; next, a description is given of features of the financial structure of corporate and non-corporate businesses and households that affect the taxation of income from capital. Finally, the impact is considered of the Tax Reform Act of 1986 on the US tax system, especially in relation to the tax (financial) structure for income from capital; alternative approaches are considered. The data presented can be used to implement either the traditional or the new view of the corporate cost of capital.
Angus Hawkins
- Published in print:
- 2008
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780199204410
- eISBN:
- 9780191695575
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199204410.001.0001
- Subject:
- History, British and Irish Modern History, Political History
Lord Derby was the first British statesman to become prime minister three times. He remains the longest serving party leader in modern British politics, heading the Conservative party for twenty-two ...
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Lord Derby was the first British statesman to become prime minister three times. He remains the longest serving party leader in modern British politics, heading the Conservative party for twenty-two years from 1846 to 1868. He abolished slavery in the British Empire, established a national system of education in Ireland, was a prominent advocate for the 1832 Reform Act and, as prime minister, oversaw the introduction of the Second Reform Act (1867). Yet no biography of Derby, based upon his papers and correspondence, has previously been published. This book revises the conventional portrait of Derby as a dull and apathetic politician, revealing him as a complex, astute, influential, and significant figure, who had a profound effect on the politics and society of his time. As the author shows, far from being an uninterested dilettante, Derby played an instrumental role in directing Britain's path through the historic opportunities and challenges confronting the nation at a time of increasing political participation, industrial pre-eminence, urban growth, colonial expansion, religious controversy, and Irish tragedy.Less
Lord Derby was the first British statesman to become prime minister three times. He remains the longest serving party leader in modern British politics, heading the Conservative party for twenty-two years from 1846 to 1868. He abolished slavery in the British Empire, established a national system of education in Ireland, was a prominent advocate for the 1832 Reform Act and, as prime minister, oversaw the introduction of the Second Reform Act (1867). Yet no biography of Derby, based upon his papers and correspondence, has previously been published. This book revises the conventional portrait of Derby as a dull and apathetic politician, revealing him as a complex, astute, influential, and significant figure, who had a profound effect on the politics and society of his time. As the author shows, far from being an uninterested dilettante, Derby played an instrumental role in directing Britain's path through the historic opportunities and challenges confronting the nation at a time of increasing political participation, industrial pre-eminence, urban growth, colonial expansion, religious controversy, and Irish tragedy.
Matthew Cragoe
- Published in print:
- 2004
- Published Online:
- January 2010
- ISBN:
- 9780198207542
- eISBN:
- 9780191716737
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198207542.003.0001
- Subject:
- History, British and Irish Modern History
This introductory chapter begins with a brief description of the purpose of the book, which is to provide a full account of politics in Wales between the passing of the Great Reform Act in 1832 and ...
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This introductory chapter begins with a brief description of the purpose of the book, which is to provide a full account of politics in Wales between the passing of the Great Reform Act in 1832 and the Third Reform Act in 1844-45. During this period, a recognizably modern and democratic system of government was established in Britain. It explains why the literature on Welsh political history has developed so distinctively, and the different set of questions that must be asked if the Welsh experience is to be integrated with the wider history of electoral politics in Britain. An overview of the subsequent chapters is presented.Less
This introductory chapter begins with a brief description of the purpose of the book, which is to provide a full account of politics in Wales between the passing of the Great Reform Act in 1832 and the Third Reform Act in 1844-45. During this period, a recognizably modern and democratic system of government was established in Britain. It explains why the literature on Welsh political history has developed so distinctively, and the different set of questions that must be asked if the Welsh experience is to be integrated with the wider history of electoral politics in Britain. An overview of the subsequent chapters is presented.
Matthew Cragoe
- Published in print:
- 2004
- Published Online:
- January 2010
- ISBN:
- 9780198207542
- eISBN:
- 9780191716737
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198207542.003.0009
- Subject:
- History, British and Irish Modern History
This chapter considers the issue of representation, and the ways in which notions of what this entailed changed in the period between the First and Third Reform Acts. It indicates the broad outlines ...
