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Chapter fifty-three examines Hodge’s opposition to the reunion of the Old and New Schools of Presbyterianism just a few years later. Henry Boyton Smith of Union Seminary led the New School movement for reunion. Hodge wished such a reunion to come, but only when it was based on theological agreements that he did not believe yet existed. He feared that a premature reunion would simply set the stage for a re-enactment of the Schism of 1837.

This chapter examines the years between Ephesus I and Cyril's death in 444, by looking at how Cyril persuaded the emperor Theodosius II to decide for the Alexandrians, and then succeeded in establishing his understanding of Christ as the ultimate statement of Nicene orthodoxy. It concludes by considering Cyril's posthumous rise to orthodox status during the intervening years between Ephesus II in 449 and Chalcedon in 451.

Françoise Vergès applies creolization to the concrete context of the French-Reunion politics of remembrance and its persistent politics of oblivion in the former metropoles of colonial power. Taking the example of the museum project Maison des Civilisations et de l’Unité Réunionnaise, she discusses the unwillingness of the French government to recognize its colonial past. Her discussion on The Maison des Civilisations et de l’Unité Réunionnaise argues for a need to imagine a postcolonial museography for a society still undergoing creolization.

This paper offers a close textual analysis of Eileen Chang's autobiographical novel Little Reunion. Examining how the novel constructs the protagonist's subjectivity and weaves the intersubjectivity between her and other characters, the article recognizes the relationship between affect and ethics, and it demonstrates how Chang respects the intervention of “other” to substantiate her own “self.”

This chapter deals with Victor Considerant's plan to establish a socialist colony in Texas. It highlights the challenges faced by Considerant in acquiring land because of the state legislature's decision to close off a large amount of land for a railroad project and Americans' opposition to his plans. It discusses the Colonization Society's acquisition of land in the Reunion and Considerant's decision to join Auguste Savardan's group. It highlights the tension between Savardan and Considerant that forced the latter to leave Reunion in July 1856.

This chapter discusses the presence of Czernowitz on the web. It reveals that a Czernowitz-related internet mailing list was formed, due to people who were interested in genealogy and the search for family roots and connections related to the Jewish community of Czernowitz. The chapter then discusses the “Czernowitz Reunion 2006,” stating that the participants went on different tours of Transnistria, and also provides some of the participants' impressions of the trip.

The final chapter discusses several of the practical aspects of Eliot's saturation in the imagery and stagecraft of Early Modern drama, in connection with his last four plays and in the theatrical conceits of Four Quartets. Again, themes of untimeliness and its antithesis, ‘measure’, come to the fore, in these extensive late meditations on identity, and its relation to the multivocal past to be figured, for Eliot, from his engagement with the era of English literature that most fascinated him. The chapter reviews the manuscript drafts of several of the plays and of the Four Quartets, and reveals the continuing proximity of Eliot's ambition in these later works to some of his perennial Early Modern-inspired preoccupations.

This concluding chapter considers a question posed by Maxim Gorky in 1932: “On which side are you, ‘Masters of Culture’?” Examining the role of creative human capital in an urban service economy by analyzing a 2008 propaganda video titled “Reunion,” this chapter shows how the “creative class” is positioned intermediate to the socialist class categories of capital and labor. The culture workers who are supposed to transform the nation, the culture, and the economy with their innovative potential appear as labor to capital (in the person of the client or collector) and capital to labor (in the person of working-class service providers). Their professional activities can be framed as either authorial power or subaltern service, depending on context. This ambivalence demonstrates the antinomies of class in China's already postsocialist, but increasingly postindustrial, political economy.

This chapter studies several movements in the late 1970s and 1980s that rejected the idea that southern families were facing unique crises. Alex Haley’s popular Roots, several African American memoirists, and the Black Family Reunion all celebrated adaptable, creative families. Habitat for Humanity hoped to improve life for people in poverty without assuming those people’s problems had roots in troubled families. Southern feminist novelists detailed a multiplicity of family styles.

This conclusion offers a brief overview of the National Council of Negro women (NCNW) from 1980 to the present, looking especially at its changes during the Regan era. After Ronald Regan's election, the NCNW lost a significant proportion of its federal grant funding. NCNW then began to build connections with private businesses through its network of professional black women. One example of this was that in 1986 the NCNW created the Black Family Reunion with significant support from Procter and Gamble. As government funding dried up, NCNW turned inward and began to focus again on broadening opportunities for professional and elite women. Today, NCNW continues to ensure that black women be given educational, political, and economic opportunities and serve in leadership positions in mainstream America.

This chapter tracks the assimilation of adopted Vietnamese and Amerasians through the 1970s and 1980s amid contested memories about wars in Southeast Asia, conceptions of identity, and ideas of community. It traces how they have interpreted their own histories since the 1990s through social media, memoirs, documentaries, reunions, conferences, and calls to Congress. I doing so, they changed the public’s thinking of the past, exposing a history of racial difference, violence, and dislocation.