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This chapter considers the issue of representation, and the ways in which notions of what this entailed changed in the period between the First and Third Reform Acts. It indicates the broad outlines of the relationship between MPs and constituents in such as way as to facilitate future research. It first considers the individuals returned to serve as Members for Welsh seats in three representative parliaments; the next section examines the notions of representation which governed their actions in parliament; and the third section examines their relationship with those who returned them and their guardianship of the interests of the constituencies in whose names they sat.Less
This chapter considers the issue of representation, and the ways in which notions of what this entailed changed in the period between the First and Third Reform Acts. It indicates the broad outlines of the relationship between MPs and constituents in such as way as to facilitate future research. It first considers the individuals returned to serve as Members for Welsh seats in three representative parliaments; the next section examines the notions of representation which governed their actions in parliament; and the third section examines their relationship with those who returned them and their guardianship of the interests of the constituencies in whose names they sat.
Matthew Cragoe
- Published in print:
- 2004
- Published Online:
- January 2010
- ISBN:
- 9780198207542
- eISBN:
- 9780191716737
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198207542.003.0003
- Subject:
- History, British and Irish Modern History
The previous chapter offered an overview of the distinctive ideologies associated with the main political parties. This chapter examines the way in which these broad positions informed debate at ...
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The previous chapter offered an overview of the distinctive ideologies associated with the main political parties. This chapter examines the way in which these broad positions informed debate at elections between the First and Third Reform Acts. The period falls into three distinct sections. Between 1832 and c.1847 the political atmosphere was intense: the introduction of parliamentary reform opened up a world in which old certainties were questioned, and fifteen years elapsed before a new status quo was established. The years between 1852 and 1867 were, by comparison, much quieter, though the calm surface of politics belied a ferment of new ideas in the principality. For this was the period in which the idea of Wales as a ‘nation of nonconformists’ gathered momentum. The passage of the Second Reform Act brought these fresh ideas into open play, and at elections between 1868 and 1886 they operated at various levels of intensity within the context of an increasingly adversarial political climate.Less
The previous chapter offered an overview of the distinctive ideologies associated with the main political parties. This chapter examines the way in which these broad positions informed debate at elections between the First and Third Reform Acts. The period falls into three distinct sections. Between 1832 and c.1847 the political atmosphere was intense: the introduction of parliamentary reform opened up a world in which old certainties were questioned, and fifteen years elapsed before a new status quo was established. The years between 1852 and 1867 were, by comparison, much quieter, though the calm surface of politics belied a ferment of new ideas in the principality. For this was the period in which the idea of Wales as a ‘nation of nonconformists’ gathered momentum. The passage of the Second Reform Act brought these fresh ideas into open play, and at elections between 1868 and 1886 they operated at various levels of intensity within the context of an increasingly adversarial political climate.
G. R. Searle
- Published in print:
- 1993
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780198203575
- eISBN:
- 9780191675874
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198203575.003.0007
- Subject:
- History, British and Irish Modern History
When businessmen in Britain sought to carry out the reforms they believed to be necessary if commerce and industry were to flourish, they often came up against the hostility of an aristocratic ...