This essay focuses on the evolution of the humble case créole on Île de la Réunion, as physical ‘crystallisation’ of the various stages of the island’s colonial history and of the diverse cultural influences that have shaped its abiding features. As reflected in contemporary Reunionnese literature, the case créole also offers a potent symbol of a lost ‘art de vivre réunionnais’ and, implicitly, of marked, colonial-era racial and social divisions. Despite the seemingly ineluctable disappearance of the case créole as a living, lived-in milieu, recent developments paradoxically signal the enduring resilience and adaptability of this most evocative of (neo)colonial lieux de mémoire.

This chapter analyses the interdependence of medievalism and colonialism in French republican discourse between 1870 and 1940, with particular interest to Réunion. From the loss of Alsace-Lorraine against Prussia in 1870 to the conquest of Madagascar and hostilities that culminated World War I, colonialism reconfigured national relations to both history and overseas identities. The medieval genre of the epic came to signify both the ancient origins of national prestige and the glories of expansionism. Medievalist scholars, including Joseph Bédier, participated actively in the promulgation of a colonial medievalism that served republican nationalism. The chapter also describes how colonialist metaphors underwrote the depiction of France’s Middle Ages as a cultured precedent to modern domination overseas. The conjunction of medievalism and colonialism thus enabled France to appear powerful and modern. Republican medievalism and colonialism illustrate clearly the double valence of both terms, invested alternately and simultaneously with “positive” and “negative” values.

This chapter examines the public performance of national and imperial identities. On the popular level, medievalism and colonialism came together monumentally each time France put itself on display for the expositions universelles, or World Fairs, hosted in Paris. Through reconstructions of medieval and colonial buildings, organizers encouraged millions of visitors to draw parallels between distant times and distant places. They grounded national identity in the prestige of both medievalism and colonialism, enlisting both in the service of a triumphant modernity. The exhibits from Réunion, for their part, vividly crystallized creoles’ dreams of imperial prominence. To this end, the island’s pavilions in the 1920s and 1930s showcased Joseph Bédier’s scholarly publications, turning the famous medievalist into an icon of both colonial achievement and the nation’s most cherished ideals.

This chapter examines the continuing development of creole medievalism in the present. Since Joseph Bédier’s death, creole medievalism has included engagements with both the Middle Ages and Bédier himself. Bédier’s prestige as a Réunionnais has made him attractive to partisans of nearly every political persuasion. The Middle Ages have an equally varied valence as the fact that Réunion was settled in modern times makes it both a justifying precursor to modern expansionism and innocent of colonialism’s direct legacies. The chapter describes Bédier and the Middle Ages consoling metropolitan ambitions of centralized control while also fostering postcolonial dreams. Creole medievalism has appeared in a number of ways on Réunion since departmentalization in 1946, such as street names and historical commemorations. Each of these manifestations refers either to Bédier or the Middle Ages as symbols of the essence of either “France” or “Réunion.”

This afterword describes the aim of the author in establishing an archive of local knowledge that places colonial history in relation to medieval studies during the Third Republic through Joseph Bédier. His influential medievalism resides simultaneously on Réunion, in Paris, during the Third Republic, and within French literature, and its formation and impact derive from the multiple migrations that made these collocations possible. Bédier’s literary histories reflect, and reflect on, the many meanings of French imperialism, viewed simultaneously from the eleventh century and the twentieth century, and from France’s southeastern colonial edge and its metropolitan center. The afterword also discusses Anna Laura Stoler’s concept of “imperial debris”, a sociocultural process that the author exemplifies with Joseph Bédier’s journeys which suggests that sometimes the colony comes “before” the metropole. The idea of imperial debris underscores the very idea of creole medievalism—an imperial formation also shaped by subversion and resistance.

This chapter traces the reception of Ephesus after 431. It argues that there was a complex pluriformity of divergent receptions, each embodying a subtly different construal of the Nicene faith. First, the initial struggle over the reception of Ephesus is analysed, down to the Formula of Reunion (433). Then, several distinct trajectories of Ephesine reception are traced in the years following 433: a ‘minimal Cyrilline’ reception (which acknowledged the authority of Cyril’s council and the deposition of Nestorius); a ‘moderate Antiochene’ reception (which defined the council’s achievement via the Formula of Reunion, blunting the council’s attack on Antiochene doctrine); a ‘hard-line Cyrilline’ reception (which reoriented the documentary record of Ephesus around the 22nd July session of 431); and a ‘hard-line Antiochene’ reception (which continued to reject Cyril’s council). The diversity of receptions of Ephesus was further encouraged by the varied textual forms in which the decisions of the council came to circulate.