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When businessmen in Britain sought to carry out the reforms they believed to be necessary if commerce and industry were to flourish, they often came up against the hostility of an aristocratic legislature unsympathetic to their endeavours. Inevitably, therefore, many urban Radicals were driven to wonder whether limited reforms were worth pursuing at all until such time as the basis of representation had itself been changed. The majority of the middle-class reformers, however, drew back from initiating a campaign for parliamentary reform because they doubted whether so ambitious an objective was at that moment attainable. Some sceptics argued that the success of the Anti-Corn Law League had demonstrated that even an aristocratic-dominated Parliament and government could be successfully pressured when ‘opinion out of doors’ had been mobilized on an issue possessing popular appeal. This chapter examines the debate over parliamentary reform and the events surrounding the Reform Act controversy of 1865–1867.Less
When businessmen in Britain sought to carry out the reforms they believed to be necessary if commerce and industry were to flourish, they often came up against the hostility of an aristocratic legislature unsympathetic to their endeavours. Inevitably, therefore, many urban Radicals were driven to wonder whether limited reforms were worth pursuing at all until such time as the basis of representation had itself been changed. The majority of the middle-class reformers, however, drew back from initiating a campaign for parliamentary reform because they doubted whether so ambitious an objective was at that moment attainable. Some sceptics argued that the success of the Anti-Corn Law League had demonstrated that even an aristocratic-dominated Parliament and government could be successfully pressured when ‘opinion out of doors’ had been mobilized on an issue possessing popular appeal. This chapter examines the debate over parliamentary reform and the events surrounding the Reform Act controversy of 1865–1867.
Andrew Le Sueur
- Published in print:
- 2009
- Published Online:
- September 2009
- ISBN:
- 9780199532711
- eISBN:
- 9780191705489
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199532711.003.0005
- Subject:
- Law, Legal History
This chapter attempts to chart the principal events leading up to the Government's decision on 12 June 2003 to announce that the judicial business of the House of Lords would be transferred to a ...
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This chapter attempts to chart the principal events leading up to the Government's decision on 12 June 2003 to announce that the judicial business of the House of Lords would be transferred to a supreme court, on to the enactment of the Constitutional Reform Act 2005, and the first steps towards practical realisation of the new court. The policy to have a supreme court was, from the outset, inextricably linked — at least in the minds of officials and ministers — with a decision to abolish the office of Lord Chancellor (later revised, following parliamentary pressure in the House of Lords, to retaining a much-reformed post of Lord Chancellor). The chapter is a case study on the British constitution's ‘flexible’ character and the absence of strong normative controls of the constitutional reform process.Less
This chapter attempts to chart the principal events leading up to the Government's decision on 12 June 2003 to announce that the judicial business of the House of Lords would be transferred to a supreme court, on to the enactment of the Constitutional Reform Act 2005, and the first steps towards practical realisation of the new court. The policy to have a supreme court was, from the outset, inextricably linked — at least in the minds of officials and ministers — with a decision to abolish the office of Lord Chancellor (later revised, following parliamentary pressure in the House of Lords, to retaining a much-reformed post of Lord Chancellor). The chapter is a case study on the British constitution's ‘flexible’ character and the absence of strong normative controls of the constitutional reform process.
Miles Taylor
- Published in print:
- 1995
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780198204824
- eISBN:
- 9780191676413
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198204824.001.0001
- Subject:
- History, British and Irish Modern History, Political History
This book is a study of British radicalism in the years between the collapse of Chartism in 1848 and the advent of Gladstonian liberalism in the 1860s. It explains how and why radicalism lost its ...
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This book is a study of British radicalism in the years between the collapse of Chartism in 1848 and the advent of Gladstonian liberalism in the 1860s. It explains how and why radicalism lost its hold over British politics. The book begins by re-examining the rise of radicalism in the 1830s and 1840s, arguing that it was the 1832 Reform Act which invigorated radicalism, by enlarging the powers of parliament and increasing the need for independent MPs. As independents, between the mid-1830s and the mid-1850s, radicals, alongside other liberals and reformers, were invested with unprecedented influence in parliament, in the constituencies, and in the media. During the 1850s events at home and in Europe undermined the radical ascendancy, and paved the way for the moderate liberalism of the Gladstone years. This is a revision of mid-19th-century radicalism and its influence on the origins of Gladstonian liberalism.Less
This book is a study of British radicalism in the years between the collapse of Chartism in 1848 and the advent of Gladstonian liberalism in the 1860s. It explains how and why radicalism lost its hold over British politics. The book begins by re-examining the rise of radicalism in the 1830s and 1840s, arguing that it was the 1832 Reform Act which invigorated radicalism, by enlarging the powers of parliament and increasing the need for independent MPs. As independents, between the mid-1830s and the mid-1850s, radicals, alongside other liberals and reformers, were invested with unprecedented influence in parliament, in the constituencies, and in the media. During the 1850s events at home and in Europe undermined the radical ascendancy, and paved the way for the moderate liberalism of the Gladstone years. This is a revision of mid-19th-century radicalism and its influence on the origins of Gladstonian liberalism.
Miles Taylor
- Published in print:
- 1995
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780198204824
- eISBN:
- 9780191676413
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198204824.003.0003
- Subject:
- History, British and Irish Modern History, Political History
This chapter explores how the reform party fared in the nation at large. The reform party did not depend on any one type of constituency or one particular class of electors for its existence. The MPs ...
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This chapter explores how the reform party fared in the nation at large. The reform party did not depend on any one type of constituency or one particular class of electors for its existence. The MPs within the reform party represented constituencies up and down the country, and were returned by electorates whose composition varied widely. Although reform party MPs were returned by some of the largest electorates in the country, especially in London, they were also returned by some of the smaller electorates. The key to understanding the electoral geography of the reform party lies in the larger political contests which were being fought out in different constituencies at the time of the 1832 Reform Act. During the 1850s the reform party were unable to capitalize on or even register the second main development in constituency politics: the new radical politics which swept through some of the West Riding constituencies, triggered by the mood of anti-centralization and financial discontent.Less
This chapter explores how the reform party fared in the nation at large. The reform party did not depend on any one type of constituency or one particular class of electors for its existence. The MPs within the reform party represented constituencies up and down the country, and were returned by electorates whose composition varied widely. Although reform party MPs were returned by some of the largest electorates in the country, especially in London, they were also returned by some of the smaller electorates. The key to understanding the electoral geography of the reform party lies in the larger political contests which were being fought out in different constituencies at the time of the 1832 Reform Act. During the 1850s the reform party were unable to capitalize on or even register the second main development in constituency politics: the new radical politics which swept through some of the West Riding constituencies, triggered by the mood of anti-centralization and financial discontent.
E. A. Smith
- Published in print:
- 1990
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780198201632
- eISBN:
- 9780191674969
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198201632.003.0007
- Subject:
- History, British and Irish Modern History, Political History
This chapter discusses Grey's appointment as Prime Minister. It describes the passage of the Great Reform Bill and how he dealt with all other issues of government and policy that arose during the ...
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This chapter discusses Grey's appointment as Prime Minister. It describes the passage of the Great Reform Bill and how he dealt with all other issues of government and policy that arose during the time and for two years after the Bill was passed. As Prime Minister, Grey guided his country through a process of reform that strengthened those traditional values and institutions which he always respected and revered. The Great Reform Act remains Grey's supreme achievement. His succession to the Premiership in 1830 had shown that he still enjoyed general respect and authority as leader of the Whig party and of reformist opinion, and his handling of the long crisis on 1831–2 entitled him to the great reputation his name was to enjoy for the rest of the century and beyond.Less
This chapter discusses Grey's appointment as Prime Minister. It describes the passage of the Great Reform Bill and how he dealt with all other issues of government and policy that arose during the time and for two years after the Bill was passed. As Prime Minister, Grey guided his country through a process of reform that strengthened those traditional values and institutions which he always respected and revered. The Great Reform Act remains Grey's supreme achievement. His succession to the Premiership in 1830 had shown that he still enjoyed general respect and authority as leader of the Whig party and of reformist opinion, and his handling of the long crisis on 1831–2 entitled him to the great reputation his name was to enjoy for the rest of the century and beyond.
G. R. Searle
- Published in print:
- 1993
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780198203575
- eISBN:
- 9780191675874
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198203575.001.0001
- Subject:
- History, British and Irish Modern History
Historians have long debated the issue of why Britain did not experience a ‘middle-class revolution’. In the mid-Victorian years, in the aftermath of the Great Reform Act and the repeal of the Corn ...
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Historians have long debated the issue of why Britain did not experience a ‘middle-class revolution’. In the mid-Victorian years, in the aftermath of the Great Reform Act and the repeal of the Corn Laws, it seemed that a decisive shift of power from the aristocracy to the middle class might take place. This book shows how many MPs from business backgrounds, the so-called ‘entrepreneurial Radicals’, came to Westminster determined to impose their own values and priorities on national life. Some wanted to return public manufacturing establishments to private ownership; others hoped to create an ‘educational market’. Nearly all of them worried about how best to safeguard the truths of political economy should the franchise be extended to the propertyless masses. Their partial successes and many failures helped determine the political culture of modern Britain.Less
Historians have long debated the issue of why Britain did not experience a ‘middle-class revolution’. In the mid-Victorian years, in the aftermath of the Great Reform Act and the repeal of the Corn Laws, it seemed that a decisive shift of power from the aristocracy to the middle class might take place. This book shows how many MPs from business backgrounds, the so-called ‘entrepreneurial Radicals’, came to Westminster determined to impose their own values and priorities on national life. Some wanted to return public manufacturing establishments to private ownership; others hoped to create an ‘educational market’. Nearly all of them worried about how best to safeguard the truths of political economy should the franchise be extended to the propertyless masses. Their partial successes and many failures helped determine the political culture of modern Britain.
Jon Lawrence
- Published in print:
- 2009
- Published Online:
- September 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780199550128
- eISBN:
- 9780191701528
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199550128.003.0002
- Subject:
- History, British and Irish Modern History, Political History
This chapter situates John Bull at the Hustings, and examines electoral politics from the Ancien Regime to the Second Reform Act. The first section describes the theatre of the hustings, looking at ...
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This chapter situates John Bull at the Hustings, and examines electoral politics from the Ancien Regime to the Second Reform Act. The first section describes the theatre of the hustings, looking at the public rituals and the role of the crowd. The second section looks closely at the methods of electioneering before the Reform Act of 1832. The election of 1831 intensified the politics of opinion, and gave a sharper national dimension to the division between opponents and supporters of political and constitutional change. The third section notes the impact of reform, though many rituals remained part of a political culture in which politicians had to woo voters through both words and deeds. The fourth section documents the rise of the platform with the developments in mass communications, print, and transport.Less
This chapter situates John Bull at the Hustings, and examines electoral politics from the Ancien Regime to the Second Reform Act. The first section describes the theatre of the hustings, looking at the public rituals and the role of the crowd. The second section looks closely at the methods of electioneering before the Reform Act of 1832. The election of 1831 intensified the politics of opinion, and gave a sharper national dimension to the division between opponents and supporters of political and constitutional change. The third section notes the impact of reform, though many rituals remained part of a political culture in which politicians had to woo voters through both words and deeds. The fourth section documents the rise of the platform with the developments in mass communications, print, and transport.
E. A. Smith
- Published in print:
- 1990
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780198201632
- eISBN:
- 9780191674969
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198201632.001.0001
- Subject:
- History, British and Irish Modern History, Political History
This book provides a biography of Charles, second Earl Grey. Grey was a leading figure in the Whig party from the 1780s to the 1830s, and is best known as the Prime Minister who passed the Great ...
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This book provides a biography of Charles, second Earl Grey. Grey was a leading figure in the Whig party from the 1780s to the 1830s, and is best known as the Prime Minister who passed the Great Reform Act of 1832. As Prime Minister from 1830 to 1834, Grey saw it as his mission and duty to restore public confidence in the traditional institutions of British government, rather than to promote the cause of radical reform, which he in fact detested. The biography shows that Grey was responsible for guiding the country through a period of threatened revolution and maintaining the continuity of its political institutions. Based on an extensive range of historical sources, some hitherto unpublished, this study re-evaluates Grey's career and achievements in the light of modern scholarship, and provides an insight into his complex and troubled personality.Less
This book provides a biography of Charles, second Earl Grey. Grey was a leading figure in the Whig party from the 1780s to the 1830s, and is best known as the Prime Minister who passed the Great Reform Act of 1832. As Prime Minister from 1830 to 1834, Grey saw it as his mission and duty to restore public confidence in the traditional institutions of British government, rather than to promote the cause of radical reform, which he in fact detested. The biography shows that Grey was responsible for guiding the country through a period of threatened revolution and maintaining the continuity of its political institutions. Based on an extensive range of historical sources, some hitherto unpublished, this study re-evaluates Grey's career and achievements in the light of modern scholarship, and provides an insight into his complex and troubled personality.
Jon Lawrence
- Published in print:
- 2009
- Published Online:
- September 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780199550128
- eISBN:
- 9780191701528
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199550128.003.0003
- Subject:
- History, British and Irish Modern History, Political History
This chapter discusses the fall of the hustings and the rise of the platform after 1867. The first section notes the passing of Disreali's Second Reform Act, and the 1872 Act's abolishment of the ...
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This chapter discusses the fall of the hustings and the rise of the platform after 1867. The first section notes the passing of Disreali's Second Reform Act, and the 1872 Act's abolishment of the ancient system of public nomination at the hustings. The second section documents the rise of the election meeting, the most important arena of untamed popular participation in politics. The third section describes the culture of election meetings. It notes that the primary purpose of an election meeting was to bring the candidate directly to the people. The last section examines the restructuring of electoral politics from 1883 to 1885. British electoral politics was transformed by measures passed by Gladstone's second ministry: the Corrupt and Illegal Practices Prevention Act (1883), the Third Reform Act (1884), and the Redistribution Act (1885).Less
This chapter discusses the fall of the hustings and the rise of the platform after 1867. The first section notes the passing of Disreali's Second Reform Act, and the 1872 Act's abolishment of the ancient system of public nomination at the hustings. The second section documents the rise of the election meeting, the most important arena of untamed popular participation in politics. The third section describes the culture of election meetings. It notes that the primary purpose of an election meeting was to bring the candidate directly to the people. The last section examines the restructuring of electoral politics from 1883 to 1885. British electoral politics was transformed by measures passed by Gladstone's second ministry: the Corrupt and Illegal Practices Prevention Act (1883), the Third Reform Act (1884), and the Redistribution Act (1885).
Dale W. Jorgenson and Kun‐Young Yun
- Published in print:
- 1991
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780198285939
- eISBN:
- 9780191596490
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0198285930.003.0004
- Subject:
- Economics and Finance, Public and Welfare
Alternative policy provisions are compared for capital income taxation and the social rates of return in terms of marginal effective tax rates, since, by measuring these for different assets, it is ...
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Alternative policy provisions are compared for capital income taxation and the social rates of return in terms of marginal effective tax rates, since, by measuring these for different assets, it is possible to quantify the sources of distortions in decisions involving the allocation of capital among different uses. Marginal effective tax rates for the USA are presented for capital income over the period 1947–86 for corporate and non-corporate businesses, and households. Differences in the effective tax rates under the 1986 Tax Reform Act (and the pre-existing 1985 Tax Law) are then considered, looking again at the same three categories, and also giving data on social wedges (differences in social rates of return) between the short- and long-lived assets. The last section of the chapter looks at alternative approaches.Less
Alternative policy provisions are compared for capital income taxation and the social rates of return in terms of marginal effective tax rates, since, by measuring these for different assets, it is possible to quantify the sources of distortions in decisions involving the allocation of capital among different uses. Marginal effective tax rates for the USA are presented for capital income over the period 1947–86 for corporate and non-corporate businesses, and households. Differences in the effective tax rates under the 1986 Tax Reform Act (and the pre-existing 1985 Tax Law) are then considered, looking again at the same three categories, and also giving data on social wedges (differences in social rates of return) between the short- and long-lived assets. The last section of the chapter looks at alternative approaches.
